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Oxford University Press Warehouse 
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great value for the purposes of literature ; but for the 
purposes of science it is best to exhibit the facts, as 
far as possible, in a dry light. 

In the earliest days of my studies in this field, I was 
bred in the strictest sect of German mythologists ; but 
some time before I contemplated writing on the sub- 
ject I had come to distrust the method and point of 
view that were then and are even now prevalent in 
German scholarship ; and I regret that hostile criti- 
cism of much German work should take so prominent 
a place in my book. I regret this all the more because 
I owe a personal debt of gratitude, which I warmly 
acknowledge, to the German universities, that were 
the first to recognize the importance of this subject 
and that open their doors so hospitably to the foreign 

My best thanks are due to the Directors of various 
museums who have readily aided me in procuring 
many of the plates, and still more to the many per- 
sonal friends who have kindly assisted me in the 
revision of the proof-sheets, especially to Professor 
Ramsay of Aberdeen, to Mr. Macan of University 
College, Oxford, to Mr. Warde Fowler of Lincoln 
College, and to Mr. Pogson Smith of St. John's 

I regret that these two volumes should have 
appeared without an index, which it was thought 
convenient to reserve till the «nd of the third volume. 
I hope that the rather ample table of contents may 
to some extent atone for this defect 

I may add one word in conclusion on the English 


spelling of Greek names. Objections can easily be 
raised against the over-precise as well as against the 
over-lax system ; I have compromised between the 
two by adopting for the less familiar names a spelling 
as consonant as possible with the Greek, while for 
those that are of more common occurrence I have 
tried to keep the usual English form. 


Exeter College, Oxford, 
December, 1895. 





Object of the present work, i, la; Talne of the different methods 
applied to the study of Greek religion, a -9; evidence of the montunents 
as important as the literary record, 9-1 1. 


The Aniconic Age 13-18 

The religion completely anthropomorphic in Ae Homeric period, but on 
the whole atiU aniconic : the tree and the stone the earliest cult-objects. 
13-15 ; mtfOitni* Qffio&wts and yXawuniiSf i^. KsFBRINCES, 16-18. 

The IcoKic Age , . 19-22 

Traces of * therioraorphtsm ^ doubtftil aad slight, th« idol regarded as 
the shrine of the deity, protests agiunst idolatry in Greek religion, 
19-ai. References, aa. 

Cronos 23-34 

Cronos no abitnictioi^ as Welcker supposed, but a real figure of imy 
primitive religion in Greece, «3, 34 ; theory of his Phoenician origin doubt- 
fat, a4, 35 ; Cronos probably belongs to the pre-Olympian cult-period in 
Greece, the Titanomachy to be explained as a conflict of older and later 
cults, 35-17 ; ? Cronos a pre-Hellenic divinity of vegetation connected 
with the under-world, the feast of Cronos a harvest-ritual associated with 
a legend of human sacrifice, 37-50. References, 33-54. 




Zeus 35-101 

The Zeas-cult the most manifold, importance of cult-epithets for the study 
of religious ideas, 35 ; 2^eas-cult common to all the Hellenic tribes, 36 ; 
extraneous elements in the Cretan cult, the 2^us of Crete akin to Dionysos, 
36-38 ; Elean worship of Sosipolis to be compared, 38 ; primitive Hel- 
lenic cult at Dodona, Zeus associated there with the Earth-mother, 38-40 ; ' 
cults and cult-titles of the oracular god, 40 ; Arcadian cult on Mount I 
Lycaeum, human sacrifice to 2^us Lycaeus, the god of the wolf-clan, 40- 
43 ; human sacrifice at Alus and elsewhere, 4a ; cult-epithets of physical 
meaning, 43-48 ; 'OXv/ivior, 'AAu&fKOf, Acvmuof, 43 ; his cult scarcely 
connected at all with sun-worship or star-worship, 44 ; the god of the 
rain, wind, and thunder, 44-46 ; 2^us Kanrd&ras, 46 ; omnipotence of 
Zeus in the physical world, Ztyvo-IIoo'ciSwy, Zeus Ttoapy6i, Zeus EufiovKtvs, 
46-48 ; Zeus rarely regarded either in cult or literature as the creator, 48- 
50; cults on the mountain-tops, Zeus 'OXt^/ivior, 50-53 ; titles referring 
to social life and the state, 53-64; Uarp^, Ta/jcfiXjios, TtriBXtos, *Epietios, 
^p&Tptos, 53-56 ; Zeus IloXici/f, ritual at Athens, explanations of the ' ox- 
murder,' 56-58, cf. 88 ; BouKcuos, 'Ayopcuos, 58 ; Zeus as god of war, 59, 
60; 2^us Soter, 60, 61 ; 'EKtv$4pios, Uai^tXX'ffyios, 61-63 ; 2^us the god 
of the city, par excellence : titles of moral significance, 64-75 > ^^ ^^ ^^ 
Mc(X/xK>f> ritual and significance, naXa/irouof, Ix^o'ios, Ka9(ipaio(, 64-67 ; 
primitive conception of sin, shedding of kindred blood, 67-69 ; perjury, 
2^us*0/Mrior, 69, 70; extended conception of sin, Zeus in relation to Dike, 
71 ; 2^us the god of grace, 73, 73 ; Xenios and Philios, 73-75 ; doctrine 
of retribution in Greek religion, 75-77 ; protests against the current 
belief, 77, 78 ; relation of Zeus to Moira, Zeus MoipaYfri/f, 78-83 ; ten- 
dencies towards monotheism in Greek cult very slight, but certain 
principles of order and unification in the polytheism : the circle of the 
twelve deities, 83, 84; Zeus as 6c^f, 85, 86; little influence of Greek ' 
philosophy on cult, 86, 87. 

Appendix to Chapter IV : The rites of the Diipolia, Robertson Smith's 
and Frazer's theory discussed, 88-93 ; other instances of the 'theanthropic' 
animal in the Zens-cult, 93, 94 ; sacrificial animals, the ram (2^us- 
Ammon), the bull, 95 ; 2^us Ai7o0d7or and the goat-sacrifice, meaning of 
the aegis, 96-100; higher view of sacrifice, loi. 

The Cult-monuments of Zeus 102-121 

Aniconic period, io3, 103 ; earliest iconic, the triple Zeus, Tpi&^9aXiun, 
103-105 ; representations of the thunder-god, 106, 107 ; of Zeus K^a- 
y^yift, 108, 109 ; Zeus of Dodona and Aetnaeus, 109, no ; type of Zeus 
Polieus doubtfiil, 1 1 1 , 113; 2^us "Apciot and Niin^pof , 1 1 3-1 14 ; Zeus 
roii^Aior, doubtful meaning of the veil, 115 ; Zeus '£Xcvtf^/Mor, IlaycXAi^ 
yio(, 'O/iaTi^or, 116 ; monuments of Zens MciA/x(Of and ^(Xiot, 11 7-1 19 ; 
Uoipa/yirrp, 1 19, 1 30. 




(i) The Ideal Type of Zeus 122-127 

Standing and seated types, laa, 123 ; arrangement of drapery and treat- 
ment of the £ace in the pre-Pheidian period, 124 ; the youthful Zeus, 125 ; 
Zeus on the Bologna relief on the friezes* of the Theseum and the 
Parthenon, ia6, 127. 

(ii) The Statue of Zeus Olympius . ► . . 128-139 
References for Chapters IV— VI .... 140-178 

Hera ............ 179—204 

Prevalent thionghont Greece, 179; in the earliest period Hera regarded 
as the wife of Zens, and not as a personification of any part of nature, 
180, 181 ; Welcker*s theory discussed that Hera was the earth -goddess, 
Argive and Euboean cults, Hera the mother of Typhoeus, 181-184; 
prevalence and meaning of the Icpds '^liot in Greece, not to be inter- 
preted as phjTsical symbolism, but as a consecration of human marriage, 
with survival of primitive marriage forms, 184-192; ritual at Samos, 
Argos, Falerii, the feast of Dnedala at Plataea, 185-190 ; Hera UcipSiroSf 
TcAcia, X^pa, r90-i92 ; very few of the ordinary characteristics of an 
earth-goddess found in Hera, 192-194 ; Hera merely the married goddess 
and the goddess of marriage in Greek cult, 195-198. 

Appendix A : Discussion of the theory that the earliest cult of Hera did not 
recognize Zeus and belonged toa period of gynaecocracy, 199, 200. 

Appendix B : The Corinthian cult of Hera Acraea and the legend of Medea, 

The Cult-monuments of Hera 205-219 

Aniconic period, type in Samos, 205, 206 ; Hera TcXcia of Praxiteles, 
207 ; monuments of the Upds ydfioty terracotta group from Samos, metope 
of Selinus, Pompeian wall-painting, relief in Villa Albani, 208-211 ; 
Hera Lakinia, 212, 213; Polycleitean statue of the Argive Hera, as 
illustrating Argive cult, 213-219. 

Ideal Types of Hera 220-240 

Difficulties in recognizing the representations of Hera, no special and 
peculiar attribute, 220-223 ; the Homeric ideal falls short of the ideal of 
Hera in art, 223, 224 ; earlier fifth-century works, Famese head not 
inspired by the Homeric conception of Hera BoShns nor at all connected 
with Polycleitus' work, 225-230; the work of Pheidias, 231, 232 ; head 
of Hera on Argive coin, 232, 233 ; probably inspired by the work of 



Polycleitas, who created the ideal type, 233-236 ; fourth-century repre- 
sentations of Hera, Ludovisi head, 337-239 ; works of the later period, 
239. 340. 

References for Chapters VII-IX .... 241-257 


Athena 258-320 

The worship aboriginal in Greece, and widely prevalent, 258-260; 
survival of primitive practices, human sacrifice, washing of the idol, 260- 
263 ; but the worship comparatively advanced, physical explanations of 
Athena erroneous, though she had some connexion with parts of the 
physical world, Athena 'Avc/iafn;, Vapitaia, 262-265 ; her association with 
water, meaning of ' Tritogeneia,* 365-270; Athena and Poseidon, rivalry 
of cults at Athens (Poseidon- Erechtheus) and at Troezen, 270-273 ; Athene 
Alea, Hellotis, Amaria, 'O^^oA/iTris, 273-279; the 'physical theory ' of the 
birth of Athena improbable, 280-283 ; possible explanations of the story 
of Metis in Hesiod, 283-286 ; Gorgon-mjrth throws no light on Athena's 
original nature, for she has no original connexion with the Gorgon, 286- 
288 ; Athena associated occasionally with the earth-goddess, ^Aykavpoif 
n&i^^poffos, 388-290 ; Athena's sacrificial animals, 290 ; agricultural 
festivals, nKvyrrjpiaf ^Ciaxo^fno., npoxapior^pui, Athena Sciras and the 
tKippa^ 291-293; her political character more prominent than her 
physical, the Panathenaea, 294-298 ; Athena Polias in the Greek cities, 
299 ; *0/ioXwl(, "0770, Irouria, 300, 301 ; Athena connected with the clan 
and the family, Athena ^parpia, M^ri/p, 302, 303 ; BovXato, 303, 304 ; 
Athena connected with the law-courts and a more advanced conception of 
law, 304, 305 ; Athena Tlpwoia and Dpoyci/a, 306, 307 ; character and cult- 
titles of the war-goddess, 308-311 ; Athena-Nike, 311-313; the goddess 
of the arts, associated with Hephaestus, 313-316 ; Athena Hygieia, 316- 
318 ; general character of the worship, 318, 319. Note on ritual, Homeric 
reference to the Panathenaea, 320. 

Monuments of Athena-worship 321-352 

The earliest reveal her not as a nature-goddess, but as a goddess of war 
and the city, 321, 322 ; monuments associating her with Poseidon and the 
sea, 322-326; with Dionysos, the deities of vegetation and the under, 
world, 326-328 ; no monumental evidence that Athena was ever identified 
with the moon or thunder-cloud, Athena Sciras, Auge, Aids, Gor^o, 328- 
331 ; Athena Polias, two types, the Athena Polias of Athens probably 
of the erect and warlike type, 331-337 ; the same type in vogue in many 
other states, 337, 338 ; cult-form of Athena-Nike, 338-342 ; *ApxTY^'''^^> 
:iTa$fjua, *A7opaio, Kovporp^St 342-344; representations of the art- 
goddess, 344-346; of Athena Hygieia, 346-348; monuments illustrating 
her connexion with the Athenian state, Parthenon frieze, mourning Athena 
on relief in the Acropolis, relief referring to alliances of Athens and to 
the civic life, 348-352. 



Ideal Types of Athena 353-3^2 

Pre-Pheidian types, 353-355 ; Portici bronze, 355, 356 ; earlier Pheidian 
works, Athena * Promachus,* 356-360 ; statne of Athena Parthenos, 
examination of the literary records and snrNiving copies, 360-370; 
Albani Pallas, 370-372; Leranian Athena, 371-374; distinct type of 
Athena with Corinthian helmet, 375, 376. 

Appendix A : Discussion of Dr. Furtwangler*s theory concerning the Athena 
Promachos, 377, 378. 

Appendix B : Concerning the Lemnian Athena, 378-383. 

References for Chapters X-XII .... 383-423 

VOL. I. 



PLATE I. (a) Vase of Ruvo, showing an aniconic AyaKfta of Zens. 
{d) Vase of Chinsi, with representation of the triple Zens. 
(c) Statuette in British Museum : Zeus with Cerberus and eagle. 

II. {a) Relief with Zeus Meilichios. 
(6) ReUef with Zeus PhiUos. 

III. {a) Relief of Zeus and Hexa in Bologna. 
(^) Zeus and Hera on the Parthenon frieze. 

IV. (a) Zeus on fneze of the Thesenm. 
(^) Zeus of Ocricoli. 

V. (a) Head of Zeus in St Petersburg. 

(^) Terracotta of Zeus and Hera from Samos. 

VL Head of Hera Lakinia in Venice. 

VII. {a) Statuette of Hera from Argos in Berlin. 
{d) Hera on patera in Munich. 

VUI. Head of Hera Famese. 

IX. (a) Zeus and Hera on metope of Selinus temple. 
{d) Zeus and Hera on vase in British Museum. 

X. Hera on wood-canring from Kertsch — Judgement of Paris. 

XI. Hera on wood-carving from Kertsch. 

XII. Ludovisi head of Hera. 

XIII. (a) Athena and Poseidon on vase of Amastris. 
{d) Gem with Athena and Hades. 

XIV. (a) Cameo with Athena and Poseidon in the Cabinet des M^daillcs, 

(^) Seated Athena on black-figured vase in Berlin. 

XV. (a) Terracotta representation of Athena seated, Athens. 
(fi) Athena on black-figured vase, British Museum. 
{c) Athena on vase in Berlin. 

XVX Athena-Nike in Lansdovme House. 

XVIL Athena Agoraia, statue in Louvre. 


ri.ATE XVIII. {a) Athena and Corcyra on Attic relief. 

{b) Athena and Hephaestus on gem. 
(r) Athena Hygieia on gem. 

XIX. Head of Athena Hygieia in Vatican. 

XX. Athena standing before column, Attic relief. « 

XXI. {a) Athena with Parthenos, Attic relief. 
{b) Athena and Samos, Attic relief. 

XXII. {a) Athena from pediment of temple in Aegina. 
{b) Bronze statuette of Athena, Vienna. 

XXIII. (a) Bronze of Athena Promachns, British Museum. 
{b) Torso of Athena in £cole des Beaux Arts, Paris. 

XXIV. {a) Bronze statuette of Athena from Portici. 

{b) Head of Athena on St. Petersburg medallion. 

XXV. Head of Athena Parthenos in Athens. 
XXVI. Statuette of Athena Parthenos. 
XXVII. Athena in Villa Albani. 





The history of Greek religion, so much neglected in our 
country, is often mistaken for a discussion concerning its 
origins. The main scope of the present work is not the 
question of origin, but a survey of the most important texts 
and monuments that express the actual religious concep- 
tions of the various Greek communities at different historical 
epochs. Such a study evidently concerns the student of 
the literature no less than the student of the archaeology of 
Greece, although the subject has been hitherto approached 
rather from the archaeological side. The question of origins 
may be put aside, although it may be true that one does not 
fully and perfectly know the present character of a fact unless 
one also knows the embryology of it. Yet this dictum 
expresses more the ideal of knowledge than a practical method 
of working. In dealing with so complicated a phenomenon as 
the religion of a people, it is surely advisable to consider 
separately and first the actual facts, the actual beliefs in the 
age of which we have history, rather than the prehistoric 
germ from which they arose. Again, this is the only aspect 
of the problem that directly concerns the student of the 
Greek world pure and simple, for the other line of inquiry, 
touching the birth of the nation's religion, can never be 
followed out within the limits of that nation's literature and 



monuments. And there are especial difficulties attaching to 
such an inquiry, for the origin is probably much more remote 
than is commonly supposed, and the inquirer is generally 
dealing with an age of which there is no direct evidence. To 
reconstruct the primitive thought requires all the aid that 
can be supplied by philology, anthropology, and the com- 
parative study of religions, and so far the reconstruction is 
neither solid nor final. Great results were expected when 
first philology, with new methods and new material, was 
applied to the explanation of Greek myths and divine 
personages. The result has been meagre and disappointing, 
and this is perhaps due to three causes. 

First, the philologist was working under the influence of the 
newly discovered Sanskrit language, and his point of departure 
for theological deductions was the Vedic literature, which was 
considered to be primitive, and to give the key to the myths 
and mythic religion of Greeks, Teutons, and Slavs". But the 
Vedic religion is already comparatively advanced, and gives 
but little clue to the origins and development of the religions 
of the other Aryan peoples. 

Secondly, the philology of many of the interpreters of 
Greek myth and religion has been often unscientific, the 
earliest of them belonging to that period when the phonetic 
laws of vowel changes were not sufficiently understood, and 
when it was only an affair of consonants, and the later of 
them merely skirmishing on the ground in amateur fashion ^ 

• \'ide Manry, Histoire dcs religions 
de la Grhe antique ^ vol. i. p. 32. 

* Apart from the etymological dis- 
coveries about the name of Zeus, the 
chief contributions of philology to our 
knowledge of the origins of Greek re- 
ligious personages have been supposed 
to be the identification of 'E/mvvs with 
Sanskrit Saranyu-s, and Hermes or Her- 
meias with Sarameyas ; these were first 
publicly put forward by Kuhn {DieHerab- 
ktmft des Feuers, Sec. 2nd ed. pp. 6 8), 
and have been widely accepted. They 
are condemned however by more recent 
philology; the original form in Greek 

of Saranyus would have been cepcwiJs, 
which would have become <rtp€ivvs and 
then ipuvvs: *£/KKi;f unaccountably lacks 
the rough breathing, and contains nn 
unaccountable long i, which never in 
Greek takes the place of «i. And the 
word Saranyus has the a[)pearance of 
being a word of sixrcifically Sanskrit 
derivation, which has not come down 
from the * Ursprache.' Nor is there any 
foundation in Greek and Sanskrit my- 
thology for the identification ; for the 
story of Saranyus taking the form of 
a mare is not in the Rigveda^ and may 
be a mere aetiological invention of the 


Thirdly, the philologists have mainly devoted themselves 
to maintain the view that the m>'ths are allegorical accounts 
of physical phenomena, and the mythic figures are the per- 
sonification of the elements and the powers of nature. It is 
often supposed that this process of interpretation is a new 
discovery of German science of the last generation ; but in 
reality it is as old as the sixth century B.C.', and was rife 
in the fifth-century philosophy, in the poetry of Euripides 
and the younger comedy, and is a constant theme of the 
later philosophies and the early patristic literature. Of course 
the modern writers ^ have dealt far more seriously and fruit- 
fully with the theme, and by a comparison of the various 
groups of national myths, many luminous suggestions have been 
made of the way in which natural phenomena may be worked 
up into legends of personages. But as applied to the origins 
of Greek religion and the explanation of its development, the 
theory has produced only inconsequence and confusion ; and it 
leaves little room for foreign influences, for the possibility that 
a deity might have been borrowed as a fully formed concrete 
person, having among his new worshippers no physical con- 
notation whatever. The assumption explicit or implicit of 
writers of this school is generally this, that each Greek divinity 
represents some department or force in nature®, and the formula 

commentator, and the myth which has 
been supposed to correspond, about 
DemeterErinys being pursued by Kronos 
in the form of a horse, has nothing to 
do with the Krinyes proper. The theory 
that Saramey4-s is to be identified with 
'Kpiitias founders on the Brst vowel : the 
Greek equivalent should be 'HptfLU-os, 
For the views expressed in this note, I 
am indebted to the kindness of my 
friend Professor Macdonell. 

• Vide Schol. Ven. //. 3o. 67 ; Thea- 
genes sees in the Homeric battle of the 
gods the warfare in the elements, and 
the opposition of certain moral ideas. 

^ In such works as Kuhn*s Die Herah- 
kunft ties Feuers, dr'r., and in Schwarz 
Dtr Ursprungder Mythologies in spite of 
mistaken etymology and interpretation, 

much valuable material has been 
gathered and sifted, though valuable 
more for the general history of folklore 
and ritual than for the study of Greek 
religion. Of still greater scientific value 
is Mannhardt's IVald- ttnd FeldkulU. 

Welcker, Griechische GotterUhre^ 
I. p. 324, says 'Aus Naturgottem . . . 
sind alle . . . personlichen Goiter 
hervorgegangen : the object of the 
history of Greek religion is, according 
to him, to discover the nature-origin of 
the divinity and to trace it out in the 
myths. The principle is accepted by 
Maury in his Jlistoire des religions de 
la Grice antique, though his work 
is chieHy occupied with a statement of 
the historical facts. The method and 
subject-matter of Preller's Griechische 

B 2 


which they often put forward, or at least appear to take for 
granted, is that the deity is a personification of that sphere or 
department. But it is doubtful whether this formula is ever of 
any avail for explaining the origins of any religion ; whether 
* the personification of a natural phenomenon ' is a phrase 
appropriate to the process which gives birth to the earliest 
religious conceptions of a primitive race*. The words suggest 
the belief that, for instance, the primitive ancestor of the Greek 
was aware of certain natural phenomena as such, and then by 
a voluntary effort gave them a personal and human form in 
his imagination. Something likq this undoubtedly happened 
in the case of the personification of the mountain. Ordinarily 
when walking up Olympos the Greek knew well enough 
that he was not treading on the bones and flesh of a living 
being, and he was under no illusion ; then for purposes of his 
own he chose to personify it, knowing well that the natural 
phenomenon was one thing, the person another. But this 
was at quite the latest epoch of Greek religion, and exhibits 
probably a relatively late mental tendency or power. It is 
doubtful if the primitive mind could personify things thus, for 
it probably lacked this sense of the limits of personality, or 
the border-line between the sentient and the non-sentient, 
or the distinction between human natural or supernatural 
phenomena. The aboriginal Greek may have regarded the 
mountain, or the sky, or the stone as sentient ^ possessed with 
power to help him or to hurt him; and may have tried to 
appease it with certain rites, without believing in a definite 
and clearly conceived person who lived in the sky or in the 
mountain. The superstitious man in Theophrastus seems to 
have held this view about the sacred stones which he daily 

Mythologie is based on the same idea. 
Perhaps the best exposition of the 
historical facts of certain parts of Greek 
religion that has yet appeared, free from 
any theory about origins, is to l)e 
found in K. O. MiiUer's IlelUnische 

• Schwarz, in his Der Ursprung der 
Mythologie, takes a more correct view 

than many writers of his school, when 
he says * fUr unserc alteste Zeit existirt 
der Ikgriff einer sogcnannten Symbolik 
. . . noch gar nicht/ &c., p. x 2. 

^ Dio Chrys. Or. 12. p. 233 Dind. 
Sitrr^ tcai voWol rwv $ap0dpojv vcW^ 
re ical dwofHtf rix^s Sprj $€ovs ivovo- 
/id(ovot Koi iiy^pa dpyd teat dtH^fiovs 


anointed with oil. A distinct stage would be that at which 
the man personifies the object, as the early Greek may have 
personified the Sun or the Moon, or as the late Greek personified 
Olympos : it is proper to this view that the definite person is 
supposed to be in or about the object, and has no action or 
life independent of it'. A third stage is that to which Greek 
religion, as we first know it, had attained : the object of worship 
is a personal divinity who may happen to reside in a certain 
sphere of nature and administer the laws of that sphere, but 
has a real complicated existence independent of it and not 
wholly to be explained in reference to the laws of it. Now 
those who have followed the physical interpretation of Greek 
divinities are rarely explicit as regards these distinctions. We 
are told that the etymological proof is complete that the 
x'arious branches of the Aryan family worshipped the sky- 
god, because the various ethnic names of the chief god 
contain a root which means * bright * or * sky ' {div or dyu) **. 
But the question of great importance concerning the original 
idea still remains; does philology prove that the primitive 
Aryan tribes worshipped the sky as such— as an animated 
thing, a fetish ; or on the other hand as a personal being 
anthropomorphic and clearly defined, but with power and 
functions limited to the sky ; or lastly as a personal god who 
lived in the sky, and was therefore called the sky-god (just 
as all the divinities living in the heavens might be called 
Ovpavl(iiiV€s\ but as one who could be detached from his 
element and exercise moral or physical influences elsewhere ? 
It would seem that we must have some sort of answer to 
these questions, before we can say that we have found the 
primitive Aryan idea of divinity, even though we may be sure 
that that idea was physical or derived immediately from the 
physical world. But the mere presence of the root * div ' in 
the various names of the chief god does not tell us at all 

* Oceanos and Gaea are instances of p. 491, appears to be that the original 

such crude penonificatious. root dyu was applied Hrst to God in 

^ Wclcker, GricchUcht GbtterUhre, i. a spiritual sense and then to the sky ; 

i^.il^.VitXltT'KohtritGriechischeAfytho- but that the two meanings had become 

IcgU, I. p. 115. Prof. Max Muller's fused in the divinity before the separa- 

Tiew in the Science of Language, a. tion of the races. 


in what sense the sky was worshipped. Otto Gruppe — 
a desperate sceptic in regard to other systems than his 
own — maintains that it does not even prove that the sky was 
worshipped in any sense whatever by all the tribes, but that 
the root may have originally signified * bright' and could 
serve equally well to form the word meaning sky and the 
word meaning God *. 

Now the name of Zeus is the only name in the whole of 
the Greek Pantheon upon which philology has anything 
certain to say, and what it says does not seem to amount to 
so much as was at first supposed. All attempts to explain 
the other Greek names of divinities, with the possible ex- 
ception of Semele and Dionysos, have been unsuccessful. 
Demeter was undoubtedly regarded by the Greeks at certain 
times as an earth goddess, and A?) is a dialect-form of F^, 
so that * mother-earth ' would seem to be a translation for 
Demeter in accord with etymology and ancient religious 
belief; but modern philology^ pronounces this to be an 
impossible compound, and we have no right to say that 
the name Demeter means mother-earth. And if we do not 
know the meaning of Demeter, the case seems desperate with 
such names as Apollo, Artemis and Athene. 

Deprived then of the aid of etymology, the writers of this 
sect have tried to fix the original meaning of the god or 
goddess by an analysis of the various myths attaching to the 
personage. And the result is disheartening enough, and 
might discredit the physical theory. The whole realm of 
nature has been ransacked ; sun, moon and stars, storm-cloud, 
lightning, the blue sky, the dawn, the evening, have each 
in turn been taken as the substance of this or that divinity, 
and very recently a French writer M. Ploix in an extra- 
ordinarily wrong book has proved that every Greek and 
Latin deity is the twilight. What is most remarkable is that 
the storm-cloud and the blue sky are sometimes found to be 
of equal use in explaining all the myths and all the cult of the 
same personage. 

• Die Griechischen Kulte und Alythcn, pp. 119-120. 
*» Ahrens, Dor. Dial. p. 80. 


If we believe that in the background of all the various 
Greek religious personages, who in the clear light of Greek 
religion appeared as ethical ideal figures, there is a physical 
phenomenon, it may be useful to go on trying to find it. 
But though serious arguments may be urged for this 
belief, there are two errors that are often committed in the 
investigation. In the first place the distinction is often 
ignored between the primitive idea and the ideas that were 
in the mind of the Greek worshipper of this or that historical 
epoch : for instance the writer often fails to note that Athene, 
who originally may have been the air, or the storm-cloud, 
or the twilight, was certainly never one of these things, or 
a personification of one, for the Athenian who sacrificed to 
her in any age of which we have distinct record •. The other 
is a serious error in logic: it is often argued that because 
a certain divinity was originally merely an elementary power, 
therefore all the legends and all the attributes of that divinity 
can and should be explained in reference to that element of 
which the god or goddess is the expression. To what quaint 
results this method of reasoning leads we can best gather 
from Roscher's article in his AusfUhrliches Lexikon on Athene. 
Athene, according to him, was the thunder-cloud and her origin 
and care^ are thus explained : she is called Athene Salpinx, 
not because, as a goddess very inventive in the arts, she in- 
vented the trumpet, but because the thunder is loud and the 
trumpet is loud and a poet might call the thunder trumpet- 
voiced. By a parity of reasoning she becomes a goddess of 
war because the thunder is warlike, and she invented the ship 
and the chariot, because the thunder- cloud is often regarded 
as a ship and as a chariot She also becomes a goddess of 
peace and the arts of life, owing to a very curious metaphor. 
The cloud was described as a woollen fleece ; and wool was 
spun; therefore Athene appeared as a spinning-goddess. Now 
spinning implies a certain degree of intellect, therefore the 
spinning-goddess becomes the goddess of wisdom, social, 
political or any other kind ; and her whole character is thus 

• ArUtoph. Pax 410, 41 1 iiyiw yXv l/uv (rots $€ois) Bvo/itPf tovtokji Zik {ItKfivjf 
mi 'HAly) ol fidpfiapoi $wvot. 


deduced. One cannot help feeling the unreality of this, which 
seems the reductio ad absurdum of the physical-allegorical 
theory*. To preserve oneself from this, one may maintain that, 
even if we allow that a physical fact formed the background of 
the personal idea, the intellectual or moral concepts could be 
brought into it without any dependence on that fact, as the 
goddess might become the pre-eminent divinity of a progressive 
race that would connect with her name the various stages of 
their progress. Granted this, it must then be allowed not 
only that the question of origins stands apart from the 
question about the later historical facts, but that the discovery 
of the origin will often throw but little light on these. 

The great merit of the writers of this school is that they 
were the first who attempted by scientific method to bring 
some order into the chaos of mythology. But the more 
recent study of anthropology has contributed much more to 
the explanation of mythology and some part of religion ; its 
pretensions are fewer, its hypotheses more stable and real, and 
its range of comparison wider. In the explanation of Greek 
religion by means of anthropological ideas and methods, 
English research has taken the lead ; although there are 
many valuable suggestions tending to the same point of 
view in Mannhardt*s Wald- und Feldktdte ; and the article on 
Dionysos in Roscher's Lexikon is an important contribution 
to this inquiry. Taking Mr. Lang s treatise on Myth Ritual 
and Religion or Mr. Eraser's Golden Bough as instances of 
recent anthropological work bearing on Greek religion, one 
sees that they deal less with the question of origins, or with 
the primitive thing or the primitive thought out of which and 
by which the Godhead was evolved, than with the question 
of survivals, the inquiry how far a certain part of the ritual 
and mythology of the more developed nations can be explained 

* As an instance of the confusion v^k\% a poetical description of the 

which might be introduced into the shirt of Nessus which wrapt Heracles 

interpretation of classical texts, by the in a cloud of deadly smoke. Paley 

application of the solar theory of myths, explains it as though Sophocles were 

we might take Paley^s absurd inter- unconsciously repeating the language 

pretation of Sophocles* phrase in the of a lost solar myth. 
Trachiniae (line 831) Ktvravpov fpovia 


by means of the ritual and mythology of savage or primitive 
society. The assumption is that primitive man spontaneously 
ascribes to his divinities much of his own social habits and 
modes of thought, and that mythology is not merely highly 
figurative conversation about the weather, but like ritual itself 
is often a reflexion of by-gone society and institutions. It is 
ritual that is chiefly the conservative part of religion. And 
in ritual the older and cruder ideas are often held as in 
petrifaction, so that the study of it is often as it were the 
study of unconscious matter, in so far as it deals with facts of 
worship of which the worshipper does not know the meaning 
and which frequently are out of accord with the highest reli- 
gious consciousness of the community. The anthropologist 
does not pretend to do more than supply us with a new 
key for the interpretation of certain parts of mythology and 
ritual, but the results of this new science have been already of 
the greatest value for the student of Greek cults and much 
more may be hoped from it ; it has done much to explain the 
strange contradiction that often exists between the ritualistic 
act and the more ideal view about the divinity, and the study 
of a very important chapter in the history of Greek religion, 
the chapter on sacrifice, depends almost wholly on its aid. 

The account of the historical period of Greek religion must 
deal equally with the literature and the monuments; it is 
from the combined testimony of both that we learn what the 
religion was in reality to the people themselves, what were its 
processes of organic growth, what were its transitions from 
lower to higher forms. Both are records, but of unequal 
value. The literature takes precedence of the monuments 
because its testimony begins at an earlier date. 

The poems of Homer testify to a highly developed 
structure of religious thought, showing us clear-cut personal 
forms of divinities with ethical and spiritual attributes. But 
the contemporary art, standing alone, would suggest that the 
Greeks had hardly arrived at the anthropomorphic stage of 
religion at all, but were still on the lowest level of fetishism. 
This of course only means that poetry attained a power of 
spiritual expression at a far earlier date than did painting or 


sculpture. But when Greek art was developed it became 
a truer record of the national and popular belief than the 
literature. For the painter and still more the sculptor was 
usually the servant of the state, executing state-commissions ; 
he could not then break away from tradition, but must 
embody in his work the popular view about the divinity, how- 
ever much he might refine and idealize. On the other hand 
the poet or the philosophic writer was far more free. He 
could express the aspirations of the few, could put forth 
religious conceptions such as are found in Pindar and 
Kuripides reaching far beyond the range of the popular view. 
But the history of any religion is equally concerned with 
testimony such as this; for it has to deal with the twofold 
question, what was the average meaning of the religion for 
the nation, and whaf ideal expression did it occasionally 
receive. And the latter question must often be discussed 
before we can sufficiently answer the former. For instance, 
it is not impossible, as may afterwards be shown, that the 
later popular view about Ourania Aphrodite was coloured by 
the Platonic interpretation of the title. 

But the art and the literature were not mere records of 
the religion ; they were forces that directly or indirectly 
assisted its growth. It is a saying partially true that Greek 
theology took its shape from Homer* His poems were 
doubtless a great moment in that development from a stage 
of religious thought, at which the divinities were amorphous, 
vague in outline and character, lacking ethical quality, to the 
stage of clear and vivid anthropomorphism, of which the 
personal forms are plastic and precise. We need not r^ard 
Homer as a religious reformer, consciously setting himself to 
refine away the monstrous and primitive elements of the 
religion. The result is still the same ; as the fruit of his 
poetic work and imagination the people inherited a higher 
and clearer religious view. The Greek epic poetry is probably 

* Herodotus in a well-known passage *EXXi;(r(, icai roiat Btoiat rds iwwyvftiai 

somewhat exaggerates their inflaence 8($vrc9, ieal rifias rt koI Wx*^' dicX^rrcr, 

when he says of Hesiod and Homer gal (titaairrSfy arjfi^payTts a. 53. 
c^oi 9i fl<rir ol voc^Jorrcs Btoyovirjp 


the first national expression of the belief that the gods were 
concerned with the general interests of men; and to such 
a belief it was necessary that the gods themselves should 
assume a human aspect, in order that they should act in 
human affairs. We may believe that not only Greek poetry 
but Greek music played a part in this characterization of the 
divinities, this fixing of the types, as a particular mode of 
music, expressive of a certain ethical idea, became appropriate 
to a particular worship •. It was long before Greek art could 
exert such an influence; and the national mind must have 
become habituated to conceive of the divinities in clear 
human outlines before the national art could so express 
them. But when it had attained freedom and sufficient 
mastery over form, it probably reacted on the religious 
conception with a power greater and more immediate than 
any that the literature could exercise. It is here a question 
about the sculpture and painting that filled the temples and 
sacred places, and it is clear at once that no other product of 
the Greek imagination could be so public or so popular as 
these ; if these then in any way transformed or refined Greek 
religion, the people in general would be reached by the 
change, and would be the less inclined to challenge it or 
view it with suspicion, because the sculptor and the painter 
in any public commission worked always within the lines of 
the popular creed. I may afterwards note some special 
instances in which their work can be proved to have 
ameliorated or in some way modified the current religion ; 
it is enough to say here that their refining influence appears 
in their choice of subject-matter, and as a result of a certain 
tendency of style. It appears in the former, inasmuch as 
the gross and barbarous elements in the myths and lower 
folklore intrude themselves but rarely even into vase-paint- 
ing, the lowest of all the Greek arts of design, and scarcely 
at all into monumental sculpture and painting. These dealt 

* Athen. 14. 626 tapdk ttAvoa * Ap- Otovt i/Aiovffi, The v6fiOi opBios was 

Kaotv U voiScf l« n;viW i$i(otrrai Kard proper to Athena and Ares, Plut. dc 

v6/u» rmft t/tt^cvt *dl vcuorar, or* tMotmH AIus. c. 29 and 33. 
card rd wdtrpca rovs kvix^fiovt fffMtfos itaX 


with the highest forms of the Olympian religion, which were 
free from obscenity and almost free from superstitious and 
obscure mysticism. Also the mere formal development of 
style, though guided perhaps by an artistic rather than 
a conscious religious instinct, yet reacted on the religious 
feeling. The long continued schooling throughout the 
archaic and transitional periods had won for the perfected 
Greek sculpture of the fifth century its two primary 
qualities, its disciplined and ideal treatment of forms and 
its earnestness of ethical expression, the two qualities con- 
noted by the Greek term or€fjii'077)9. Such a style, avoiding 
mere naturalism and emotional exaggeration, was supremely 
fitted for the creation of religious types ; and working upon 
these, it made the personages of the Greek polytheism more 
human and more real for the imagination, more ideal in form 
and ethical content. And it was truly said of the masterpiece 
of Pheidias, that it added something to the received religion, 
and that no man could conceive of Zeus otherwise than as 
this sculptor showed him. 

Taking then the monuments and the literature both as 
records and as formative influences in Greek religion, I 
wish to note the chief facts in the worship of each divinity, 
to distinguish when possible between the earlier and later 
stages, to mention the leading local cults and to give the 
general Pan-hellenic conception when such exists, taking 
account only of such myths as throw light on the religious 
idea, and finally to describe the main characteristic repre- 
sentations of each divinity in the monuments. 



The Homeric poems, as has been said, present us with 
a group of divinities not at all regarded as personifications of 
the various forces and spheres of nature, but as real personages 
humanly conceived with distinct form and independent action. 
We have no clear trace in the literature legend and cults of 
Greece of that earlier stage whicli is often supposed to precede 
polytheism in the cycle of religious development, a stage of 
polydaemonism when the objects of worship are vague com- 
panies of *numina' nameless and formless. There is no 
evidence of this, as regards Greek religion, in the statement of 
Herodotus that the Pelasgians attached no names to their 
divinities, for Herodotus is in the first place defending an 
unscientific thesis that most of the Greek divinities derived 
their names from Egypt, and may be only referring to the 
primitive custom of avoiding the name of the divinity in 
ritual*. Nor are Hesiod's lines, that speak of the thirty 
thousand daemones of Zeus, the * watchers of mortal men,' 
any proof that Greek religion had passed through that earlier 
stage ; for Hesiod is often perfectly free in the creation of such 
unseen moral agencies, or if there is some popular belief 
underlying this conception, it is that which was attached to 
hero-worship ; but however old this may be it cannot be 
proved to be prior in the history of Greek religion to the 
higher cult. At the very threshold, then, of Greek history, 
the religion is already clearly anthropomorphic ; the ordinary 
Greek of the Homeric period did not imagine his God 

» Herod, a. 5 a vide Maury, HUtoire des religiom de la Grice antiquct sub init. 

14 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

under the form of a beast but under the form of a man •. 
He did not, however, as yet represent him in this form either 
in marble or wood, as a general rule. It is important to note 
that we have no express reference in Homer to any statue or 
idol in human shape, excepting the allusion to the idol of 
Athene Polias in Troy\ As to the reality of this there can 
be no doubt, for Homer tells us how the women bore the 
peplos in procession to the citadel to lay it on the knees of 
the goddess. She must, therefore, have been represented as 
seated, and with lower parts of human shape, and if the words 
in line 311, aviv€V€ §€ ITaAXas 'kd)]VT]^ refer to the image itself, 
then the head also was of human semblance. We note also 
that temple-building, another sign of the anthropomorphic 
conception, is abundantly proved to have been known to 
Homcr*s age by Homeric passages. We hear of this very 
temple of Athene on the acropolis of Troy, fitted with doors 
and bolts, and the kaiivos oiSos of Apollo at Delphi. But on 
the whole the poems of Homer supply us with sufficient 
evidence that the worship of his age was still aniconic ; and of 
this we have abundant positive evidence from other sources. 
Botticher in his Batimcultus ^ has collected the proofs, that 
among the objects which had no human semblance, but served 
as ayaXiiara, or emblems of the divinity, the tree takes a very 
prominent place in many nations' ritual. But we find in the 
earliest period of Greek religion of which we have any record 
that it is never the tree itself which is worshipped, simply in 
its own right, but the tree is regarded as the shrine of the 
divinity that houses within it; thus we may explain the epithets 
ivhu'hpos of Zeus ^, and the legend of Helene Dendritis -. 
Nor is it the tree as such that is the dyaA/xa, but the stock or 
carved trunk, that is, the tree artificially wrought upon in 
some rude way. The ayoA/xa of Aphrodite dedicated by 
Pelops was wrought out of a fresh verdant myrtle tree '^. At 
Samos a board was the emblem of Hera^: two wooden stocks 
joined together by a cross-piece was the sign of the Twin- 
brethren at Sparta ^"^, and a wooden column encircled with ivy 

• Vide Note at the end of tlie chapter. *' Vide especially the chapter entitled 

** //. 6. 300. C'mriss dcs Hellenischen Baumctdttts. 


was consecrated to Dionysus at Thebes ^•. But more com- 
monly the sacred aniconic object is the stone, sometimes in its 
natural state, untouched by any art, as the \idos ipyos of the 
Thespian Eros^^; but still more usually it is the wrought stone 
that fulfils the religious purpose. Thus ApoUon Aguieus was 
represented by a cone-shaped column ^\ and Pausanias speaks 
of an Artemis Patroa ' fashioned like a pillar ' ^^. And from 
the fragment of the Phoronis mentioned by Clemens '*, we 
Icam that the ancient emblem of Hera at Argos was a tall 
column. Other instances will be noted later. 

Now it is important to see that the view prevalent in the 
earliest historic period of Greece about these Aniconic objects 
is more advanced than the view of primitive fetishism ; for 
they seem never, except in a few isolated instances, to have 
been revered by the Greeks as objects of independent 
efficacy, of nameless divine power, producing, if properly dealt 
with, miraculous effect. This may have been their aboriginal 
character, but they came to be adopted by the higher poly- 
theism, and, when it was no longer understood why the 
stone in itself should be sacred, legends arc invented attaching 
it to this or that divinity of the local cult -®. Thus the Omphalos 
at Delphi becomes the stone of Hestia, and another sacred 
stone was holy because it was that which Saturn swallowed. 
Lastly, these objects are usually not regarded as the actual 
divinity but as the sign of his presence ; although in the 
Arcadian worship of Zeus KtnrTrwray, which will be noticed 
below, the stone appears to have been named as if it were the 
god himself. 

i6 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 


The statement in the text would have to be modified if we supposed 
that the epithet PoSmis of Hera and yXavKSnris of Athene meant in 
Homer * cow-faced* and * owl-faced,' and that the goddesses were ever 
conceived by him as having the face of a cow or the face of an owl. Now, 
certainly ^oSmts ought to mean cow-faced, rather than ox-eyed, on the 
analogy of ravpionos, an epithet of wine in Ion (fr. 9, Bergk), and of 
Dionysos Orphic, Hymn 29. 4, and <3^ more usually means face than eye 
in Homer. A cow-faced Hera may have been a form indigenous in 
Greece or imported from Egypt, and need not be explained by any 
reference to a worship of the moon. But Schliemann^s archaeological 
evidence is inconclusive : he gives on Plates A, B, C, D of Mycenae and 
Tiryns reproductions of terra-cotta figures and cows-heads, and he 
thinks he has found females with cows-horns protruding at the side of 
their breasts, and he calls these images of Hera ffowms ; but, as the writer 
of the article on Hera in Roscher's Lexicon remarks, these terra-cotta 
figures may simply denote offerings taking the place of real cow-sacrifices 
(cf. images of little pigs to Demeter) ; and the horns at the sides of the 
female images are merely crude representations of arms. And Homer 
also applies the epithet to mortals, to a handmaid of Helen (//. 3. 144), 
to Phylomedusa wife of Areithoos (Od, 7. 10), and to one of the Nymphs 
of Thetis (cf. the name of the Oceanid in Hesiod, Thcog, 355 nXovrw 
/SofloTTir). Now there is no reason why it should not mean the same in 
all these cases. But in what possible not uncomplimentary sense could 
women be called cow-faced? Either this original meaning had been 
forgotten, and Homer applies it to Hera mechanically from mere tradition, 
and thence it becomes a term of meaningless praise for mortal women 
because properly an epithet of a goddess, or it means for Homer ox-eyed, 
with large lustrous eyes. In either case then Homer does not consciously 
conceive of Hera as cow-faced. TXavKSyim stands on a different footing, 
for it need only mean * bright-faced,' and Schliemann's * owl-eyed * or * owl- 
faced' idols at Hissarlik are not owl-faced at all. 

References for Chapter I. 

* Zeus : Hesych. S. v. tv^pbpos' napa 'Poblois ZtCt, Ai6w<ros €v Boio>rig. 
^ Paus. 3. 22, 12 in Laconia ro d€vdpov en cWi^v o-c/Sovo-i r^v ixvpa-ivtjv^ 
Koi "ApTtpiv ovofid^ovai 2a>T€tpap, 

^ Id. 3. 19, 10: the Rhodian women {*Epivv<nv ciVao-ficwii) diaXa- 

^ovo-oi brj liiv 'EXtvrjv drrayxovo'iv iirl dii^pov : cf. TheOCf. 1 8. 48 <r«pov fi*, 
*E\tvas <Pvt6v ct/ii. 

* Festus, p. 37 Delubrum dicebant fuslem delibralum, hoc est, 
decorticatum, quern pro deo venerabantur. 


' Clem. Alex. Protrept, p. 40 P. mX to rrjf 2aniai''Upas &yakfui np&r€pO¥ 
§up Ifw trains, vartpow df cVl npoxXcovr apxprm dv6pwno€id€s iyivrro, 

* Paus. 9. 40, 1 1 BtSiv dc futkurra XatpȴtU rifiAai t6 aufprrpov h nouftrai 
Au f^^uf *Ofujffos 'HffMurrmf, 

^ Id, 5* ^3> 7 dio/Sairri d^ Tov "Epfwtf v6raiiov ayaXfui iv Trifipif ircYroi^- 
fuifop c< ftvpiriwtjs TtBtjXvias, 

' /</. I. 27, I, at Athens, '£/>/i$ff {vXov vn6 icXad«»v fAvpaUfat ov ovvotrrop. 

* Max. Tyr. Z^'jj. 8. I ytupyoi Aidwaop nfiwri, nri^tums cV opxar^ 
avro<fnf€s vpifunnf, 

'^ Paus. 2. 9, 6 /icra r& *ApdToy rip^¥ tan Ztvt Mtikix^s Koi "Aprtfus 
oi>ofiaCofunj IlarpaKi, <rv» rixyd vfifoirjfjJva ovdtfu^ wpafudi di 6 MriXi;^iOf, 
17 dc noyi coTiy tiMoapivri, 

^' /(/. 9. 24, 3 CV 'YiTtT^ vaos iaruf 'UpakXtovs , . . ovtos ovxi ayakparos 
au9 Ttxygj klBov df apyov Kara t6 dpxatop, 

^* Id, 9. 27, I BtSiP dc o2 9co^4ciff TipS>aw "E^puvra poKiara c{ ^PX^^t 
Koi trifnaw Sryakpa irakai6TaT6» inruf dpyos XiBos. 

" Id. 9. 38, 1, at Orchomenos in Boeotia, tos piv dfi ithpa% {ayoKpara 

\apirw) crr/Sovo't rt pakiara Koi r^ 'ErroxXci avras irtatiif tK rov ovpavov 

*^ Id, 2. 31, 4 Tov dc fp7rpo<rBfy rov paov Xi^y Kiakovptvov dc icpoy emu 
Xrym/aiy c^' o^ irorc apdp€S TpoiCripl(ov €W€a *Optarritf tKoBripav, 

" Tertullian, Apolog. 16 Quanto distinguitur a crucis stipite Pallas 
Attica et Ceres Raria quae sine effigie rudi palo et inform! ligno 

** Clem. Alex. StromaL p. 418 P. vpi» ywv aKpifioiBrjvai t^s rwy 

ayaXpartav a^taiis Kiovas lardmts ol nakaiol c(rc/3ov . . . ypd<l>ti yovv 6 rrjp 
^p€ovida noi^<raSf 

KdXXi66ri kX€iiovxos *0\vpjriddos fiaaiktujs 
^Hptjs *Apy€irjs ^ frrippaai leai BwdvoKTi 
wpoBTfi iK&apJiirtv irtpi Kiova poKphv dvaaaris. 

ib, : Evptiridijv cV *AvTt6njf ^ijcrtp 

tfvdov dff BaXdpoif /SovxdXov 
Kopmvra juco*^ arvXop "Eviov Btov, 

*' Plutarch, 2?^ Frai, Amor, ad init. ra rraXmh t&v AioaKovpap dtfudpvpara 
oi 2wapTiaT(u ddicapa KoXovauf' tan dc duo (vXa irapdXXrjXa Hval nXayiois cVc- 

VOL. I. C 


" Athen. p. 614 (quoting from the Delias of Semos) ^pxtrtu . . . 

Sfiop(l>op ircipado^tff iytXao'tP, 

'* PaUS. 10. 24, 6 \i0og cVrly ov fuyas* tovtov Kai eXoiOV 6arffAfpai Kara- 
X*ov<rt, Koi Kara ioprn\v €Ka(m)¥ tfpia cTriri^cacri rii dpyd, 

^ Damasc. vi/a hid, (BibL Graec, Script, Didot p. 137) r«v /3airvXo»y 

ftXXor aXX^ avaiccicr^ai ^c^ Kpdi^ Ail 'HXi^ xal rolr aXXotr. 

'* Harpocrat. S, V, *Ayvias, 'AyvifVf W for* icto)P €iff o^w Xffyo^y, tv Icrraai 
npQ tS>p BvprnV iblovs dc ciKit <t>a<nv avrove *A7roXXa>voff. 



It is important for the history of Greek cult to consider 
the question when the object first became iconic, or when the 
process of art had advanced so far as to make idolatry possible. 
The wooden cUdv is at least as early as Homer's period ; and 
while a certain artistic record begins from the latter half of 
the seventh century, the works of Daedalus belong to the 
prehistoric age, and may roughly be assigned to the ninth 
century. But according to tradition, the wooden idols 
attributed to Daedalus were not the most primitive in form. 
We may go then still further back for the beginnings of 
iconism in Greek worship. 

The uncouth human-shaped idols found on the ruins of 
Troy and Mycenae give us no clue for the present question, 
since we do not know their date even approximately, and we do 
not know whether in the remotest d^ree they were Greek in 
origin ; the most developed is almost certainly Babylonian. 
The iconic impulse probably came from the East, for from 
the tenth century onwards the fame of the carved idols of 
Egypt and Assyria must have been spreading through the 
Greek world ; the impulse may have come thence, but not the 
prevalent form, as I have elsewhere tried to show*, though 
certain special types can be traced to an Oriental model. 

Much of the idol- work of Egypt and Assyria was therio- 
morphic — whereas the earliest image under which the Greek 
divinity proper was figured was the image of man. The 
instances to the contrary that may be quoted are of insufficient 

* AfxAoMl, Review, November 1888, p. 167. 

C 2 

20 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

weight to disprove this •, for we know nothing certain about 
any monument that showed Hera as cow-headed, or Athene 
as owl-eyed ; the bull-headed Dionysos-Zagreus is compara- 
tively late — or is at all events not the earliest conception of 
Dionysos. We have a doubtful record in Pausanias of 
a horse-headed Demeter at Phigaleia, the existence of this 
strangely-shaped idol being only attested by vague popular 
tradition ^ ; and lastly a more certain account of the idol of 
Eurynome near Phigaleia, a mysterious goddess who was 
probably a primitive form of Artemis, and who was represented 
half-woman, half-fish. If we assume this to be a genuinely 
Hellenic divinity, this representation is the only real exception 
to the principle just mentioned. 

At the earliest stage of iconism, of which literature or monu- 
ments have left record, we find the form of the god darkly 
emerging from the inorganic block, the AWos feorJs, but the 
features of this embryo form are human. 

It concerns the history of the people's religion to know in 
what way the image was regarded. Was it regarded merely as 
a symbol bringing home to the senses the invisible and remote 
divinity? Probably this was never the popular view, nor was it 
the original. We may believe that for the early and uncultivated 
Greek, as for all less advanced peoples, * the nature and power of 
the divinity were there in the image*'.' It is hard indeed to find 
any passage that establishes the exact identity of the deity and 
the image in andent belief, but many show the view that the 
statue was in the most intimate sense the shrine or the iho^ of 
the divinity, and often animated by its presence. The statue 
of Hera turned aside when the blood of the Sybarites was 
shed at her altar**; and Iphigenia in Euripides' play declares 
that the idol of Artemis showed the same aversion when the 

* Lenonnant, Aniiquitis de la Troade^ Gorgon that appears on early vases, 
p. 21-23. Schliemann's Ilios^ p. 288. wiU be discussed in the chapter on 
Schomann's Griechische AUerthunur, Demeter. 

2. pp. 174-175. « De La Saussay*s Religiomg^ 

* The view of Milchhofer (Anfanged. schkhte, vol. i. p. 54. 
Kunst in Griechenl. pp. 60-62), that this ^ Athenae. p. 521. 
Demeter is identical with a horse-headed 


matricide Orestes drew near •, and when the supph'ants were 
dragged away to slaughter from the feet of the Palladion ^ of 
Siris, the goddess closed her eyes. The practice of chaining 
statues to prevent them abandoning their votaries illustrates 
the same conception. 

On the other hand, Greek literature is not wanting in 
passages that protest against the prevailing image-worship. 
The unreasonableness of prayer offered to idols was noted 
by Heraclitus*. Antisthenes of the Socratic School^ declared 
that the image could teach nothing of the true nature of God, 
and Zeno^ went so far as to deny the propriety of statues 
and temples alike. Even Menander * seriously combats the 
belief that the divinity can be propitiated by image or sacrifice. 
Thus the great idea expressed by the Hebrew prophets and 
by the teaching of the earliest Christian Church had revealed 
itself also to the more advanced among the Greeks. But here 
it remained the idea of a few thinkers, and it developed no 
tendency towards iconoclasm in Greek religion. Down to the 
last days of paganism the image retained its hold over the 
people's mind, and expressed for them more immediately than 
could be expressed in any other way all that they felt and 
believed about the nature of the divinity. 

• Iph. Taur. 1 165. *» Strabo, p. 264. 


References for Chapter 1 1. 

^ Heraclitus, Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 44 P. (By water, Frag, 176). 

joitrw ayakfiao't rovrtoiaip tUxpvrai, 6K(nov c? rir rot^ Mfxowt XfaxnvtvoiTo, 

' Clem. Alex. Strom, p. 714 P. 6 7,mKparuAs ^Avrio'Btvrjs . . . ovdivX 

(oiKtvat (l>ria\ {row BtSw)' dt6ntp airrhp ovius tKfUiBtip f( tlKoiros bvvarai, Cf. 

td. quotation from Xenophanes : 

tis O^ht €P rt Ofoitn kuI avBpwiroi<n fx^yiarot 
oO rt tifias 6vijiToi<n¥ ofittUot ovdi vorifAa, 

' Id. 691 P. Xcyrt Koi Z^vcor . . . cV r^ r^s nokiTtlat PiffXlta fx^rt vaoi/s 
dtlv noiflv fujrc dyakfiara. 

* Id. 720 P.: 

€1 rtff dc Bvaiop Trpoaxf>€p<aVj 2> nd/i^cXc, 
ravpiov Tt n\rj$os fj *pi<f)<dv . 

ivvovv vofii(u r6p Stop Kc^faTavai 



It is generally believed that the worship of Zeus was 
primeval among the Hellenes, their ancestors bringing it 
from a common Aryan centre, and that in the popular 
religion no organized system of divinities existed prior to 
the Olympian. Stated thus, this belief is reasonable, and yet 
we must take notice of cults that were perhaps pre-Hellenic, 
or at least belonged to an earlier period than the developed 
* Olympian ' religion and survived long in certain localities by 
the side of this. We have to account for the prevalent 
legends concerning Cronos with his Titan dynasty and the 
Titanomachia which overthrew them. The question of origins 
must here be glanced at, for on the answers will depend 
whether we shall consider Cronos as a real personage in 
tradition and worship. Welcker*, who maintains that Zeus 
is the starting-point of Greek religion, explains away Cronos 
very ingeniously: he arose from a misunderstanding of an 
epithet of Zeus — Kpovlbris or KpovCoav: this meant originally 
the Son of Time, a figurative way of naming the * Eternal ' 
or * the Ancient of Days.' At a pre-Homeric period this was 
misinterpreted and understood as a son of Cronos, a mere 
nominis umbra. This theory, though accepted by some later 
writers, was born of false philology, a misleading theological 
bias, and an ignorance of what is really primitive in ancient 
religion. It is strange, as Mr. Lang has pointed out, that to 
this shadow should attach the most concrete and carnal 
myths in the whole of Greek mythology — myths that speak 

• Cricchische GoiierUhrCt i, p. 140. 




of a savage stage of thought, while the conception of the 
Eternal or the Ancient of Days belongs to a high range of 
metaphysic and religion. But the fatal obstacle is that Kp6vo^ 
is thus made equivalent to \p6vos, — an iriipossible philological 
equation. The Greeks for the most part kept clear of the 
pitfall ' into which Welcker and later writers have fallen, nor 
was the personification of time ever popular or ever received 
into the religion. 

Another explanation of Cronos is also based on false 
philology. He has been regarded ^ as identical with Helios, 
or as a kind of double of Zeus- Helios, and his name has been 
derived from KpaCv<a in the sense of * ripen.' But the laws of 
vowel-change forbid the derivation, and KpaCvoD is not used in 
the sense of * ripen,' nor is there any proof at all that in the 
early religion he is identical with Helios ®, or is the double of 
Zeus. There is yet another theory that saves the primitive 
Greek religious world from the presence of Cronos — the 
theory maintained by Bottiger in his KnnsUMythologie^y 
that Cronos is simply the Phoenician god Moloch, the 
devourer of infants, who gradually fades away westward 
before the light of the rising Hellenic religion. Now the 
Greeks themselves must have found a strong likeness between 
the rites or characrer of Cronos and Moloch, for they 
identified the two gods. But they also identified Cronos 
with other Semitic, and even, as it seems, with Celtic divini- 
ties ^^-^3, 15^ ^j^j there is no proof or probable evidence 
that the Phoenicians brought this religion to Elis, where the 
god was worshipped on Mount Cronion, or to Athens, where 
we hear of a temple of Rhea and Cronos and the feast of 
Cronia; and it is merely begging the question to say that 

* Aristotle, de Mundo^ 7 Yi^vov l\ voTy 
KoX xp6pov Xiytratf seems to have been 
the first who brought the two words 
together. Eurip. Heracl, 900 shows an 
uncertain reading. 

^ Mayer, Die Giganten und TUanen^ 
p. 71 : in his later article on Kronos in 
Roscher*s Lexikon he regards this deri- 
vation as doubtful. 

° His connexion with Helios is only 
attested by late and doubtful evidence ; 
vide Ref. 8 a. Such legends as the swal- 
lowing of the stone and the frequent 
consecration of meteoric stones to him 
cannot be made to support any solar 
theory about him. 

* Vol. I, pp. 321-232. 

HI.] CRONOS. 25 

because the rites were sometimes savage and bloody, there- 
fore they were not indigenous in Greece. Besides, how did 
Zeus come to be considered the son of Moloch, and how did 
Moloch turn into an apparently mild divinity to whom was 
consecrated a festival that seems to have been a harvest-feast 
where masters and slaves rejoiced together? At least the 
theory that Cronos was Phoenician leaves much to be 
explained. Whether originally native or originally borrowed, 
the legend and character of Cronos have a flavour of very old 
religion. The Hesiodic theogony shows a certain speculative 
system, but it reflects many genuine and primitive ideas ; for 
instance^ Cronos and Zeus, who are the heads of their dynas- 
ties, are both the youngest sons ; and this must be more than 
the caprice of the poet; it is probably a reminiscence of 
'Jiingstenrecht,' a practice that had vanished from Greek 
institutions, and seems alien to the moral sense of Homer, 
who holds strongly that the Erinys supports the eldest son, and 
that therefore Poseidon must yield to Zeus the eldest-born. 
Again, we have the l^ends of Cronos savouring of human 
sacriflce and savage morality, and we have no right at once 
to conclude that these are Oriental or foreign, since human 
sacrifice was an institution of the early Greeks, as of most 
Aryan tribes, and traces of it survived down to a late period 
of Greek history. Then we find him as a scarcely remembered 
harvest-god, from whom the Attic feast of KpoVta*, a harvest- 
feast held in July ^ is named ; lastly, we have the story of his 
overthrow by Zeus, and scant honour is paid him in historic 
Greece. These facts would be unique and inexplicable if 
Kpovos were an abstraction, a mere personification. They 
can be best explained if we suppose him to be one of the 
figures of a lost and defeated religion ; if the myth of the 
Titanomachy, which has absolutely no meaning as a nature- 

* Bnttmann {^Mythohgus^ ii. p. 54) have no other evidence, nor any other 

supposes that the Cronia was not probable explanation of the name of 

origiaany a feast consecrated to Cronos, the feast. 

bat that the god in some way grew ** There is no snfficient reason for 

out of the feast ; but the Scholiast on Mommsen's view that the Cronia was 

Demosthenes sa3rs that the feast was in originally a spring-festival (Heortohgu, 

honour of Cronos and Khea, and we p. 79). 




myth, that is, as a myth of thunder and h'ghtning and earth- 
quakes and volcanoes *, is regarded as a vague record of the 
struggle of religions in the Greek world. This is undoubtedly 
part of the meaning of such myths as those concerning the 
sufferings of Dionysos, the hostility and the reconciliation of 
Apollo and Asclepios, the contest between Apollo and 
Heracles for the Delphic tripod, and the strange legend of 
the wrestling-match between Zeus and Cronos at Olympiad 
One chief argument in favour of this view about the 
Titanomachy can be drawn from the myths concerning 
Themis, Prometheus and Briareus-Aegaeon. In the actual 
contest between the powers of Cronos and Zeus, these take 
a part favourable to the Olympians ; and each of these 
personages was still honoured with cults in later periods of 
Greek history ; Themis at Delphi, where her worship and 
oracular power preceded Apollo*s, Prometheus at Athens, 
and Aegaeon at Euboea®. Now the myth that accounted 
for the disappearance of an older religion would naturally 
account for the survival in cult of some of the older cycle 
of deities by conceiving them as having acted against their 
own order, and as friends of the new dynasty. And when 
one traces the application of the word Titan, one finds 
the word as vague as the ethnic name ' Pelasgoi,' and as 
the one denotes nothing more than the pre-historic people, 

* The part played by Briareus-Aegaeon 
is iDConsistent with Preller^s interpreta- 
tion of the Titanomachy as a contest 
between the benign and destructive 
forces of nature, a light and storm- 
struggle ; and many of the Titanic names 
are derived from roots denoting light 
or brightness. 

^ Vide Kef. x : this explanation of the 
legend has already been given by Prof. 
Robert in the new edition of Preller*s 
GrUchische Mythologies i. p. 55, note 
2, sub fin. The view put forward in 
the text is more or less the same as 
was propounded by Leontiew in Arch, 
Ameiger, 1851, ' De Jovis apud Graecos 
cultu ' : and is not inconsistent with the 

supposition that sometimes the Titan- 
name is only an older cult-name of an 
Olympian deity: vide M. Mayer, Die 
Giganten und Titatun. 

^ Solinus, II, 16 Titanas in ea (Eu- 
boea) antiquissime regnasse ostendunt 
ritus religionum. Briareo enim rem 
divinam Carj'stii faciunt, sicut Aegaeoni 
Chalcidenses : nam omnis fere Euboea 
Titanum fuit regnum. Dr. Mayer 
supposes Briareus-Aegaeon to be an 
older cult-title of Poseidon : but it 
appears more probable that Poseidon 
took the title occasionally of this older 
Euboean sea-giant: vide Callimach. 
Frag, 106. 

1".] CRONOS. 27 

the other may be taken as a vague term for the pre-historic 

Lastly, the slaves have certain privileges at the feast of 
Cronos : now the analogy of the pre-Hellenic Paliki-worship 
in Sicily and the privileges of the slaves that this cult 
guaranteed them, may explain this. The dispossessed god 
becomes often the god of slaves, or at least the slave, being 
frequently the aboriginal man, claims and is allowed his pro- 
tection ^ The violence of the struggle between Zeus and 
Cronos may then be the religious counterpart of the struggles 
between the men of the religion of Zeus and the men of the 
older cults. Then Zeus having succeeded to Cronos supre- 
macy becomes his son, perhaps by the same sort of fiction 
as that which made Dionysos, the Thrakian-Phrygian god, 
the son of Zeus, or Asclepios the son of Apollo. This 
hypothesis in no way disturbs the cardinal belief of Aryan 
philology, that all the Aryan tribes worshipped a sky-god of 
cognate name to Zeus ; for the evidence only seems to make 
probable the prehistoric existence in Greece of the worship 
of a leading god called Cronos. That the worshippers were 
primitive Greeks or Aryans we need not say. What sort of 
god he was we may partly gather from the legends; the 
stories about him swallowing his children, and mutilating his 
father Ouranos, whatever their cosmic meaning or physical 
symbolism may be, arose certainly from very low depths of 
the mythopoeic fancy, and Mr. Lang aptly compares certain 
Maori stories about the separation of Heaven and Earth*'. 
As regards the ceremonies connected with his worship we 
know very little indeed. We are told that at Olympia* 
certain priests called Basilae sacrificed once a year to Cronos 
on the hill named after him at the spring equinox. At Athens 

• Dr. Mayer's view that Titan is the Crete, at the feast of Poseidon at Troe- 

singular name of a * Haupt-gottheit ' zen, and the Thessaliao festival of Zeus 

appears to lack support : the name is called Peloria. The explanation sug- 

found rather as an appellative of many gested in the text would not so naturally 

divine persons. ^PP^y ^o these. 

^.Athenaeus, p. 639, quotes similar ^ Custom and AfyiA,p, ^^^ The myth 

instances of the privileges of slaves at of Cronos.* 
other festivals: at the HermaeA in 

28 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

a sacrificial cake was offered to him in the spring, on the 
fifteenth of Elaphebolion, but the feast of Cronia fell in the 
middle of the summer, and was regarded by Philochorus as 
a harvest-festival of ancient institution at which masters and 
slaves feasted together ^* ^^. The Roman poet, Accius, may 
be exaggerating when he speaks of the wide-spread pre- 
valence of this festival in Greece; we hear of it only at 
Athens, Rhodes®, and Thebes*, and at the last city of 
a musical contest that accompanied it. At Rhodes, if the 
Rhodian month Metageitnion corresponded to the Attic, it 
was a summer-festival, and it was about the same time of 
the year that offerings were made to Cronos at Cyrene"' 
according to Macrobius, when the worshippers crowned 
themselves with fresh figs and honoured Cronos as another 
Aristaeus, as the god who taught men the use of honey 
and fruits. So far all this appears to be harmless ritual 
proper to a divinity of vegetation, such as the later Diony- 
sos, and the sickle, the ancient emblem of Cronos, would 
thus be most naturally explained. The darker aspect 
of the worship, the practice of human sacrifice, is scarcely 
attested by any trustworthy record concerning any Greek 
community except Rhodes ; but is an inference legitimately 
drawn from legend and from indirect evidence. The Greek 
authors of the earlier period who mention it regard it 
as a barbaric institution ^°~'^» " ; but if there were no 
ancient tradition connecting it with the Hellenic or Hel- 
lenized god, it would be impossible to explain why he should 
be so constantly identified with a Semitic and Celtic god to 
whom the cruel sacrifice was paid. And we have a detailed 
account given by Plutarch and Diodorus of the Carthaginian 
offering of children to Moloch, who was often regarded as 
Cronos*. The bronze idol stood with his arms extended and 
his hands sloping downwards, so that the infant placed upon 
them slipped off and fell into a pit full of fire that was placed 
beneath, and its wails were drowned with the noise of drums. 
This ghastly rite certainly travelled to Crete, where the 

* £.g. by Dionysius of Halicamassus, i. 38, Aagnstine, d€ Civ, Dei, 7. 19 : vide 
ReC 14. 

in.] CRONOS. 29 

myth of the brazen giant, Talus, who clasped strangers to 
his breast and sprang with them into a pit of fire, attests the 
worship of the Semitic god *. Now the only recorded worship 
of Cronos, in any Greek community, where human life was 
devoted, was the Rhodian, and the ritual of this bore no 
resemblance to the Phoenician if we may trust Porphyry ® : 
a criminal who had been condemned to death was led outside 
the gates at the feast of Cronia and having been stupefied 
with wine was sacrificed by the shrine of Artemis Aristobule^ 
There is no reason to suppose that there was here any 
borrowing from Semitic religion. The statement of Philo 
that Cronos offered his only-begotten son as a burnt-sacrifice 
to his father ^^ can hardly be taken as a record of a genuinely 
Hellenic religious idea, but we find the tradition of child- 
sacrifice in the Cretan story about the Curetes^*, and, as 
the Cretan myth of the child-Zeus and the mother Rhea 
points to Phrygia, so we find both in Crete and Phrygia 
traces of the worship of Cronos under the name Acrisius *^ 
and in the latter country also vivid reminiscence of human 
sacrifice in the stories concerning Lityerses the harvest-god. 
Possibly the sacrifice of Pelops is a Phrygian myth of the 
same origin ^ 

If Cronos was originally a divinity of vegetation, as seems 
most probable, a primitive people might have frequently con- 
secrated the human victim to him as to other deities of the 
same nature, and the fairly numerous examples of the belief 
that the horse was the embodiment of the corn-spirit might 
possibly explain the stories of his transformation into a horse, 
and the Illyrian custom of sacrificing this animal to the god ^. 

As an earth divinity we might also expect to find him con- 
nected with the lower world and with the rites paid to the 

* Vide Mayer, Roscher's Z^jti/^^;/, p. not mean the 'son/ as Mayer supposes, 
1505. but only *the descendant' of Cronos. 

^ Mayer, td. p. 1509, gives a wrong Both Pelops and Cronos appear on 

account of this ritual, confusing it with coins of Himera, but there is no proved 

the Cyprian sacrifice to Agraulos. connexion between them there ; Head, 

* llie association of Pelops with Hist. Num. ^. 127. 

Cronos is doabtfiil; when Pindar, 01. ^ Ref. ai : Fraser, Golden Bought 

3. 41, calls Pelops *Kp6yios,* he need vol. a, pp. 24-26. 

30 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

dead ; and the legend of his ruling over the isles of the blest 
and the departed heroes may be derived from this connexion 
of ideas. But it did not receive any expression in cult, so far 
as we know ; we are told by Pausanias that the worshipper 
who descended into the grave of Trophonius at Lebadea, first 
made sacrifice to Cronos as to other divinities, but the con- 
text does not make the reason clear*. The attempt made 
to associate the worship of the dead at Athens and the Feast 
of Pitchers in the Anthesteria with an ancient cult of Cronos 
has been unsuccessful * ; nor is there much better evidence for 
the conception of Cronos as a dream-god, who slept a pro- 
phetic sleep below the earth; the only direct record of 
any such cult of him is the line of Lycophron, a doubtful 
authority, who speaks of ' the altar of the prophetic Cronos ' 
at Aulis^*. A glimpse of the early chthonian character 
of the god is perhaps afforded us by the record of his sepul- 
chres in Sicily, where the idea of the entombed divinity 
appears to have prevailed ^. We find the same concep- 
tion in the worship of Dionysos ; it may arise from the 
singular ritual of the god, who is slain in sacrifice, or from 
a natural belief about the god of vegetation who dies with the 
fall of the year. Such a divinity does Cronos appear to have 
been, when we review the scanty facts concerning his cult 
which have been put together, and which on the whole are all 
we can glean at present after rejecting much that is late and 
spurious in the record. 

Much remains still to be explained. The worship of Cronos 
must have been far more widely diffused throughout the 
primitive land of Greece than the records attest ; else we 
could hardly explain how the aflSliation of the primeval Aryan 
Zeus to this strange dispossessed god came to be an idea so 
widely prevalent among the Hellenic people before the time 
of Homer. Where and how this fusion took place has never 
been satisfactorily discussed. Some of the facts might justify 
the hypothesis that the figure of Cronos was originally Phry- 
gian-Cretan ; and that the idea of the affiliation of Zeus and 

» Vide Mommsen, Heortologict p. 20 note and a a, 80; and Mayer in Ro6cher*s 
Lexikon, pp. 151 7-15 18. 

in.] CRONOS. 31 

of the fall of Cronos arose in that island and spread thence 
over Greece ; at Athens, at least where the worship of Cronos 
is recorded, the prehistoric connexion with Crete is attested 
by many legends and cults, and recent discoveries prove the 
same of Olympia. The wide prevalence of the worship in 
Sicily^ may be partly accounted for by the confusion of 
Cronos with the Carthaginian god. 

It seems then that at the outset of the history of Greek 
religion we must note, as an historic fact, the traces of earlier 
cults than those of the recognized Olympian cycle ; some of 
which survive and take a subordinate place in Hellenic 

The representation of Cronos on monuments is not a ques- 
tion of great interest for Greek archaeology proper ; for the 
monuments are mostly late that deal with him •, and there is 
no orderly development of his type, and his form possesses 
no spiritual or ethical interest at all, having been handled by 
no great sculptor. He appears to have been sometimes 
depicted as white-haired or bald, and a dark and sombre 
character, with traits partly of Zeus, partly of Hades, 
often attaches to him on reliefs and vases. The veil about 
his head and the sickle or pruning-hook in his hand are 
the attributes by which we can generally discover him. 
Neither the cults nor the monuments recognize that aspect 
of him familiar in poetry, as the god of the golden age. 

• The most interesting example of coin of Himera : Head, I/isf, Num. p. 
earlier representations is the fifth century 137; Koscher, Lexikon, p. 1 553, fig. 5. 

32 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

References for Chapter III. 

^ £lis, at Olympia : Paus. 6. 20, i im roO ipovi (roO Yipovlov) rjj Kopv<pj 

6vov<nv oi Baalkai KaKovfitvoi r^ Kpdyta Kara larjfiipiav rqp cV r^ ^pi 'EXa^/y 
/bii;!'! irapa 'HXcioif. lb. 8. 2, 2 6 de ciyo>v 6 OXvfxtriKot, inavayowri yap 
bff avrbv cV ra avtaripta rov auBpimtnv y€Povs, Kpovop icai Ala avroBi naXaiaia 

' Athens: Paus. i. 18, 7 (in the peribolos of the temple of Zeus 

Olympius) tariv apxala . . . Ztvs x"'^'^^^^ '^^ *^^ Kp6i'ov xat 'Pcar. 
Demosth. K,TipoKp, p. 708 dodrjcari; (roG '£«aro/ji/3a(mvo( fiijv6s) , , , koI ravT 
Svrav Kpovitay Kai bia ravr d(f>tip€vris rrjs /SovX^r. Vide R. 20. 

' Delphi: Paus. 10. 24, 6 m dc ical d6(a er avr^v do^^vai Kpdv^ r6y 
\i6o¥ dvTi iraib6s, Cf. R. 19^ ch. I. 

* Lebadea : Paus. 9. 39, 3 BCd 6 Kariav (into the cave of Trophonius) 

'Air6XXa>vi re leal Kp6v<p xai Ad cirifcXijatp jSaaiXc I koI ^Hp^ re 4v«$X9* 

* Thebes: pseudo-Plutarch, J7/tf /r<?»2. (Westcrmann, p. 23) ov noXw 

ti xP^vop irXcttv us Qri^as cVl ra Kpoma' dyc^v d* otros oytrm irap* auroir 

• Rhodes : Porph. de Ads/. 2. 54 Mtro yap jcat cV 'Pod^ fuyyl 

Mcrayeirvioyi iKTjj iaraptyov avBpmnos r^ Kp6v<p' 6 d^ cirl ttoXv Kpanja'ap 
HBos p€Ttp\rj6rj' tva y^p r»y cV( Oavarea drj/jUHr^ KaraKpiBivTUiP ptXP^ f^^^ ^^^ 
Kpovltov trvvtixoPj twrraaTjs dc r$£ toprrjs npoayay6yTts r6v SpBpomov cifco irvX»y 
. . . oiiKn) noricrayrtf tai^ajrov. 

^ Cyrene: Macr. Sai, i. 7, 25 Cyrenenses etiam, cum rem divinam 
ei (Satumo) faciunt, ficis recentibus coronantur placentasque mutuo 
missitant mellis et fructuum repertorem Saturnum aestimantes. 

• Alexandria: Macr. Sai, i. 7, 14-15 lyrannide Ptolemaeoram 
pressi (Aegyptii) hos quoque deos (Saturnum et Serapim) in cultum 
Alexandrinonim more, apud quos praecipue colebantur, coacti sunt. 

Cf. Athenae. no b (iyKpvtftias apros) tv Kai *AXi^vtp«is T» Kp6i^ d^cc- 
povPTts npoTiBiaaiv iuBLnv r^ ^vkopivti^ eV r^ rot) Y^povov l^pf* 

^ Inscription at Beyrouth of (?) third century a.d. Kpopov 'HUou 
fimp6sf Rev, Arch, 1872, p. 253: cf. EU Mag, 426. 16 Kowai tan 
P»p6£ dfjitf>o'iv ('HXtov Kai Kp6vov) cv 'OXv/iirc^. 

"I] CRONOS. 33 

• Cic. De Nat, Dear, 3. 17, 44 Saturaum vulgo maxime ad 
Occidentem colunt. Philochorus, Frag, HisL Graec. 184 K/xWv hi 

fWiMwurBm SiarcXi'a, Koi ivravBa avrov rtranftBaL : cf. Arnob. Adv. Gent, 4. 

25 Patrocles Thurius ... qui tumulos memorat reliquiasque Satumias 
tellure in Siculd contineri. Diod. Sic. 3. 61 dwacrreOo'ctt dc ffnifn rov 

KpoM>y jrnra ScfCcXuijr rac fii^vrfv, tfrt dc rrfw 'IraXuiy Koi t6 avwakop hf rols np6s 

€(nt€pap Tfhrois awrr^a'curBai rr^w /Sao-cXctay, Kara re r^v 2iKrXi<v Jtal to irpdr 

€tTW€pa» vriowra fjjprj noKkovs tS>w in^\&v r6w»¥ aw (Ktipov Kpdyia npoct' 

ayopmoBoi. Cf. Plut. De Is. el Ostr, p. 378 E rovg dc vpiii ianipav 

oUoMfTos tcrropcc Bcoirofiirof ffytlaBiu luu xaXtlv rhv fiiv x*iit»va KpdMV, r6 dc 

ftpoff *A<l>podiTfpf, r6 dc lap HtpirtiPoyrfv* (K dc Kporov icoi * hft^pohinis ytp- 
poaBai wdyra. 

^^ DicxL Sic. 13. 86 'A/uiiXjcar dc • . . luxra t6 wdrpiop tfOos r^ /uicV KfxJi^ 
iriudd o^ayiaoroff. 

" Plutarch, Z?^ SupersL 171 W dc Kapx^''(o<p ovie rXvo-ircXcc fii^rc ri»k 
Btwf firfT€ daifAOv^v vofuCiiy Ij roiavra Ov€Uf ota r^ Yip6vpf tBvov \ 

" Soph. Frag, 132 (corr. Scaliger): 

poiios yap roTi ro\a^ papfidpoig Kpova 
BwflFokiiv Pp6T(iow dpxrjBtv yciwr, 

^^ Plato, Afm. 3 1 5 C Kapxifi6ptoi be BCovaiv [avBp<imov£\ o>s wriov tv koi 
pofUfunf avTcHtf xal ravra tpuH avrw Ka\ tov£ avrcov vUis r^ Kp6vij^. 

^* Diod. Sic. 20. 14 f r dc nap* avrois duhptas Kp6vov )(a\KovSf cierrraxax 
Tag x^y^^ vnrias, ryKiKkifUvas trrl r^v yrjyf S>arf rhv iiriTtBivra rSiv naibtov 
airoKvXuaBcu mu irlnTtuf etc ri \atryLa nXrjpes irvpiis, 

^^ Dion. Hal. I. 38 Xeyovai dc Koi rds Bvtrlas cirirrXctp r^ Kp<Si^ rovs 
vaKaiovs ['Pcfffiaiovr], Sunrtp iv Kapx^bovi ritos 17 itSKis tup^ivt, km irapk 
KfXroiff (V rofk )(p6vov yiyveTtu koi iv oKKots ruri riav iairtpitav iSvSiPy apdpo" 

*• Frag. Hist, Graec, Istros, frag. 47 "larpos cV rj (rvvayfoyrj t<ov 

KprfTiKwv 6vcriS>v (l>fj<ri rovs Kovprjras t6 nakat/bv r^ Kp6v<j^ Bvtiv naldas, 

" Philo Bybl. fr. 2. § 24 {Frag, Hist, Graec, 3. p. 569) rov cavroC 

liovoyevrj vi6v Kpavos Ovpav^ r^ irarpi 6\oKavToi, 

" Macrob. Sat, 1. 10, 22 Philochorus Saturno et Opi primum in 
Attica statuisse aram Cecropem dicit . . . instituisseque ut patres 
familianim et frugibus et fnictibus iam coactis passim cum servis 
vescerentur; Id, i. 7, 37, quotation from L. Accius: 

Maxima pars Graium Saturno et maxime Athenae 
Conficiunt sacra quae Cronia esse iterantur ab iUis, 
VOL. I. D 


Eumque diem celebrant: per agros urbesque fere omnes 
Exercent epulis laeti famulosque procurant 
Quisque suos. 

*' Schol. Demosth. p. 113. 10 loprii dyofjJmj Kp6v^ KOi fu/rpl rSiw Btwt, 

*• C. /. Or, 523, CI. A. 2' 11 'EXa0iyi3oXt«iw €1 Kp6v^ notrawov da>dcx- 

*' Schol. Virg. Gearg. i. 12 Satumo cum suos filios devoraret, pro 
Neptuno equum oblatum devorandum tradunt, unde Illyrico quotannis 
ritu sacrorum equum solere aquis immergere. Cf. Paus. 8. 8, 2. 

*' Phylarchus, Frag. Hist. Graec. frag. 34 (lo. Lyd. De Mens. p. 1 16, 

Bekker) «V r^ kot avrhv rKpoyoi'] ^rp^, &f ^ijon ^vkap)(os kcu McMivdpoffy 
oGri yvvq oiVc Kv<av ovrt fiv7a ctcriffi. 

^^ *Aicpurias Hesych. 6 Kpovos irapa roU ^pv^iv : cf. E/, Mag. S. V. 
aXXoc dc <f>a<riv mrrhv Kpovov eiprjaBaiy on irpStros BtSav tls Kplcriw circjSaXf. 
£/, Mag. *ApKf(riOP tlvrpoy ttjs KprjriKJjs *l3i;r . . . (ftacrlv xm6 Kovprfmw 
ovofAao-firjvat on r5v Kpdvov avrois ^cvyovcri Koi tls avro Korabvtia'Uf anfpKto'tv' 
ovTto Sivioiv iv rois ntpl Kp^rrjs. 

^* Lycophron 203 ol d* dfi^t fitaphv rov irpopavTiOS Kpovov. 

^^ Diod. Sic. I* 97 Mt\dp,irobd <f>aai tttr€VtyKt'iv e( A^yvTrrov . . . ra ntpl 
Kpovov pvBoKoyoiifuva kcu ra vtpl Tfjs TiTavopa^iav jcoi r^ avvokov lijv irrpl t6, 
nd0Ti rov St»v laropiav, 

^ Hesiod, '^Epya 5. Ill oi ph cVrt Kpovov ^(rcwy St ovpawf ipfiatriktviV 
&0T€ 6to\ d* €((oov diafiia $vfji6v t\ovT€s, 

'^ PhilodemuS, irrpl tvatfi, (GompertZy p. 51 G.) nai r^f hii Kpovw ioMii 
Mtupovtordrrjs ovcrris^ ias fypa^^op 'Hcriodot lud 6 Tifv *AXKfit»vida woiffous, 

^ Hom. //. 15* 224 paKa yap rt paxf^ invBovro koi aXXoi ointp iviprtpoL 
«i(ri Btoi Kpovov dfjL(f)if coires. 



The study of the cults of Zeus is perhaps the most 
interesting chapter of the history of Greek religion, for 
it includes the two extremes of religious thought, the most 
primitive ideas side by side with the most advanced ; and 
nearly all the departments of nature and human life were 
penetrated with this worship. Although the figures of 
Apollo, Athene, Dionysos, and Prometheus are of more 
importance in the history of external civilization and of 
the special arts of Greece, yet no character in Greek religion 
has such wealth of ethical content, or counts so much for 
the development of moral ideas, as the character of Zeus. 
At times he seems to overshadow the separate growths of 
polytheism ; and at times in expressing the nature of Zeus 
the religious utterance became monotheistic. 

The study of this as of the other Hellenic cults must consist 
in great part of an examination of the cult-titles, which must 
be carefully distinguished from mere poetical appellatives, 
and which on the whole are our most direct evidence of the 
ideas embodied in the state-religion. And the importance 
of the title in the worship was of the greatest ; for public 
prayer and sacrifice were never made to God in the abstract, 
but to a particular divinity usually designated by some term 
that showed what sort of help the worshipper needed and 
expected ; unless he addressed the deity by the right title, 
the help might be withheld ; and a great part of the function 
of the oracles in Greece was to instruct the worshipper to 
what deity under what particular name he should pray. 
We cannot begin an account of this worship by noting the 

D 2 

36 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

locality or tribe in Greece whence it originated and was 
diffused ; Crete, Arcadia, and Dodona are important centres 
of the primitive worship, and different places may have 
contributed different elements to the story of Zeus, but the 
personage and the cult are aboriginal and common to all 
the Hellenic tribes. 

As we have seen, it is hard to fix the root-meaning, the 
original exact import, of the name, but we can distinguish 
the more primitive from the more advanced stages of the 
cult, if we accept the most probable hypothesis that the 
physical aspect of the god is the earlier, and that the savage 
character which is preserved in cults and myths is prior to the 
more moral and spiritual. The Cretan cult of Zeus Upriray^v^s 
or AtKTatos ^~^, claims the first notice, for in Crete the 
religion of Zeus appears in a peculiar and embarrassing form, 
and the strange legend of the land maintained that Zeus was 
born there and died there : * Here lies great Zeus, whom 
men call God/ says an epigram ascribed to Pythagoras'. 
Bottiger, in his Kwist-Mythologie, gives an excessive weight 
to this legend, and draws from it a theory worthy of Euhemerus 
or Diodorus Siculus, in which Crete is maintained to be the 
cradle of his worship. It is impossible to prove and difficult 
to believe this; the value of the Cretan legend is that it 
illustrates very primitive ideas, though it may have little 
value for the history of the purely Hellenic religion of Zeus. 
A student of Greek history has to receive evidence from 
Crete with much suspicion; not for the reason that the 
Cretans were always liars, but because their cults and 
legends were often confused with influences from Phoenicia 
and Asia Minor. There are three chief points in the Zeus- 
legend in Crete ; the savage quality belonging to that part of 
the legend which concerns Cronos and the swallowing of the 
stone: the Pyrrhic war-dance of the Curetes explained as 
a ruse to conceal the birth of Zeus: the prominence of 
the Earth-Mother and child, and the birth and death of the 
latter. It is this third point that most concerns us here. 
Have we here, as some have thought, the germ of the Zeus 
worship that grew and spread over the Hellenic world ? or is 

IV ] ZEUS. 37 

this at all an integral part of the Hellenic Zeus-worship? 
Probably not ; the child-Zeus who dies, the son of Rhea, 
attended by the orgiastic rout of the Curetes, is probably not 
the Hellenic Zeus at all, but rather the Dionysos Atys of 
Phrygia — the child of the earth *, whose birth and death may 
typify the rise and fall of the year, and whose image, like that 
of Dionysos, was hung on a tree for sacrificial purposes \ 
This is Welcker's theory*', based on many arguments and 
analc^ies : the Greeks from the mainland who came to the 
island found the child-god and his mother the chief figures 
in the native worship : the child was really Atys, akin to 
Dionysos, but the new-comers named him Zeus. We can 
find additional support for this view in certain features of the 
Cretan legend concerning the infant s nurture ; the goat that 
suckled him is especially associated elsewhere with the 
Dionysiac cult, and another Cretan legend, if we may trust 
the evidence of Cretan coins ^, regarded the cow as his nurse, 
and the bull-form of Dionysos was recognized in certain 
Greek cults. Stranger still is the Cretan story recorded by 
Athenaeus, that it was a sow that gave nourishment to the 
new-bom god : ' wherefore all the Cretans consider this animal 
especially sacred, and will not taste of its flesh ; and the men 
of Praesos perform sacred rites with the sow, making her the 
first-offering at the sacrifice * '^. Now the pig is nowhere else 
found in the ritual of Zeus, but was a sacred animal in the 
cult and legend of Attis- Adonis, Cybele, and the Aphrodite 
of Asia Minor, her counterpart ; and we may believf that it 
came into Crete from the same cycle, and was there attached 
to the child-god called Zeus. Lastly, we may note that 
Sardis also® had the legend of the birth of Zeus, and 
claimed to be the nurse of Bacchus ; and the same story gave 
rise to the late worship of Zeus Tovaios at Tralles ^^. 

At least the Cretan legend has little to do with the mature 

» Possibly ' the bald Zeus ' at Argos** from Cronos hung it on a tree : fab. 1 39. 

may also have been an image of the ^ Griechische Gotterlehre, 2, p. 218, 

god of the decaying year. &c. 

* This at least is the explanation * Eph. Arch. 1893, Uiv. i. 16-35 ; 

I should suggest for the story in Hy- vide text, p. 8. 
ginus, that Amalthea to save the infant 




and omnipotent god of Hellas, and received but slight 
recognition in Greek cult. It was reflected on the Arcadian 
Mount Lycaeum, where the myth of the birth of Zeus at 
Cretea, a place on the mountain, may be due to the desire 
of the Arcadian priesthood to contest the pretentions of the 
Cretan or to a mistaken^ etymology. Also at Aegium in 
Achaea we find the legend of the goat that suckled Zeus, the 
name of the city itself being probably sufficient reason for 
localizing the Cretan story there. And we may believe that 
the mysterious child Sosipolis at Olympia *, who changed into 
a snake and terrified the invading Arcadian army, and was 
worshipped in the temple of Eileithyia with offerings of 
honey-cake, was the child Zeus-Dionysos ; for elsewhere Zeus 
bore this very title of the ' Saviour of the City/ and the 
image of the child in the Olympian temple bore the horn of 
Amalthea in its hand, and moreover we have clear proof of 
the early connexion between Crete and Olympia ^ 

We can better study the very early and primitive phase of 
the Zeus-worship at Dodona and in Arcadia. The Dodo- 
nean^^ is graphically described in Homers lines: * King 
Zeus, Pelasgian God of Dodona, thou that dwellest afar, 
Lord of the wintry Dodona, and around thee dwell the 
Selli, the interpreters of thy will, who wash not the feet and 
who couch on the earth.' This is the * Pelasgic ' or pre- 
historic Zeus, and his priests, who seem to have been called 
Tomouri from Mount Tomarus on which the temple stood, 
evidently retained the tradition of a primitive fashion of life. 
It is noteworthy that one form of divination® at Dodona 

• Paus. 6. 20, 2-3 ; 25, 4. 

** The view expressed in the text 
agrees with Prof. Robert's view in the 
Athenische Mittheilungen^ 1893, p. 37, 
who points out that Pindar appears to 
know of a local * Idean cave * on the 
hill at Olympia, and that the snake form 
is attributed to Zeus in a Cretan story. 

^ The only attested methods of divina- 
tion at Dodona were the interpretation 
of the sounds in the leaves, of the 
bubbling of the stream that flowed by 

the oak, and the drawing of lots from 
a pitcher ; the * Dodonaean caldron ' 
had nothing to do with divination, and 
there is no proof that doves played any 
part in it either ; when Sophocles speaks 
of the * two doves * through which the 
oak spake to Heracles, he may be pre* 
serving a vague tradition of a talking 
dove, which dimly appears in Herodotus 
and Strabo ; but it is clear that the dove 
had ceased to talk in historical times 
{^itU note on p. 39, and i" * p q). 




preserved the lingering traces of tree-worship, and illustrated 
the conception of Zeus Ivhevbposy the god who lives in the 
tree and speaks in the rustling of the leaves ; also that the 
aspect of Zeus in this worship, so far as the evidence testifies, 
was a physical aspect In the fertile valley below this moun- 
tain of Tomarus prayers and sacrifices were offered to Zeus 
Ncuoy, the god of the fertilizing rain and dew ^^*» \ And 
in the verses of the priestesses at Dodona, the idea of the 
eternity of Zeus was expressed as a physical idea and 
associated with the perpetual fruitfulness of the earth. 
* Zeus is and was and will be ; hail, great Zeus. The earth 
sends forth fruits, wherefore call on the name of mother 
earth ^^K 

Nowhere else was Zeus r^arded, as here he seems to have 
been, as the husband of the earth-mother, for the name does 
not properly belong to Hera. The Dodonean earth-goddess 
must surely be Dione, whose worship Strabo was probably 
right in regarding as attached to that of Zeus in a post- 
Homeric period ; for there is no reference either in Homer 
or Hesiod to her Dodonean power nor to her priestesses*. 
And if, as the hymn seems to show, she was a local form of 
the earth-goddess, she would have a natural affinity to 
Aphrodite, and also to Bacchus, who comes to be afterwards 
associated with her. 

It was only at Dodona that Zeus was prominently an 
oracular god. We hear indeed from Strabo that there had 
been an oracle of Zeus at Olympia, and the lamidae, a 
noble family of soothsayers, were famous there in Pindar's 
time ^* ; and Trophonius the prophet, whose cave at Leba- 
deia became the seat of an oracle after his death, was 
identified with Zeus^^ But these are obscure or doubtful 

• There is no proof that these 
priestesses, who seem to have become 
at a later time more prominent than the 
priests, were ever caUed Peleiades or 
Doves in any historical period. Herodo- 
tns merely tries to explain aWay the 
miraculous by supposing that the so- 
called 'doves* were once women; 

Strabo suggests that the name denoted 
'old women' in the Molossian dia- 
lect"^; Pausanias takes it for granted 
that the Peleiades were priestesses, but 
it is clear from his own statements that 
this was not a name used for them at 
Dodona at any period of which he had 
knowledge " **. 

40 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

instances. It was, however, always preeminently Zeus who 
sent signs and omens. The "'Oerera, the voice in the air, is 
his messenger^*, and the sacred titles ££(^77/1109, which was 
attached to him in Lesbos^®, and 4>^/uitoy" in Erythrae, must 
have alluded to the idea, just as c^tJ/ult; or * rumour ' itself was 
sometimes personified. And this power and function of Zeus 
are also marked by the title of 7rai;o/ui(/)aio5, the god who hears 
all voices and speaks through signs, the title given him in 
the Iliad^^^ and in the fine epigram of Simonides^**, who 
dedicated a spear to Zeus of this name, probably because he had 
received some favourable sign for the battle. The god of omens 
was worshipped as o-Tj/uiaA^oy on Mount Fames ^^, and we have 
record of the title T^/xiortoy ^^ But Dodona was the only famous 
place in Greece where Zeus spoke through a temple-oracle. 
Its fame paled before the fame of Delphi; but it enjoyed 
high and enduring repute among the North-western Greeks. 
The Dodonean Zeus was celebrated in a Pindaric ode; and 
we find Demosthenes referring to its utterance for political 
guidance, and the worship of Dione existed at Athens at 
least as early as the fifth century. The inscriptions discovered 
in the recent excavations at Dodona » throw an interesting 
light on the functions of the Greek oracle and on the con- 
fidential relations between the Greek and his divinity. The 
most important is that which contains the question of the 
Corcyraean state, weary of intestine strife and asking by 
what ritual or sacrifices they may attain concord and good 
government ^ But usually the subjects of consultation were 
smaller matters, questions relating to health, doubts concern- 
ing the legitimacy of a child, or the desirableness of letting 
a house ^ Of spiritual prayer or questioning we have unfor- 
tunately no instance, and we have as yet only one example of 
the divinity's answer, which is free of ambiguity, and short 

* Carapanos, Dodone et ses RuineSy the priests who dictated the peculiar 

Paris, 1878 ; PI. 34-39. Pom tow, in« form in which the question was put, 

Jahrb, fur klass. PhiloL (Flcckeisen) a form easier than any other for them 

1883, pp. 305-360. Collitz, Dialect-in- to answer. 

schrifteny 1557-1598. c E.g. Collitz, 1581, 1586, 1590. 

*> It was probably, as Pomtow suggests, 

IV.] ZEUS. 41 

and* sensible '^*^*» ^"^ The oracle revived in later times 
through its connexion with Dione and the encouragement 
given to it by Pyrrhus, and the festival of the Naia was 
celebrated with theatrical performances at least as late as the 
second century B.C. 

The strangest, and, in some respects, most savage, was 
fhe Arcadian worship of Zeus on Mount Lycaeum *2, — 
a worship that belonged to the pre-historic period, and con- 
tinued at least till the time of Pausanias without losing its 
dark and repellent aspect. In the first place, Zeus appears in 
it conspicuously as an elemental or physical power, namely, as 
a god who sends the rain ; in times of drought the priest 
ascended the mountain and foretold and produced the rain 
by certain rites, the lofty summit from which the whole of 
the Peloponnese is visible serving as an excellent obser- 
vatory^*^. But it was chiefly as a god who demanded and 
received human sacrifice that Zeus Lyceius was known and 
dreaded. The king Lycaon offered a human child on the altar ; 
and Pausanias seems to darkly hint at the survival of such 
a practice when he declares that he would rather not speak of 
the details of the sacrifice. The rite probably accounts for the 
myth that Lycaon set human food before Zeus when feasting 
him unawares at his table; and also the myth that Lycaon 
himself was changed to a wolf was the counterpart of the belief 
that attached to the cult — namely, that some one among those 
present at the rite always suffered transformation into a wolf, 
and could only recover his human shape at the end of nine years 
by abstaining during the interval from human flesh. The man 
who entered the precincts of the altar died within a year, 
and inside them no man or animal cast a shadow ^^^^ 8~°. 
There is much that is mysterious in all this. The theory of 
Prof. Robertson Smith ^ is probable, that we have here to 
do with the cult of a wolf-clan, and that Zeus Avic^tos is the 
god of this clan. Lycaon, who sacrifices his son and who is 
transformed into a wolf, may darkly figure the god himself. 
The human sacrifice is a noteworthy fact of very rare occur- 

• Jb. 1587. compare 'Religion of the Semites,* p. 

* Article on Sacrifice, Encyc, Drit,^ 309. 

42 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

rence in the worship of Zeus ; we seem to have a tradition of 
it in the cult of Zeus Ithomatas, to whom Aristomenes offered 
five hundred prisoners of war2*,and the tradition, and perhaps 
even the practice, survived in the Athamantid family at Alus 
and in the worship of Zeus Phyxios there ^, and the legend 
recorded by Lycophron may be genuine, that a certain Molpis 
offered himself to Zeus Ombrios, the rain-god, in time of 
drought*^®. Finally we have an allusion to the practice 
in the legend of Meidias and Zeus Idaeus preserved by 
Plutarch •. 

The rite of human sacrifice on Mount Lycaeum, and at Alus, 
whatever its original significance may have been, seems to 
have become connected with a sense of sin and the necessity 
for expiation, that is, with the germ of a moral idea^ 
We might perhaps be able to say how far this conception of 
Zeus Lycacus, as a god who demanded atonement for sin, 
advanced to any spiritual expression, if the ode of Alcman 
that commemorated this worship had been preserved. As it 
is, the records that survive of this Arcadian cult testify only 
to its physical and undeveloped character, and the cult 
appears to have remained always without an image. 

It is necessary to collect other evidence that proves the 
physical or elemental quality of Zeus ; and it is enough for this 
purpose to notice some of the epithets attaching to him in the 
different cults of which the physical sense is obvious, without 
following the various localities in any order. In reviewing 
these, it is to be remarked that scarcely any testify to Zeus 
as being a mere personification of the bright sky. We find 
indeed the epithets Ovpavios and atd/jtoy ; but these need only 
denote the god who lives in the heavens or the upper air; 
the personal sky pure and simple is Ouranos rather than 
Zeus. It has been supposed that the term 'OXv/uiTrtoy had 
some such reference, as though the word had nothing to do 
with any mountain, but contained the root XafxTr, and 

• Moral. 306 f. ParaU. 5. but he is not expressly called so as 

^ The Zeus of Mount Lycaeum might Immerwahr {Die Knlte und Mythtn 

be regarded as ^ios, the god of the ArkadienSy p. 33) wrongly supposes. 

exile who flees on account of bloodshed, 




signified the * shining' one*. The accuracy of this derivation 
is doubtful ; but if we accept the derivation we need not at 
once allow that Zeus Olympius means Zeus ' of the shining 
sky/ for the word may have originally denoted the snow- 
mountain, and the divinity may have taken his name from 
the special locality in this as in countless other instances^ 
The meaning of the epithet a/xipioy, an important cult-term 
of Zeus and Athene at Aegium in Achaia, ought not to be 
doubtful '*'''. It would be an Aeolic and Doric form for fjixfpios, 
and would denote the divinity of the broad daylight®, and 
may be illustrated by the epithet Uavafiipios attaching to 
Zeus at Stratonicea, where as a divinity of the light he was 
associated with Hecate by contrast ^. It is possible that a like 
sense belongs to the word by which Zeus was designated 
at Lepreum in Elis, Acvxaibs^^^ the 'white god,* which 
Pausanias seems to explain by r«ference to an ancient plague 
of leprosy ; a myth that may have arisen from the people's 
etymology of a name that had almost died out among them. 
But it is far more probable that the Zeus Aevicalos, whom the 
Lepreatae only faintly remembered in the time of Pausanias, 
was really Zeus Lycaeus, the national god of the Arcadian 

* This theory appears first in the 
treatise De Afundoj p. 400 B, where 
"OAvfivof is derived from ^AoAa/ir^f. 

^ For further discussion of the question 
vide p. 63. 

^ An inscription of the Achaean 
league ^ contains ihe oath of federation 
sworn by the Achaeans and men of 
Orchomenns in the name of Zeus 
Amarios and Athena Amaria. And 
Strabo speaks of the temple in Aegium 
as TO 'KimpiWf the meeting- place of the 
representatives of the Achaean cities. But 
Polybius mentions a temple of Zeus'O/^i- 
plot {6fi6ptos is a mis-reading), erected by 
the men of Croton, Sybaris, and Caulon, 
in imitation of the Achaeans, for delibera- 
tion in common, and again of the 
'Ofiapioy, in which the inscription con- 
taining the terms of the anmesty brought 
about by Aratus between the rival parties 

in Megalopolis was deposited. Collitz 
seems to consider that *Ofidpioit which 
was evidently understood as meaning— 
and might by derivation really mean — 
the god of the confederacy, explains 
*AfidfHOi ; but neither of the two words 
could be a dialect-variant of the other. 
There can be no doubt that 'A/iap«o$ is 
the original and orthodox title, as it is 
vouched for by the inscription and is 
preserved almost correctly by Strabo, 
and it could more easily be corrupted 
into d/Mpios than the reverse could 
happen ; for this ancient title of the sky- 
god would probably lose its clear sense, 
and as the temple was used for political 
meetings of the confederacy, the political 
title dfA^pios might have come into vogue 
and partly displaced it, though the older 
term retained its place in the official 

44 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

community, to which they claimed to have originally 

Very rarely was Zeus brought into any connexion with 
the lights of heaven, and he had little or nothing to do with 
the sun. We have, indeed, an epigram of a probably late 
period in the Anthology on the death of Thales^^, in which we 
find the invocation of Zeus-Helios, but it may be merely an 
instance either of later pantheistic theory or of the OeoKpaaia^ 
the confusion of divinities, common to the Alexandrine and 
later period. In Crete, where the Phoenician element was 
strong, this confusion may have begun earlier, and given birth 
to such cult-titles as Zeus Talaios or Tallaios ^^^ *, a solar 
god, if Hesychius* interpretation of Talos as Helios is correct. 
Whether some peculiar local syncretism or foreign influences 
led to the double-worship of Zeus-Helios in Amorgos^^, 
certified by an early inscription, is uncertain. Here and 
there Zeus may have attracted a myth or absorbed a cult 
that belonged to Helios, but in the main religion of the people 
his figure is entirely distinct, and solar mythology may 
endeavour to explain Apollo, Heracles and others, but must 
relinquish Zeus. Nor has his divinity anything to do with 
star-worship, which scarcely finds any place at all in Greek 
religion. The name Zeus 'Ao-Tcptos at Gortys^^, if the cult 
actually existed, belongs probably to the Phoenician worship 
in which the Minotaur figures*. 

The phenomena in the physical world which Zeus had 
under his especial care were the rain, the wind, and the 
thunder. *'0/i/3pios, Natos, 'Tertos, Ovptos, Evdv^ixo^, 'iK/utaio; 
are cult-names that denote the giver of rain, wind and dew, 
'AarpaTTatby, BpovT<av, Kepavrioy, the thundcrer, and to these may 
be added a host of poetical epithets ^^"^^. Probably in every 
city of Greece men prayed to Zeus for rain in times of long 
drought, and the official Athenian prayer has been preserved : 
' Rain, rain, dear Zeus, on the corn-land of the Athenians and 
their pastures' ^^ The myth associates the institution of 
the cult of Zeus Panhellenios with the blessing of rain, when 

* Prof. Robertson Smith regards Zeus Astarte ; Ifeiigion of the Semitts, p. 392. 
^AarifHos as the male counterpart of 

IV.] ZEUS. 45 

Aeacus, at the petition of all Greece instigated by the Delphic 
oracle, ascended the mountain of Aegina and prayed for the 
whole nation ; and the name and cult of Zeus Aphesios "®, 
the pourer-forth, became also, perhaps erroneously, connected 
with this beneficent function. It has been seen that the Zeus 
Naios of Dodona was a god of the fertilizing rain and dew, 
and there was justification in Greek cult for the poetical 
personification of the dew-goddess in Alcmans verse ^^ as 
* the daughter of the sky-god and the moon.* So also Zeus 
*iicfAatos was worshipped in Ceos as the god who sent the 
moist Etesian winds at the prayer of Aristaeus ^^ 

The most quaint of all these titles that refer to the physical 
functions of the supreme divinity is that of 'ATro/uivtos, under 
which he was worshipped at Elis*^. Zeus, as the god who sends 
wind and heat, is the lord of flies. The Elean legend said that 
Heracles, when sacrificing at Olympia, was much troubled by 
these insects, and was taught to sacrifice to Zeus 'Atto/uluio?, 
who thereupon sent the flies away across the Alpheus. And 
the Eleans continued to sacrifice in the name of this god. 
A similar ritual occurred in the worship of Apollo at Leucas, 
and a hero called Myiagros, * the fly-catcher,* in Arcadia. It 
is curious to note that it is not against the plague of flies in 
general that these precautions were taken ; these were merely 
preliminary sacrifices offered to secure the worshipper from 
being troubled in his devotions at the main sacrifice, to which 
swarms of flies were likely to be attracted by the savour of 
the flesh. It only illustrates the great care taken to avert 
anything offensive or distracting at the divine service. 

The thunder-god was worshipped as Rtpavrtoy in Olympia 
and KfpavvopoKoi in Tegea,as 'AorpaTratoy in Antandros,and pro- 
bably every spot struck by lightning was consecrated by the 
same rite to him. An interesting worship, showing probably 
a very primitive view, is that of Zeus Kfpawos^^^ at Man- 
tinea, in which Zeus appears, not as the god who directs the 
phenomenon, but as the phenomenon itself: the thunder is 
regarded as personal, and in this, as in other cases, we find 
traces of a very undeveloped stage of belief in Arcadia, a land 
where men offered prayers directly to the winds and the 

46 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

thunder, the elements themselves being viewed as sentient and 
divine. The same primitive thought appears in the worship of 
Zeus KaratjSctrrys at Olympia ^^ ^ The descending Zeus is the 
Zeus that descends in the rain or lightning, and we may 
compare the Latin phrase ' lovem elicere/ which was used for 
the process in Etruscan magic of ' procuring ' lightning. This 
naive belief that the god himself came down in the lightning 
or the meteor is illustrated by the story which Pausanias found 
in the neighbourhood of Gythium about a sacred stone, a \lQos 
apyos, on which Orestes sat and was cured of his madness, and 
which the country people called Zeus KainrdTas ^^ ^^ interpret- 
ing the title as the ' stayer,' as if from KaTairavoa ; but there is 
much to be said for the view that the term means * the falling 
god,' from the root that appears in Trwrcto/uiat •. We are here 
touching on a stratum of thought infinitely older than the 
Homeric, and these instances have nothing to do with that 
later occasional tendency to identify the deity with the 
object, as, for instance, Dionysos with the wine. Ares with 
the battle, Hephaestus with the fire, which is merely inten- 
tional metaphor**; nor again with that later pantheistic 
conception expressed in Euripides, and more prominent in 
Stoicism, which regards Zeus and the other personal divinities 
as mere equivalents for the impersonal nature, the aWrip or the 
whole cosmos. 

Though such primitive and naive thought is preserved in 
a few cults, yet most of them, so far as they dealt with the 
physical functions of Zeus, represented him as he is repre- 
sented in Homer, as a personal divinity having power over 
the whole realm of nature, not as a personification or a minister 
of a special department. 

In Homer, indeed, there commonly appears the theory that 
the three realms of nature are ruled by the three brothers 
according to a sort of constitution, to which Poseidon appeals, 
and Homer might seem to reconcile polytheism with the 

• Vi't/e Wide, Lakonische A'ultCy p. 21. 'npoaayop€vov(riv''EXXfivts, KaX ruv otvw 
^ Cf. //. 2. 381, 426; Clem. Alex. Ai6pv<tov , . . teard nva dya^p6y. 
Sirotn, 7. 863 P. ct;; t^k aidtfpoy ^Aprjy 

!▼.] ZEUS. 47 

supremacy of a chief god in the same way as the poet quoted 
by Plutarch*: 

Z€^ 7<d/> rd /t<y rotavra 0poyri(ci fiporwp 

But even in Homer, Zeus can control the sea ; and in the 
cults, which still better attest the popular belief, Zeus 
could absorb the most diverse functions in the physical world. 
The fortunate mariner could offer up thanksgiving either to 
Poseidon or to Zeus 'ATrojSanyptoy *^ ^ or ^onTrjp ; an inscription 
at Athens mentions a society of ^(OTripiaarai devoted to the 
worship of Zeus the saviour of sailors, to Heracles Hegemon 
and the Dioscuri, and in another Attic inscription we have 
an account of the sailors' festival of the AuaonTrjpia which 
was celebrated with trireme-races *^ •. The man who wanted 
a wind could pray to the various wind-gods or to Zeus 
Ovpios or Evdi^€/xoy ^® •' ^ Prayers and thanksgiving for crops 
could be made equally to Demeter or Zeus under the title 
of rca)/>yoy, which was given him at Athens*®, or Kapiro- 
lorqs^ **, as he was styled in Phrygia ^ In fact, in the Greek 
theory concerning the physical world and the powers 
that ruled it we find beneath the bewildering mass of cults 
and legends a certain vague tendency that makes for 
monotheism, a certain fusion of persons in one, namely, 
Zeus. This tendency is genuine and expressed in popular 
cult, and is to be distinguished from the later philosophic 
movement. Thus Zeus could be identified with Poseidon as 
Zcvv ^vdAioy*®®, and in Caria as Zrjvo'UoaeibcZi;^^ ; he could 
be identified also with Hades, not only in the poetry of 
Homer and Euripides, but by the worshipper at Corinth or 
Lebadeia**"®^. The oracular Zeus-Trophonios®*^ was probably 
the nourishing earth-god, akin to Zeus Tcaipyos in Attica, and, 
as the earth-god, gave oracles through dreams*'. Perhaps 
the term Sicorfras, ' the dark one,' applied to Zeus who was 

* Z?^ And. Poet, 24 C. from Nemea and Argos. 

* The colt of 2^U8 Nemeios in Lo- * This view of Trophonius, which has 
cris ^^ * may have been instituted in Slrabo's support, seems more probable 
honour of the ' pastoral god * who was than Preller*s, who regards Trophonius 
called elsewhere N^/u<» or Nc/ii}iof ^ ; as a local hero who was given the title 
or it may have been directly borrowed of Zeus ' to swell his style.' 

48 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

worshipped in the dark oak-grove at Caryae in Laconia, was 
meant to designate the king of the lower world, and Zeus 
\06vios was worshipped at Corinth as the counterpart of 
Pluto, and the Zeus Eubouleus of Paros and Cyrene and 
Amorgos is an euphemistic name for Hades *^. As the 
functions of a god of the lower world and of a deity of 
vegetation and fertility were sometimes attached to Zeus% 
we are prepared to find him at times identified with Dionysos ; 
and the worship at Acraephia of ' Zeus the god of the vint- 
age**^, and the ritual of Zeus Didymaeus®^ in which those who 
made the libation were crowned with ivy, mark his association 
with the wine-god, which was also strikingly illustrated by 
a well-known monumental representation of Zeus Philius. 
Other monumental evidence, which will be noticed later on, 
is still more explicit as regards this trinity in which Zeus 
is partly fused with his brothers. 

Zeus becomes the supreme but never the sole god in the 
physical universe. The question arises whether he is ever 
regarded as the creator, either of the world, or of men, or of 
both? He is called by Homer Trar^p avhp&v re dtQv r€, and 
in a remarkable passage in the Odyssey, a complaint is uttered 
against Zeus that he does not compassionate men ' whensoever 
he bringeth them to birth ** ' ; but neither cult nor popular 
legend, nor the systematized mythology of Hesiod and writers 
of his school, bear out this view. In fact, Greek religion and 
religious myth, apart from Orphic teaching, have very little to 
say about creation, either on a large or small scale ; and the 
statement is often inconsistent and singularly scanty, when 
one compares it even with savage mythologies, which some- 
times offer very quaint and explicit explanations of the origin 
of things. In Greek theology the universe was not the work 
of a pre-existing divinity, but rather the divinities were them- 
selves evolved out of the universe, or out of some physical 

* We have, for instance, clear allusions worship at Halicarnassus and being 

to worships that acknowledged him as explained by the word dtrtcpaf which 

the god of the olive-tree and fig-tree, as meant, according to Hesychins, a barren 

a god of cattle and corn-growing **"**, oak-trec. 

^, **; we have the cult-titles ivUvipos ^ Od, 20. 201. 
and dffic^os, the latter attested for the 

IV.] ZEUS. 49 

element wrought upon by some physical impulse. Thus in 
Homer, in spite of Zeus rTanjp, it is Okeanos who is the 
physical source of all things, gods and men included*; in 
Hesiod it is Chaos, and men and gods sprung from the same 
source. Yet in his strange myth of the five ages, the third 
and fourth are the creation of Zeus ; on the other hand; men 
existed before Zeus attained the power. Again, it was not 
Zeus, but Prometheus or Hephaestus, who created Pandora, 
the mother of women ; and it was Prometheus who, in later 
l^end, was reported to have made men out of clay. Zeus 
indeed might be the creator or progenitor of a certain tribe of 
men, but this was a special distinction ; and other tribes 
preferred the theory that they grew out of the earth or the 
trees or the rocks, or that they existed before the moon was 
made. Therefore the invocation of Zev Trdrcp expresses rather 
a moral or spiritual idea than any real theological belief 
concerning physical or human origins. 

Nor did Greek philosophy or poetry contribute much to 
the conception of a personal god as creator of the world. 
In the philosophers, the theory about the creative principle 
is usually pantheistic or impersonal. What Plutarch tells us 
of Thales** agrees with some of the utterances of Democritus° 
and later Stoicism ^ : the deity or creative power is immanent 
in matter. It is true that the belief that God created man 
in his own image is ascribed to the Pythagorean school by 
Clemens®, but the same authority also declares that this 
school regarded the deity, not as external to the world, but 
as immanent in it ^. The Socrates of Xenophon speaks of 
a personal creator, but physical speculation played little part 
in Socrates' teaching ; and it is difficult to say that the Platonic 
dtos is clearly conceived as a personal creative being. 

Looking at Greek poetry we see that, where it touches 
on this theme, it is predominantly pantheistic. Very rarely 

» 77. 14. 246: Hes. 'E/ry. 108 &s p. 150) Zeus is rather the 0v(r€a« <ipx»7- 

dfiMw yty&aai Btol 6prjr<A r' AvBpcanot, yus than its creator, though he is con- 

*» Euseb. Praep, Ev. 14. 16. ceived as the source of human life. 

• Cic. De Nat. Dear, i. 120. • Strom. 5, p. 662 P. 

«* lb* I. 37 ; cf. 2. 45. In Cleanthes* ' Protrept., p. 6a P. 
hymn (Mollach, Frag. Phil. Grace, i. 

VOL. I. E 

50 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

was Zeus regarded as the creator of the world, the ' noble 
craftsman/ as Pindar calls him once*; and that fragment of 
Sophocles ^ which maintains monotheism and a divine origin 
of the physical world and goes on to protest against ordinary 
Greek belief, is of questionable origin. 

The doctrine of Euripides, when it is not atheistic, is 
usually pantheistic; for him Zeus is commonly the alQrip or 
aviyKr] or the inner spirit of man. And the tendency which 
this poet encouraged and which became dominant in the 
theologic theory of Stoicism, to resolve the divinities into 
physical phenomena evidently made against the develop- 
ment of a belief in a monotheistic personal first cause. It 
is interesting to see that in this matter there was little 
variance between the mythology of Greece and its philo- 
sophy and poetry®. 

Hitherto we have been dealing with the physical character 
of Zeus and the epithets that designate this. A large class of 
these that remain to be noticed are the titles that attest his 
worship on the mountain-tops ®^~*^^. Though we hear also of 
the temple of Hermes on the top of Cyllene, the highest 
mountain in Arcadia, and of Apollo on the hill of Phigaleia, and 
of other divinities whose shrines sometimes crowned the acro- 
poleis, it is only the supreme god of Greece who was habitually 
worshipped on the high places. The chief cult of Messene was 
that of Zeus Ithomatas ^^, In Euboea Zeus took his name from 
the Kencan mount where, according to a legend, Heracles had 
founded his worship ^^•; in Boeotia from Mount Laphystos^S 
unless we suppose that in this case the mountain took its 
name from the god, Zeus being here regarded as the raven- 
ing god of winter**. On Mount Pelion Zeus, who was there 
honoured with an altar, was known as Zeus 'AKpatos ®, a title 
which sometimes refers to the cult cither on the mountain- 
top or on the acropolis of the city®^ As we hear that 

• Pind. Frag. 29. Aair), to devour. 

*» Clem. Proir, p. 63 P. • Not dneraioi, as is read in a frag- 

c Orest. 884 ; Frag. 935 ; Frag. Pei- ment of Dicaearchns, MiiUcr, Frag. 

rithouSf 596 ; F^ng. 1007 : cf. Aesch. Hisi, 2. 262 ; inscriptions found in the 

Frag. HeliadeSy 65 a. neighbourhood prove dtcpaibs. 

^ KoupvffTios: from kaxpvaffu (root 

IV.] ZEUS. 51 

Aeacus ascended the mountain of Aeg^na to pray for rain, 
and the Arcadian priest the Lycaean mount for the same 
purpose®^**, and the worship on Mount Pelion appears to 
have had the same intention, it is probable that this con- 
secration of the mountain-tops to Zeus expressed the primi- 
tive belief in his physical or elemental character, as the god 
who sent down rain or thunder from the heights, and who was 
therefore called a(t>i(rios (according to the popular interpreta- 
tion of the name) in the cult on the mountain between Megara 
and Corinth. The title "TTraros was originally given to denote 
the deity who was worshipped in high places, but it probably 
came to acquire the same moral significance as the cognate 
term *T>/rt(7Tos, both being cult-designations of the most High 
God «^' ^. 

In this list the only epithet that is difficult to interpret 
is 'OXv/uLTTtos. We find the worship of Zeus Olymplus at 
Athens*, Chalcis, Megara, Olympia, Sparta, Corinth, Syra- 
cuse, Naxos, and Miletus'*^. The theory that the name 
expresses the 'shining* god is hardly credible. We cannot 
avoid connecting the word with the Thessalian Mount Olym- 
pus, and we must suppose that it spread from that region over 
the Greek world, either through the diffusion of cult or 
through some prevalent poetic influence. Unfortunately we 
have scarcely any direct historical record of a Zeus-cult on 
that mountain ; as probable evidence of it we can only point 
to the city at its foot, called Alov, that took its name from the 
god. Still it is natural to believe that there was in very early 
times an actual worship of Zeus Olympius in North Thessaly ; 
for the foundation of this cult at Athens was connected with 
the legend of the Thessalian Deukalion, and Olympia, which 
took its name from the worship that at an early time was 
planted there, had a close legendary association with Thes- 
saly ^ But, as we can gather from the poems of Homer, the 

* The worship at Athens was ancient, chryselephantine statue and appointed 

being connected in legend with Denka- an official to take charge of it called 

lion, but it only rose into prominence the (paiUvyrrji Ai6s*OKv fxitiov ivdarti**'^. 

in Hadrian's time, who built the vast *» Vide Preller-Robert, i, p. 121, 

Olympieion, and dedicated the colossal note 3. 

E 2 

52 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

name had spread much further than the actual cult, and the 
reason of this is probably the early celebrity of the Thes- 
salian- Aeolic poetry. We may believe that the name of Zeus 
Olympius was familiar in the local religious hymn, for the 
origin of this branch of poetic composition was placed in 
North Greece, and we hear of a cult of the Muses upon 
Olympus. But we must attribute most to the early heroic 
and epic lay which, arising in these regions, was the germ of 
the great Ionic epic ; it is probable that from its first begin- 
nings down to the time of Homer the name Olympius was 
attached in this poetry as a permanent epithet to Zeus, who 
had long been associated either by cult or by the poetic 
imagination of the people with the great mountain whose 
snowy summit appeared to the people to be the proper home 
of the god. Even in the Homeric epic the term has come to 
lose its precise local significance ; and passing into the sense 
of 'celestial' it comes later to be applied to Aphrodite and 
Hera, and even to Gaea as the divine mother of the gods. 

A higher class of cult-names are those which have a social 
or political significance. In Greek religion, as in others of 
the Aryan races, we may distinguish the cult of the higher 
divinities from the political or gentile cult of the dead ances- 
tor or eponymous hero, a religion not noticed in Homer but 
probably of ancient establishment in Greece. These are 
perhaps two originally distinct systems, or perhaps originally 
the one arose from the other ; what concerns us here is to 
note where the two touch. This would happen, for instance, 
where Zeus was regarded as the mythic ancestor of the 
tribe and designated as Zeus *narpo)os®^ This is the strict 
sense of the word, and in this sense, according to Plato, the 
title was not in vogue among the Athenians, who traced their 
descent to Apollo Uarp^os, But the Heracleidae sacrificed 
to Zeus Patroos as their ancestor *®^ And according to 
a fragment of the Niobe of Aeschylus quoted above, the 
family of Tan talos worshipped Zeus under this title on Mount 
Ida*^% and inscriptions prove the existence of the cult of 

* The rarer title Odrpios is fotmd in Father, and occurs in late Roman and 
Diodoros Siculus, denoting Zens the Carian inscriptions*^*. 

IV.] ZEUS. 53 

Zeus ITarpcJ&os at Tegea and Chios ®^*^'*. From the same 
point of view we may explain the titles of Zeus Agamemnon 
and Zeus Lacedaemon at Sparta, often misunderstood®*"^*. 
These are ancestral or heroic cults given an Olympian colour ; 
the hero is deified under the name of Zeus*. Secondly, 
varpi^os has a more general sense, being applied to the 
divinities that protect the family right, the honour due to 
parents. ' Reverence Zeus, the Father-God,' says Strepsiades 
in the Clouds of Aristophanes appealing to his son with a verse 
from some tragedy ; and the words of Epictetus express the 
Greek belief, ' all fathers are sacred to Zeus, the Father-God, 
and all brothers to Zeus, the God of the family ' ^^^ The name 
Voyi'&o; can be taken together with a large group of cognate 
titles, all of which reveal that the supreme god was supposed 
to foster the marriage union, the birth of children, the sanctity 
of the hearth, the life of the family and the clan®^-»«'^»-^<^^ 
He is rcAeioy not only in the more general sense as the god 
who brings all things to the right accomplishment, tht god 
to whom under this title Clytemnestra prays for the accom- 
plishment of her hopes ^® ; but specially in the sense of the 
marriage god, ya\kr\Kios or yeW^Atos®^ — a title which was 
common to him and associated him with other divinities, and 
which probably came to him originally from his marriage 
with Hera that was recognized in ancient cult and legend. In 
the Eumenides of Aeschylus, Apollo reproaches the Erinyes 
that they 'dishonour and bring to naught the pledges of 
Zeus and Hera the marriage-goddess'; and the same 
poet speaks of the first libation at a feast as offered 
to Zeus the god of timely marriage and to Hera^**®'®. 
Plutarch says, * those who marry are supposed to need five 
divinities, Zeus Teleios and Hera Teleia, Aphrodite and 
Peitho, and Artemis above all ' ; and in this, as in a parallel 
passage of Dio Chrysostom, we discern the universal activity 
attributed to Zeus, who on occasion could assume the special 
functions of nearly all the lower divinities ®®. Thus, for instance, 

* Wide's opinion that Agamemnon the evidence for the existence of the 
was the name ofan aboriginal god whom cult in Laconia is very late; Lako- 
Zens displaced is scarcely plausible, as nischt Kultd p. 12. 




it is the Erinyes who specially punish wrong done to parents 
and execute the father's curse ; but Zeus Genethlios, the god 
of the birthright, could assume this function also* 

The most common title that denoted the whole family 
life which Zeus protected was Ztvs 'Epxao?, whose worship 
we find on the Acropolis of Athens, at Olympia and at 
Argos, and whose altar stood in the middle of the courtyard 
of the house^^. His name could be used as an equivalent 
for the family-tie, by a process not uncommon in Greek 
religious speech, whereby the divinity with its epithet comes 
to have the value of a mere abstraction, or the personi- 
fication of an abstraction ^"8. Thus in Sophocles' Antigone, 
Creon avers he will slay Antigone * though she were nearer to 
him in blood than ^^rov iravros ffixiv Zrjvds kpn^CovJ* the whole 
circle of kindred that God protects.' No religion sanctioned 
more strongly than the Greek the duties of child to parent 
and parent to child. Unnatural vice and the exposure of 
children are spoken of as sins against Zeus, the god of birth 
and the god of kinship, though this deep feeling may have 
been late in developing. A passage in Euripides preserved 
by Stobaeus declares that * he who honours his parents is 
beloved by the gods in this world and the next ' ; and the 
compiler quotes a striking and similar passage from Perictione, 
the female philosopher of the Pythagorean school, concerning 
the sanctity of the duties to parents which were enforced by 
penalties in the other world. The parent must be honoured 
more than the statue of the god, according to Plato, who 
asserts that Nemesis accuses before the divine judge those 
who neglect such duties. And the religious character of the 
family is again well illustrated by a line of Euripides, who 
calls the sons the protectors or avengers of the household 

• The title X«x*aTi;y, by which Zeus 
was known at Alipbera in Arcadia ^^, 
wonld belong to this group, if it could 
be supposed to denote the god who 
aided women in travail ; but this is 
very improbable, as Zeus was never 
supposed to assume the functions of 
Artemis Xoxcta. The myth of the 

birth of Athena was prevalent in the 
neighbourhood of Aliphcra, and the 
name must be understood as a naive 
popular designation of Zeus *'m child- 
bed,' and is an instance of what is very 
rare in Greek religious terminology, 
a cult-title arising directly from a myth. 

IT.] ZEUS. 55 

gods and graves. We discover here an idea that is closely 
akin to that which dominates the ancient family-system of 
the Hindoos, namely, that a man must beget children to 
maintain the ancestral worship ^^^ 

As the family was a unit of the </)par/)ta at Athens, so at 
Athens was Zeus Herkeios coupled with Zeus Phratrios. * Zeus 
of the household, Zeus of the clan is mine,' says a speaker in 
a comedy of Cratinus the younger, having just returned to 
his relations after a long war. It was from the altar of 
Zeus ^parpios that the <f>paT(p€s brought their vote, when they 
were present at an adoption to give il sanction. And the 
part that Zeus ^pirpios played in the ancestral worship at 
Athens can be illustrated from more than one Attic inscrip- 
tion^^. In all matters in which the phrateres adjudicated, 
the oath must be taken at the altar of Zeus 4>/>(lr/otoy, and 
a fine of a hundred drachmae to this god was incurred by any 
one who wrongfully introduced a person into the association ; 
at the great clan-festival of the Apaturia sacrifice was offered 
to Zeus under this title and to Athena. The same appellative 
occurs in Crete in a peculiar dialect-form, dparptoy, according to 
the most probable interpretation of this word ^®-**. 

Not only was he the guardian of kinship, but also the 
protector of the family property, and worshipped as Zeus 
Krriaios^^^. Originally this term, like that of Zeus Plousios, 
denoted the god who gives men the possession of wealth ; and 
the image of Zeus K-n^cnos stood in the store-rooms of houses, 
and his symbol was commonly an urn containing a mixture 
called ififipoa-Ca^^^ \ compounded of water, honey, and various 
fruits. But the name passed naturally, as many of the other 
cult-n^mes passed, into a more extended use ; and we hear of 
the client of Isaeos going to the Peiraeus to sacrifice to Zevy 
KTrjcrioi, to whose worship he was especially devoted, and 
praying that he would grant health and the attainment of 
good things to the Athenian people ^"^°. This worship was 
especially Attic ; we find the sTmilar cults of Zeus IWovaLos 
in Sparta'®^, and Zeus "OA/Stoy in Cilicia^®^ The god who 
protected property was worshipped also as "Optos, the Hellenic 
counterpart of the Latin Terminus ; and Plato lays it down 

56 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

as the first law of Zeus the boundary-god, that one's neigh- 
bour's landmark should not be removed ^^®. 

These are the leading titles of the god of the family ; there 
are others that designate him as the god of the political 
community. Zeis KAdptoy is he who sanctified the original 
allotment of land among the clans or divisions of the people. 
The high ground at Tegea was sacred to him, and there seems 
to have been the same cult at Argos, according to a passage 
in the Stipplices of Aeschylus, unless the poet is using the 
title there in the wider sense, designating the god as the 
dispenser of all fortune ^^^^ 

A higher name in the civic religion is that of Zeus 
IToXuvs^*^^, which must be carefully distinguished from TTa- 
Tp^os^ as it connotes not the bond of kinship but the 
union of the stated The statue and altar of Zeus FloAtevs 
stood on the Acropolis at Athens, and one of the strangest 
tales of ritual is told by Pausanias concerning it : stalks of 
barley and wheat were placed on the altar, and an ox 
which was kept in readiness approached and ate some of 
the offering ; whereupon it was slain by a priest who was 
called * the murderer of the ox,' and who immediately threw 
down the axe and then fled as though the guilt of homicide 
were on him ; the people pretended not to know who the 
slayer was, but arrested the axe and brought it to judgement. 
The story as told by Pausanias is very incomplete, and he 
wisely refrains from offering an explanation of what he 
certainly did not understand. A far more valuable and 
detailed account of the ritualistic act and legend is preserved 
by Porphyry, who seems to give us a verbatim extract from 
Theophrastus ^^^ ®. A certain Sopatros, a stranger in the land 
of Attica, was sacrificing harmless cereal offerings to the gods 
on the occasion of a general festival, when one of his oxen 
devoured some of the corn and trampled the rest under foot ; 
the sacrificer in anger smote and slew him, and then, smitten 

• A later cult expressing the politi- in the Imperial period at the Phrygian 

cal union of the state is that of Zeus city of Synnada (Overb. Kunst-Mythol, 

Pandemos, which is attested by one i, p. a a a, Miinztaf. 3. ao, Head, Hist, 

Attic inscription "^, and which existed Num, p. 569). 

i^.] ZEUS. 57 

with remorse, fled into exile to Crete, after burying the ox. 
A dearth fell upon the land, and the Delphic oracle declared 
to the men of Attica that the Cretan exile would cause the 
trouble to cease, *but they must punish the murderer and 
raise up the dead, and it would be better for them if at the 
very same sacrifice in which it died they all tasted the flesh of 
the dead and refrained not.' It was discovered that Sopatros 
bad done the deed^ and an embassy was sent to him. Wishing 
to free himself from the burden of conscience, he volunteered 
to return, stating that it was necessary to slay an ox again, 
and oflering to be himself the slayer, on condition that they 
should make him a citizen and should all take part in the 
murder. The citizens agreed and instituted the ritual of the 
jSoiK^orui, *the murder of the ox,* which continued till a late 
period to be the chief act in the Diipoleia, the festival of Zeus 
Polieus. Maidens called water-carriers were appointed to 
bring water to sharpen the axe and the knife; one man 
handed the axe to another, who then smote that one of the 
oxen among those which were driven round the altar that 
tasted the cereal offerings laid upon it ; another ministrant 
cut the throat of the fallen victim, and the others flayed it 
and all partook of the flesh. The next act in this strange 
drama was to stuff" the hide with grass, and sowing it together 
to fashion the semblance of a live ox and to yoke it to the 
plough. A trial was at once instituted, and the various 
agents in the crime were charged with ox-murder. Each 
thrust the blame upon the other, until the guilt was at last 
allowed to rest on the axe, which was then solemnly tried 
and condemned and cast into the sea. Thus the bidding of 
the oracle was fulfilled ; as many as possible had taken part 
in the murder ; all had tasted the flesh, the murderous axe 
was punished and the dead was raised to life. The search 
after an explanation of this mysterious practice leads far back 
into the domain of primitive ideas that form the background 
of ritual. Whatever may be the final explanation, the story 
and the ritual reveal this at least, that the Zeus of Attica was 
originally a god of agriculture, and that the community of 
citizens was supposed to have been brought about and main- 

58 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

tained by eating the ox by way of sacrament ; and we may 
conclude that the animal was regarded as of kin to the 
worshipper and the god. The special deity of an ox-clan 
becomes the god of the whole state ; the ox-man, Bovrr/s, the 
mythic ancestor of the Bovrd5ai, the priests of Athena Polias 
and Poseidon-Erechtheus, bequeaths his name also to the 
priest of Zeus Polieus ^^^ ®, and Athene herself promised pre- 
cedence to the Diipolia among the sacrifices on the Acropolis 
out of gratitude to Zeus who voted the land to her. Another 
instance that may here be quoted of the religious-political 
significance of the ox in Attic worship is afforded by two late 
Attic inscriptions, showing that the Zeus ^i^ naAAa5ta), the god 
who sat in the judgement-hall of Pallas, where cases of 
involuntary homicide were tried, was served by a priest who 
was called Boufvyryy, * the yokcr of the ox,' a name derived 
from the mythical first tiller of the soil *. 

The worship of Zeus Polieus, which was in vogue in other 
parts of Greece ^**^'*'*, was apparently less prominent in the 
religion at Athens than that of Athene Polias ; but the chief 
parts and activities of political life were consecrated to him 
by such titles as jQovXalos, the god who inspired council, to 
whom prayers were made by the members of the /3ovAi} 
before -deliberation ; his statue stood in the council-chamber 
near to that of Apollo and Demos ^^^, and Athena BovXata 
was associated with him. The worship of Zeus 'Aftj3ovAtos"^ 
at Sparta had probably the same significance as that of 
BovAaZos, which also was found in Laconia ^ 

'Ayopalos is an epithet that belonged to Zeus in common 
with many other divinities whose statues stood in the market- 
place ^^ '^ Under this title we must not regard Zeus usually 
as the god of trade, as was Hermes 'Ayopatos, though we 
have one instance of the honesty of a bargain being guaranteed 
by an oath taken in his name'^^** ; but as the god who pre- 
sided over assemblies and trials : it was he who, according to 

■ Vide Appendix on Ritnal, p.88. form of Hades: vide***. Probably 

^ The name Enboulcns does not the title *■ Mechaneus ' under which 

belong to this class, though placed in it Zeus was worshipped at Argos, de- 

by Diodorus Siculus, but always desig- signaled the god who shows men ways 

nated the Cbthonian Zeus, another and means ^^' (suppl.). 

nr.] ZEUS. 59 

Aeschylus ^^^^ awarded victory to Orestes in his trial for 
matricide: 'Zeus who gives judgement in the court has 

These titles all refer to the peaceful life of the city. As 
a war-god pure and simple Zeus scarcely appears at all, 
a fact which is somewhat remarkable, since the supreme 
god of a warlike people tends naturally to assume such 
functions, as the history of Odin shows ; and we may regard 
this as a proof of the civilized quality of the religion of Zeus. 
It is only in the semi-Hellenic cult of Caria that Zeus 
appears preeminently as a warlike god, as Zeus Stratios, * the 
god of hosts,' and as Zeus Labrandeus, armed with the 
double-headed axe, whose worship penetrated into Attica and 
was organized by a thiasos in the Peiraeus in the third 
century ^^*»^^**»y Another appellative of the same divinity 
was Xpv<rd<M}p, the god of the golden sword or axe, whose 
cult was of great celebrity at the Carian Stratonicea, The 
worship of Zeus Srpartoy spread to Bithynia, and in a late 
period to Athens ; but the latter city had admitted the worship 
of the Carian Zeus as early as the beginning of the fifth 
century, if Herodotus' statement is to be believed that it was 
specially observed by the family of Isagoras. Also in the 
ancient period and in the backward regions of Hellas proper 
we may suppose that Zeus had been worshipped directly as 
a god of war. The Eleans preserved the tradition, if not the 
altar, of Zeus Areios, to whom Oinomaos offered prayers before 
his deadly race, which may be regarded as a peculiar ritual of 
human sacrifice ^^^^ And the Epirote kings at their accession 
took the constitutional oath with their people at the altar 
of Zeus 'Apeloy^^"**. In Laconia a military sense may have 
belonged to the titles 'AyrJT(ap and KoarpirJTas, which were 
attached to Zeus ^^^» ^'^^. Zeus 'AyT/rwp was the leader of the 
host, to whom the king sacrificed, and from whose altar, if 
the signs were favourable, he carried fire away with him to 
the enemy's frontier ; the second title is more doubtful, as it 

• The 0€oi dyopcuoi have been by Pindar to Hermes as president of 

thonght to be identical with those the games; it is no cult-title of Zeus, 

whom Aeschylus and others called and is only once applied to him, 

d-Ti&i^toi ; the epithet dy^iot is applied namely in a line of Sophocles '^*. 

6o ' GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

may denote the god *who arrays the ranks,* or in a more 
general sense the power that orders the world. The worships 
of Zeus Sthenios near Troezen ^^^ and of Zeus Strat^os at 
Amastus in Paphlagonia "° *, of Zeus 0/ioyt;pws, the gatherer 
of the host, at Aegium ^^^ belonged to the same class, and it 
is probable that the Zeus Charmon ^** who was honoured with 
a temple near Mantinea was the god * who rejoiced in battle,' 
especially as it stood near the grave of Epaminondas, and as 
X^PM^ refers always to the delight of battle ■. But generally 
and essentially for the religion of the developed Greek people 
he is not a war-god nor supreme with the mere physical 
supremacy of strength ; he is rather the god of victory and 
victorious peace, after his triumph over the Titans and Giants, 
the god who has N^ktj for his constant ministrant and who 
dispenses victory and holds the balance of the battle. In this 
respect Zeus NtKT;<^opos '^ and Athene NtV?; stand alone among 
the Olympians ; the trophy itself was the sacred aniconic 
representation of Zeus Tropaeus, a name which occurred in 
the worship at Sparta and Salamis^^^^'^^s^ 

The Homeric poems in which Zeus decides the fate of the 
combat, but sits aloof, present the actual view of Greek 
religion. No title so fully and feelingly describes the func- 
tions of Zeus, the Helper of men, as Zeus Soter^-®, which 
includes others such as iX^^UaKoSy i.-norpo-naios, d7r?/fjitos, 'the 
warder-off of evil ' ; and just as Zeus 'ATTofiaTrjpLos was ' the 
god who brings the ship to land,' to whom Alexander offered 
thanksgiving on disembarking in Asia, so Zeis ^onTrip was 
worshipped by the sailors of the Peiraeus ^-® ^ as the god who 
could save in shipwreck as well as in war. The watch- 
word of the Greeks at the battle of Cynaxa was * Zeus the 
Saviour '^^»; and in most localities the cult commemorated 
some deliverance from the perils of war. It was this divinity 
who inspired the Greeks at Plataea with the hopes of victory ; 

• The epithet is usually explained ** Zeus 'Nitcrj<l>6pos, however, does not 

with less probability, as designating appear as a cult-name. The earliest 

the god ' who gives joy,' through the literary statement of the connexion of 

harvest or at the feast ; for instance by Nike with 2^us is Bacchyiides* frag- 

Immerwahr, Die Kulte und Mythtn ment^''. In Himerius Or, 19. 5 she 

Arkadicns, p. 30. is ' the daughter of great Zeus.' 

nr.] ZEUS. 6i 

to whom the Cyreans offered sacrifice at the close of their great 
march, and to whom the Mantineans the citizens of Megalo- 
polis and the Messenians raised shrines of thanksgiving for the 
freedom which Epaminondas' victories had brought them. The 
festival with which the Sicyonians honoured the memory of 
Aratus was inaugurated by the priest of Zeus Soter, and we 
have records of his cult at Argos, Troezen, Aegium, Pharsalus, 
Pcrgamon, and Rhodes, in Ambracia, Aetolia and Lesbos ; 
but the Athenian monuments and ritual of this as of most 
other worships are best known to us. His temple stood in the 
Peiraeus and survived when most of the other buildings there 
had been destroyed ; and the ephebi, who were specially 
under his care, rowed trireme-races in his honour at the 
festival of the Diisoteria. In the city itself, where he was 
worshipped in company with Athena Soteira, we hear of no 
temple but an altar and a statue only, near to which inscrip- 
tions commemorating Athenian successes appear to have been 
set up. Oxen were sacrificed in large numbers at the festival 
of the Diisoteria*, and the altar was decked with great pomp ; 
and the priest of Zeus Soter, in the Plutus of Aristophanes, 
speaks of the numerous sacrifices habitually made by private 
citizens. It was perhaps through the ceremony of the Greek 
banquet that the title acquired a wider significance, as the 
IjAs 2a>T»}/> was the god to whom the third libation was offered 
at the close of the feast, and he was regarded at this moment 
as the god who dispensed all good things, as the hyaQos baiuoiv 
of the life of man ; so that we may thus understand the 
epithet with which Aeschylus described the prosperous life of 
Agamemnon as * that which poured the third libation,' the life, 
that is, that was specially guarded by Zeus the Saviour. 

Many of the titles above-mentioned and the functions that 
they connote belonged to other divinities as well. But his 
worship has a political significance higher than any other, for 
he alone regarded the unity of Greece, and his cult was 
preeminently Hellenic and not merely local or tribal. As 
Z6VV 'Ofiayvpios he gathered the hosts against Troy"'. As 
^EK€v$€pi,os he saved Greece from Persia and was worshipped at 

* Mommsen's Heortologie^ p. 453. 

62 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Plataea after the battle, and a striking epigram of Simonides 
preserves the memory of this cult : 

* Having driven out the Persians, they raised an altar to 
Zeus, the free man's god, a fair token of freedom for Hellas/ 

After the victory the Greeks purified the land, bringing 
fresh fire from the hearth of the Delphic shrine; and then 
raised the altar and a temple near the monuments of 
those that had fallen ; at the same time the games called 
Eleutheria were instituted, which were still being held every 
fifth year in Pausanias' time, and in which the chief contest 
was a race of armed men round the altar ^'^^ At Athens 
also we hear of a statue to Zeus 'EAev^eptos, which in all 
probability took its name from the same great event as the 
Plataean cult, and not, as Hyperides explained, from the 
enfranchisement of slaves ^^^*. It stood, according to Pausa- 
nias, in the Ceramoicus, near the Stoa Basileios, and near to 
it monuments were set up, such as the shield of the brave 
Athenian who had fallen in the battle against the Gauls at 
Thermopylae, and that important inscription recently found 
containing the terms of the second maritime confederacy of 
Athens, organized, as the decree declares, to free Greece 
from Sparta. The cult-title of Eleutherios appears to 
have become identified at Athens with that of Soter. 
The worship was found in other parts of Greece also, in 
Samos^^^®, and, according to Hesychius^^^®, at Syracuse 
Tarentum and iv Kaptat?, or, as the Scholiast on Plato reads, 
iv KapCq ; it is probable that the right reading is €i^ Kapvais^ 
and that the place referred to is Caryae, the town in the north 
of Laconia ; an inscription of early date attests the existence 
of the cult on Laconian territory. 

We are informed by Diodorus Siculus about the occasion of 
the institution of this cult at Syracuse ^'^^ *; it was after the over- 
throw of the tyranny of Thrasybulus in 466 B. c. that a colossal 
statue was raised to Zeus 'EKevOipLos and yearly games founded 
in his honour. We have numismatic evidence of this cult in 
other Sicilian cities, Aetna, Agyrium, and Alaesa, that re- 
gained their freedom through the victories of Timoleon*. 

* Head, Hist. Num. pp. 104, 109, no. 

IT.] ZEUS. 63 

A cognate worship was that of Zeus Hellenics or Panhel- 
lenios in Aegina^^, an ancient cult which was originally 
perhaps special to the Aeacidae or to the Hellenes in 
a narrower sense ; but its significance grew with the extension 
of the Hellenic name. The pan-Hellenic character of the 
cult was already expressed in the story that Aeacus ascended 
the A^inetan mountain to pray to this god in behalf of the 
whole of Greece for rain ; but it was the Persian invasion that 
enhanced the value of this cult-title. The Athenian ambas- 
sadors declared at Sparta, according to Herodotus, that they 
had remained true to the Hellenic cause out of reverence to 
Zeus Hellenios. A temple was raised to him in Athens by 
Hadrian, and we find the head of this god with an inscription 
on fourth-century coins of Syracuse. But the worship was 
unfortunately rare in the Greek world ; it expressed an ideal, 
recc^nized partially by the religion of the nation, but never 
attained by its politics. 

A review of the evidence proves that in Greek religion, 
though in certain localities more frequent prayer may have 
been addressed to local god or hero, Zeus possessed a 
political importance such as belonged to no other Hellenic 
divinity. The Cretan, the Mcssenian, the Arcadian, were each 
national and confederate worships, and the history of Messene 
and Arcadia was reflected in the cults and monuments of 
Zeus Ithomatas and Lycaeus. In Argos Zeus Nemeios was 
joined in worship with Hera Argeia, and the Nemea was 
partly an Argive military festival ^^^. In Sparta he received 
a title from the land itself and its ancient king, and it was 
the kings prerogative to sacrifice to Zeus Lacedaemon and 
Zeus Ouranios ; as a king-god he was revered in Lebadea, 
Erythrae and Paros^^^. His name is of constant occurrence 
in oaths of alliance, and the kings of Epiros swore by him 
to observe the laws. The Carian worship of the war-god, the 
deity of daylight, becomes under Hellenic influences a political 
and national cult of Zeus. At Prymnessos in Phrygia, 
according to a late inscription found by Prof. Ramsay, Zeus 
was honoured as apx-qyirr]^^ the leader of the colony ^^^ ®. We 
may note in conclusion that no other Greek deity possessed 

64 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

so long a list of cult-names derived from names of peoples 

and towns *^®. The Boeotian cult of Zeus *Ofju>A<£to$, the god 

*who held the people in accord/ expressed the faith of 
Hellas "3. 

We have lastly to review the most important class of cults 
and titles that were consecrated and attached to Zeus as 
a god of the moral and spiritual life ; and it is in reference 
to these that we can best consider how far the state-religion 
was in harmony with the ethical and religious feeh'ng of the 
great writers and thinkers of Greece. It has been assumed 
that the physical and elemental character of Zeus was 
the earlier, for though the most civilized Greek commu- 
nities recognized this character, yet in its most primitive 
form it appears among the more backward races and in 
the earliest cults, and the assumption is in accord with 
analogies offered by other lines of human development. 
But this progress in the divine idea from the physical to 
the moral significance was remotely anterior to the period 
at which Greek history begins. We may note a trace of 
it in the worship of Zeus ^Ui\i)(jLos at Athens and else- 

The interpretation of the name M^iXlxios is important for 
the right understanding of the religious idea. It certainly did 
not originally signify the * kindly* god; for we gather from 
Plutarch and Hesychius that it was synonymous with ftatftdfc- 
^yi38a^ which designates the angry or troubled Zeus. Sacri- 
fice was offered to Zeus Meilichios at the beginning of 
winter, in Maimacterion, which according" to Harpocration 
took its name from Zeus MaifiiKTr^y, and again in the latter part 
of Anthesterion at the festival of Diasia, the great feast of 
Zeus held outside the city, which Thucydides calls a feast of 
Zeus Meilichios, and which, according to the Scholiast on 
Lucian, was kept with a certain degree of gloom. We gather 
also that the rites were piacular, that is, were regarded as 
atonement for sin. The sacrifices in Locris to the O^oi MetA(- 
Xioi, among whom we may include Zeus, were performed in 
the night, and all the flesh of the victim slain must be 
consumed before the morning ; if the victim bears away with 

IV.] ZEUS, 65 

it the sins of the people, the meaning of the rule that it must 
not be exposed to the light of day becomes obvious. And 
we gather from Xenophon that the same feeling dictated the 
ritual at Athens, where the swine that were offered had to 
be wholly consumed by the fire. We are told also by 
Eustathius that a ram was offered to Zeus Meilichios at the 
end of Maimacterion*, and his skin was used for the purification 
of the city, whose offences by some ceremonious means were 
cast out and passed over into certain unclean objects that 
were then taken away to the cross-roads. This skin was the 
* fleece of God,' which was employed for similar rites of 
purification at Eleusis and in the procession of the Sciro- 
phoria, being placed under the feet of those whose guilt was 
to be taken away. We need not see in this any survival of 
actual human sacrifice, or any hint of the idea that the man's 
life was really due for which the * mild god ' accepted the 
substitution of the ram. We may explain the ceremony 
naturally if we suppose that the guilty or unclean person stood 
on the skin of the sacred animal in order to place himself in 
nearer contact with the god whose favour he wished to regain. 
From all this it seems clear that the title MuXlxios must 
either have signified *the god who must be appeased/ and 
therefore alluded directly to the wrath of God, or that the 
angry deity was styled thus by a sort of euphemism, just as 
Hades was termed Eubouleus and the Furies the Eumenidcs. 
This latter view becomes the more probable, when we see that 
in this worship Zeus is clearly regarded as a god of the lower 
world. The powers below were specially concerned with the 
ritual for the purification of sin, and the swine is the piacular 
animal proper to them, and except in the rites of Meilichios 
and, according to Apollonius Rhodius, of Zeus 'iKcVtos and 
perhaps of Zeus <l>iXto9, is nowhere found in the worship of 
the Hellenic Zeus. We have also evidence from certain 
monuments that the serpent, the emblem of the earth and the 
dark places below, was the sign of Zeus Meilichios ; and the 
nightly rites at Locris illustrate the gloomy significance of 

* From the evidence of a mutilated another state-sacrifice was offered to 
Attic inscription it would appear that Zens Meilichios in Thargelion. 

VOL. I. F 




originator of the rites of purification. The divine punishment 
for this sin was madness, and the divine ministers who carry- 
out the will of Zeus Ttfioopoy and UaXayLvalos were the Erinyes, 
the powers who themselves came into being through the 
outrage committed by a son upon his father, who pursued 
Orestes and Amphion for their act of matricide, and who 
were so closely interwoven with the tradition of kindred 
slaughter in the house of Laios. And perhaps the first 
need of purification arose from the same sort of acts, whether 
voluntary or involuntary, as the legends of Theseus, Belle- 
rophon, and Athamas and others illustrate*. Here then we 
have the expression in religious myth and ritual of the 
striking fact in early Greek clan-usage and law, namely, that 
the shedding of kindred blood was originally an offence of 
an entirely different kind from the slaying of an alien, 
probably because the god himself was considered in the 
former case as akin to the slayer and the slain In early 
Greek society it is clear that to kill an alien was a secular 
matter which only concerned the kin of the slain, the avengers 
of blood, who might pursue the slayer or accept a weregilt ; 
it was no sin, unless the alien had been a suppliant or under 
the protection of the stranger's god. But the slayer of his 
kinsman was a sinner under the ban of God ; the legends do 
not seem to show that his fellow-kinsmen would at once 
punish him with death**, but that he must be outcast from 
the community and that Zeus and the Erinyes must deal with 

* The story in the Athamantid family 
of the sacrificial slaughter of the king 
and the king's son is probably in 
its origin no legend of mere kindred 
slaughter, bnt may have arisen from 
very early ideas concerning the sacrifice 
of the god or the divine representative ; 
but another legend given by Apollo- 
doms (i. 9, a) speaks of the mad 
Athamas being driven from Boeotia for 
slaying Ino*s son Learchus, and appeal- 
ing to Zeus to know where he is to 
dwell. The same author (2. 3, i) nar- 
rates that Bellerophon fled from Corinth 
because he had involuntarily slain his 

own brother. Of the typical instances 
that Ovid gives {Fast. 2. 39) of purifi- 
cation for sin, all but one are concerned 
with the slaughter of kinsmen, and this 
may be said of nearly all those collected 
by Lobeck, AglaophamuSy pp. 9'>7-969. 
^ Tlepolemos, who slew his kinsman, 
was threatened with death by the other 
members of his family (//. 2. 665) ; but 
by a Boeotian law which, according 
to Plutarch, prevailed in the mythical 
period, the shedder of kindred blood 
' must leave Boeotia and become a sup- 
pliant and a stranger.' 

IV.] ZEUS, 69 

his guilt. But the god of vengeance himself provided the 
mode of escape through purification and sacrifice of sin. The 
legends tell us little concerning the nature of these rites, but 
speak only of the outcast wandering until some compassionate 
stranger receives him into his home and cleanses him. But 
the ritual of the historic period had probably been handed 
down from very ancient times, and we are supplied with some 
information about this, chiefly from the account in Apollonius 
Rhodius of the cleansing of Jason and Medea ^*^ The usual 
piacular victim was a young pig, which was held over the 
head of the guilty, as we see Apollo holding it over Orestes 
in a vase-painting that represents his purification ». And the 
blood of the slaughtered animal was then poured over his 
hands, with invocation of Zeus Ka^apo-tos. In some accounts 
bathing in the water of a river or the sea appears to have been 
a necessary part of the ceremony ^ The latter practice is 
easily explained, as physical and moral purity are scarcely 
distinguished in ancient ritual ; but it is not so easy to under- 
stand the pouring blood over the hands. We know that the 
pig was specially sacred to the lower deities, who no less than 
Zeus were outraged by wrongful homicide, and to whom Zeus 
Meilichios and for the occasion probably Zeus Ka^d/xrtoj were 
akin, and we may suppose that the blood of this animal, like the 
fleece of the sacred ram in the lustral ceremonies at Athens, 
was supposed to bring the guilty into nearer contact with the 
estranged divinity and had power to win him reconciliation. 
The chief benefit to the purified person was the recovery of 
his right of fellowship with men, and, while in the legends he 
is represented usually as continuing to live in his new home, 
in the later period he could return to his native land under 
certain conditions, if the relatives of the slain consented. 

It is easy to imagine how vitally this religious usage in the 
Zeus cult might influence the growth of moral ideas of forgive- 
ness and reconciliation. 

Another signal act of sacrilege was perjury, the guilt of 
which was matter of cognizance for the gods of the lower 

''Arch, Zeit,^ 1861, Taf. 137 and >» Athenae. 410 a. and b. Cf. Iph, 

J 38. TcLur, 1193. 




world and the Erinyes, but especially also for Zeus, whose 
name occurs in nearly all the formulae of the state oath. 
The statue of Zeus *'OpKtos stood in the council-hall of 
Olympia holding in each hand a thunderbolt, the most 
terrifying in aspect of all the statues of Zeus that Pausanias 
knew of^*^*. The strength of this belief in the religious 
character of the oath is shown by passages in Homer which 
speak of the punishment of the oath-breaker after death*, and 
by the lines in Hesiods Theogoiiy where the oath is already 
personified as a child of the lower world, born to be * the 
scourge of men ' ; while in Sophocles he is spoken of as the 
all-seeing child of Zeus ^*'^ **. No doubt the oath was never a real 
concrete divinity either in early or late periods ; originally an 
abstract idea of a quality or function of the divine nature, it 
becomes personal because of the strength of the belief, and is 
partially separated from the divinity. The ceremony of the 
oath-taking at Olympia is strikingly described by Pausanias ^ 
and reminded him of the account in the Iliad where Aga- 
memnon takes the oath over the boar, an animal sacred to the 
lower gods, which is then slain and cast into the sea ^ The 
freethinkers of Greek literature scarcely deviate from the 
popular religious thought as regards the sanctity of oaths. 
Even Euripides, to whom loose morality in this respect has 
been wrongly attributed, strongly maintains in a striking 
fragment that the gods admit no excuse for perjury : * Thinkest 
thou the gods are inclined to pardon, when by false swearing 
a man would escape death or bonds or violence . . . ? Then 
either they are less wise than mortal men, or they set fair 
specious pleas before justice*.' 

But we must not suppose that, at any period of Greek thought 
of which we have record, the sphere of sin against the gods was 

• //. 3. 279; 19. 260. 

>» 5. 24, lO-II. 

^ Probably the animal consecrated by 
this ceremony was under a special taboo, 
and his carcase could not be disposed of 
in the ordinary way ; or possibly the 
act was ' mimetic/ and expressed an im- 
precation that the perjund man might 

thus be destioyed from off the earth. 

^ Frag. 1030. Such sentiments as 
those expressed in Hipfolytus, 610, and 
Iphigenia in Aulis. 394, must not be 
regarded as Euripides' own ; they are 
merely dramatic sophistries uttered by 
certain characters under stress of cir- 

rv-] ZEUS, 71 

limited to perjury or kindred murder. Both as regards retri- 
bution and expiation the sphere of Zeus in Hesiod and Homer 
is as wide as human life. He is 7raj;o7rrryy, * the all-seer/ in 
a moral rather than a physical sense, and the term recalls the 
frequent utterances of the poets concerning the all-seeing eye of 
^Ur\ or Justice. The latter is the special ministrant, companion, 
and emanation of Zeus, although associated with the nether 
divinities also. And where she is given a parentage, being 
originally only an abstract idea, it is Zeus who is her father ; 
and it is with the weapon of Zeus that she overthrows the 
unjust ^*^ 

With AticT| Themis is closely connected, and as Aiicr/ proceeded 
from Zeus, so Themis herself, who was originally an independ- 
ent deity with a worship and oracle at Delphi, was absorbed 
by Zeus, when she had become a name significant of right in 
general. Thus in Aeschylus we hear of the Themis or right of 
Zeus RAdpi09, the god of allotments, and in Pindar of the Themis 
of Zeus EeWy, the god of hospitality. And Hesiod speaks of 
the baCfiov€s, the army of spirits who are the watchers of Zeus 
over the whole life of man ; and elsewhere in Greek literature 
there are not wanting hints of the profound idea that a moral, 
law, sanctioned by Zeus, prevails even in the animal world ^** 
Even in its application to blood-guiltiness we see that the 
divine idea expands. Not merely the shedder of kindred 
blood has offended against Zeus, and is under the ban of the 
Erinyes : the latter dwelt on the rock of the Areopagus, where 
any case of murder could be tried ; and the homicide who was 
acquitted by this court had to offer sacrifice to the Eumenides, 
as though they had yet to be pacified, or as a thank-offering to 
them for letting him go. And according to the law of Solon, 
the judges at Athens must swear by Zeus, * the god of the 
suppliant, the god of purification, and the healer of guilt ^*^ **.' 
As the political community expanded, all bloodshed, if the 
victim had any rights at all within the city, became a political 
offence, as well as a sin which i\eeded purification* There is 

* This extension of the idea of sin in the purification of Achilles from the 
regard to bloodshed is at least as early blood of Thersites ; this may be an 
as the time of Arctinos, who described advance on the religious view of 




a curious passage in Antiphon, that has almost a modern 
tone, on the sacredness of human life. The murderer pollutes 
any sacrifice in which he partakes, and his presence exposes 
others also to divine wrath, a belief on which the orator 
attempts to establish an indirect proof of innocence*. Murder 
might still be sacrilege, even if the victim was not of the same 
state, and Zeus 4>v^tos became the god to whom any man 
would appeal who wished to clear himself of the guilt of any 
bloodshed, as Pausanias, the Spartan king, made sacrifice to 
him to atone for the death of the maiden whom he had in- 
voluntarily slain. Only, the older and narrower idea survived 
in the enactment of Attic law that the kinsmen might decide 
whether to prosecute or to forgive the involuntary homicide^ 
and even Aeschylus® seems to suppose that the Eumenides 
pursue, not any murderer, but only the slayer of his kin. 

Still wider is the conception of Zeus 'lic^crtoy in its fullest 
development. Not the blood-guilty only, but the man who 
fears any evil from his fellows could put himself under his 
protection ; and the reverence claimed for Zeus 'Ikwos is the 
text of the drama of Aeschylus : * We must needs respect the 
jealousy of Zeus, the suppliant's god ; for the fear of him is 
deepest among mortal men^*^®.' Here, as in other cases 
already noted, the god with his epithet seems to have been 
used almost as an abstraction to denote a certain right or 
duty ; and seems to have had a separate existence in and for 
each person who claimed his aid. 'Thou hast escaped the 
god of my supplication,' says Polyxena to Odysseus in the 
Hecuba of Euripides. To no other function or attribute 
of Greek divinity does the conception of divine grace so 
naturally attach, and every altar could shelter the suppliant ; 

Homer. But it is too much to say 
that the latter poet knows nothing even 
of purification for the murder of kins- 
men, as he makes clear mention of 
piacular sacrifices for sin in general, 
a far more advanced idea (//. 9. 495) ; 
and there is probably an allusion to the 
lites of Zeus KaBa^tXios^ which are cer- 
tainly older than Homer, in the pas- 
sage which mentions the man who had 

slain his cousin and who went as a sup- 
pliant to Peleus and Thetis (//. 16. 
574). In any case his silence would be 
no argument, as none of the actual per- 
sonages in his epic commit this sin. 
» Pp. 686 and 749 ; cfl Aesch. Ag, 


^ Dem. v^s MwcApr, p. 1069. 

• £um. 605. 



so that the classification given by Pollux^*®* of the divine 
titles almost resolves itself into the distinction between Q^oX 
voXofii/aibi and Ueo-iot, the gods of vengeance and of supplica- 
tion. Down to the end of paganism many shrines possessed 
the right of sanctuary, a right which often clashed with the 
secular law*. The legend of Ajax and Cassandra, the story 
about the Hera at Sybaris who closed her eyes when the 
suppliants were dragged away from her altar, illustrate the 
prevalent feeling of classical times. This broad conception 
of Zeus 'Iic€(rto9 appears also in the Homeric account of the 
Airoi ^ the personal powers of prayer, whom the poet calls 
the daughters of Zeus, and who plead for men against Ate, 
and who appeal to Zeus against those who neglect them. 
And this early spiritual idea which we find in the Iliad gave 
rise to an actual worship of Zeus Atralos °, which the coins 
of the Bithynian Nicaea attest, and receives beautiful expres- 
sion in the drama of Sophocles : * nay, but as mercy shares the 
judgement-seat of Zeus to judge every act of man, let mercy 
be found with thee too, my father.' The suppliants' fillets 
are called by Aeschylus * the emblems of the god of mercy ^*^' 
A narrower, but cognate, conception is that of Zeus Xenios, 
who was worshipped throughout the Greek world ^*^ This 
worship is rooted in very ancient moral ideas ; the sanctity of 
the stranger-guest, who as early as Homer and probably 
much earlier was placed under the protection of Zeus, was 
almost as great as the sanctity of the kinsman's life, and to 
slay him was a religious sin, for which, according to one 
legend, Heracles was sold into slavery to Omphale**. Originally 
the god of hospitality — for in primitive society the stranger 
must be the guest of some one — he becomes the god to whom 

» Tac. Ann. 3. 60-63. 
*» //. 9. 498. 

« Bull, de Corr. HelL, 1878, p. 509. 
* Frag. Hist. Grtuc. Pherccydes, 34 : 
X(7«rai l)\ dts dyapoMTfiaas d Zcv$ ivl 

fi6trra rdv 'HpoucXia irwKfjffcu Hi/crfv rod 
^¥ov. To explain this carious story of 
the hero being sold into slavery, we 
may note two other instances in legend : 

the slavery of Apollo to Admetus for 
the slaughter of the Cyclopes, and that 
of Cadmus to Ares for causing the 
death of the * Sparti/ the descendants of 
the god ; and we may believe that these 
legends arose from the occasional prac- 
tice of the kinsmen accepting the slavery 
of the homicide as an atonement for the 

74 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

any stranger is consecrated. According to Plutarch, the 
honours paid to Zeus Xenios were many and great ^*^ • ; we 
have record or epigraphical proof of his worship at Sparta, 
where he was associated with Athena Xenia, at Rhodes, where 
a religious association existed called the Atdy fcriarrrat, the 
worshippers of Zeus Xenios, and at Athens, where, as we 
gather from an inscription, the metics and resident merchants 
formed a company for the purpose of this cult. As a city 
could confer ^€vLa^ the privileges of a public guest, upon any 
favoured stranger, so we read that Apollonius of Tyana was 
made the guest of Zeus by the public vote of the Spartans ^*^ ®. 
Greek literature, early and late, is full of evidence of the deep 
religious feeling attaching to this cult. Charondas, the 
Sicilian legislator, insists on the duty of receiving the stranger 
reverently, * because the worship of Zeus Xenios is common to 
all nations, and he takes note of those who welcome and those 
who maltreat the stranger'*^**.' *The stranger,* Plato says 
in the Lazvs^*^^, 'being destitute of comrades and kinsmen, 
has more claim on the pity of gods and men : the power 
that is strong to avenge is therefore the more zealous to 
help him.* 

Akin to this* worship was that of Zeus Philios ^^\ the god 
of friendship, who was honoured at Megalopolis, Epidauros 
and Athens, where an association was founded in his name, 
and his priest enjoyed a special seat in the theatre. Some- 
times this title only designated the god of the friendly 
banquet, and an inscription shows that the fxcVoticot at Athens 
observed this cult. And thus we can understand why he was 
invoked by the parasite of Diodorus, and how he came to be 
partially identified with Bacchus at Megalopolis in a work 
of the sculptor Polycleitus the younger. But the term had 
a deeper meaning, for Zeus Philios is essentially the god who 
fosters friendship, and to whom friends appeal ; and this con- 
ception is enlarged by Dio Chrysostom, who sees in the great 
Pheidian statue the Zeus Philios who would plant love and 
abolish enmity among the whole human race The cult does 
not appear to have been ancient ; the first mention of it occurs 
in a fragment of Pherccrates. A term almost synonymous is 

iv-] ZEUS. 75 

iraipeioi ^^*, denoting * the god of good comradeship * ; some- 
times with allusion to the banquet, as we find in a fragment of 
Diphilus. But in Crete the cult may well have had a political 
or military significance ; and the festival of haipCbHa, which 
was celebrated at Magnesia in North Greece and in Macedon, 
was associated with the name of Jason, who sacrificed to this 
god before setting sail in the Argo with his comrades. 

In certain parts of the popular religion of Zeus, so far 
as it has been examined, we can detect a high morality that 
strikingly contrasts with the character of many of the Greek 
myths ; though, of course, the same ideas that are expressed 
in cults are expressed in those myths that explain the cult. 
On the other hand, it is interesting to see that in certain cases 
the comparatively crude morality of the cults contrasted in 
turn with the deeper views of the poets and philosophic 
writers who thought and spoke freely concerning the relations 
of the gods to men. This is specially true of the doctrine 
of retribution, of which the simplest and least moral form in 
Greek popular belief is that even innocent excess of prosperity 
is of itself an evil thing, awakening the jealousy of the gods. 
Behind this is perhaps the cruder idea that the divinity is not 
the friend but the enemy of man, an idea that is dimly 
expressed in the primitive Hesiodic story of Prometheus' 
favour and Zeus' disfavour to man. But it appears con- 
spicuously in the childlike doctrine of Nemesis that lived long 
in the Greek mind ; and the legend of Bellerophon's fall and 
melancholy wanderings, given in Homer without any hint 
of any sin committed by the hero but rather as a result 
of superhuman prosperity, the story of Polycrates* ring, of 
Philip's prayer mentioned by Plutarch, that the gods would 
give him some slight misfortune to counterbalance his con- 
tinual success, are illustrations of this naive religious belief 
that lasted as long as the Hellenic race. Its plainest 
expression is in the lines of Aesopus, 'if a man has some good 
fortune he receives Nemesis by way of compensation » * ; the 
most foolish is in the epigram of Antiphilos Byzantios on the 

• /IftfA, Pal, lo. 123. 

76 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

danger of speaking of the morrow *. This is merely a religious 
form of the old superstition of luck, and it is .natural enough 
that the religious thinkers among the Greeks tried to reform 
this doctrine. The story of Bellerophon becomes so to speak 
moralized, perhaps by the popular imagination, or perhaps by 
Pindar himself, who at least is the earliest authority for the 
more ethical version of the story : namely, that Bellerophon*s 
fall was due to his ambitious attempt to scale heaven ^ 
The most outspoken writer on this subject is Aeschylus. 
At first, indeed, he expresses himself like an ordinary 
Greek : ' excess of fair report is a burdensome thing, for 
the jealous eye of God hurls the lightning down ® ' ; but 
later on he gives the more advanced view as one peculiar 
to himself, maintaining that it was not a man*s prosperity 
but the evil use of it that brought Nemesis ^. The actual 
cult of Nemesis as a concrete goddess will be examined 
later ; as a moral personification, whether rational or irra- 
tional in principle, she is not a separate power from Zeus, 
for it is through her that he acts, and in the Phoenissae 
of Euripides she is invoked as if she wielded his thunder- 
bolts \ 

Another idea in the Greek theory of divine retribution is 
common to it with the Hebraic, namely, that the sins of the 
fathers are visited upon the children, that the curse cleaves to 
the race, or that the community is punished for the sin of one. 
An historical illustration of this clan-morality is the view — 
held strongly by the Lacedaemonians — that the descendants 
at Athens of those who committed sacrilege in the Cy Ionian 
conspiracy were under a curse, especially Pericles. Such 
a doctrine was seen to have its questionable side as a religious 
axiom, not only by Hebrew prophets, but by Greek thinkers. 
We find a protest against its justice in Theognis, who prays 
that the gods would punish the guilty in his own person, and 
not avenge the sins of the fathers upon the children ^ But 
the doctrine held its ground even in the most religious minds : 

■ Anth. Pal, 7. 630. « Agam, 466. • 184. 

•» Isthm. 6. 44. «* lb. 759. ' fiergk. 1. 731. 11. 

IT.] ZEUS. 77 

Aeschylus himself is full of it, although he occasionally tries 
to find a compromise between this and the doctrine of indi- 
vidual moral responsibility by supposing that the curse works 
through the generations because the descendants each commit 
new acts of guilt. 

These are special questions arising about the doctrine of 
retribution ; but the whole theory that the gods sent evil to 
man because of sin or of some other reason did not remain 
without criticism and modification. In the first place, the 
retribution theory did not always square with the facts of 
experience : this difficulty could be met by the profounder con- 
ception, that the ways of the divine agency are unseen, that 
*God is not like a passionate man, inclined to avenge every 
small act */ that * Justice moves along a silent path ^' or that 
God's retribution is purposely slow, so as to teach men to 
restrain their own wrath®. Secondly, the morality of the 
retribution theory became boldly and searchingly questioned : 
and native Greek thought can claim for itself the distinction 
that it not seldom rose to the conception that God could 
do no evil to any, not even by way of punishment for 
sin. According to the view of the old myth the slaying 
of Neoptolemos at Delphi was divine retribution, because 
his father had insulted Apollo ; but Euripides places a 
daring phrase in the mouth of the messenger ^ — * then the 
god remembered an ancient grudge like a base-minded 
man' — and an echo of this sentiment is faintly heard in 
Plutarch*. Euripides indeed is not consistent, though his 
inconsistency may be due to dramatic appropriateness. By 
the side of the profoundly Mephistophelean sentiment, *the 
gods have set confusion in our lives that in our ignorance 
we may reverence them^/ we have other utterances of 
his, in which he excludes evil or evil-doing from the notion 
of divinity : * it is men who impute their own evil nature to 
God ; for I think there can be no evil in God»' ; and again, 

• Solon, fr. 13. 25. • De defect, Orac, 413 b-d; and De 
^ Eur. Troad, 887. Cohih, Ira 458 b. 

• Pint. DeSer. Num. Vind,^. 550 E-F. ' Hec. 959, 960. 

< Androm. 1164. » Iph, Taur, 389-391. 

78 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

* if the gods do evil, they are not gods * * Bacchylides ^ 
declares that it is not Zeus, the all-seeing one, that is the 
cause of great troubles to men ; and similarly Menander holds 
that every man at his birth has a good spirit * who stands by 
his side to guide him through the mystery of life, for that 
a spirit can be evil must not be believed ° *. 

Such expressions are in accord with Plato's view in the 
Republic, that the gods never do evil to men, and, if they 
send misfortune, it is for an educational or moral purpose ; 
and Aeschylus had already given this thought powerful utter- 
ance in the Agamemnon where he maintains that the object 
of Zeus is to bring men to iPpovria-i^ or a-axppoavvri through 
suffering **. 

A different attempt to reconcile the fact of evil in the 
world with the absolute beneficence of God was the curious 
theory put forward by the author of De Mnndo\ that the 
divine power coming from a very distant sphere was some- 
what exhausted before it reached us. The problem of evil 
did not weigh very heavily on the spirit of Greek religious 
speculation, which contented itself with such solutions as 
those which I have mentioned, without taking refuge in the 
theory of a future life. And Greek cult, though little affected 
by philosophic inquiry, amply admitted this beneficent cha- 
racter of Zeus, while the conservative spirit of ritual preserved 
something of the darker aspect. On the whole, one might say 
that the bright and spiritual beh'ef of Plutarch ^ * that the gods 
do well to men secretly for the most part, naturally rejoicing 
in showing favour and in well-doing,' though it rises above 
the average popular feeling, yet stands nearer to it than the 
temper of the superstitious man in Theophrastus. 

The relation of Zeus to Motpa, or destiny, has yet to be 
considered — a question that touches on the part played by 
free-will and fatalism in Greek religion. A cult-name of Zeus 
at Athens, at Olympia, and probably at Delphi and in Arcadia, 

• BcUeroph. Frag. 394. <* Aesch. Agam. 165. 

*» Bergk, 3. p. 580, 29. • Aristotle, p. 397 b. 

Menand. Frag* Fab, Incert, 18. ^ Dt Adul. c. 22, p. 63 F. 


IV.] ZEUS. 79 

was Moipayirris, * the leader of fate,' with which we may com- 
pare the title of Zeus ^Evala-i^os, ' the controller of destiny,' at 
Coronea ^^» ^". The question might be put thus — how did 
Greek religion reconcile a belief in fate with the omnipotence 
of Zeus as ordinarily believed? Looking at the growth of 
the conception we find that Homer rarely regards Moira as 
a person ; the word is used by him generally as an impersonal 
substantive signifying the doom of death. It is Zeus who 
disp>enses this and the other lots of men ; it is Zeus who holds 
the balance of life and death in the strife — who has on the 
floor of heaven the two urns of good and ill fortune from 
which he distributes blessing or sorrow. It is an anachronism 
in Plutarch when he says, wishing to defend the Homeric 
Zeus from the charge of sending evil to men, that Homer 
often speaks of Zeus when he meant MoTpa or Tv\rj • ; when 
Homer speaks of Zeus he meant Zeus. Only thrice** in 
Homer do we find the MoLpai regarded as persons who at the 
birth of each man weave for him the lot of life and death. 
The question has been vehemently discussed whether in these 
poems there appears the conception of the overruling power 
of destiny to which even the gods must bow. This is strongly 
denied by Welcker ®, and with reason : he points out that it is 
Zeus himself who sends the Molpa ; that the phrase Molpa 
Aioy, *the doom of God,' is habitual with him, so that where 
ftolpa is used alone it may be regarded as an abbreviative for 
this ; that neither Homer nor the later epic poets ever refer 
the great issues of the war to /^lotpa, but in the Cypria it is 
Zeus* intention to thin population, in the Iliad it is his 
promise to Thebes that is the Oia-ipaTov, the divine decision, 
which governs events. The casting the lots of Hector and 
Achilles into the scale cannot be interpreted as a questioning 
of the superior will of fate, for Zeus never does this else- 
where ; tlie act might as naturally be explained as a divine 
method of drawing lots, or, as Welcker prefers, as a symbol 
of his long and dubious reflection. When Hera and Athene 

* Di Aud, Foet* 23 E. most of ihe Homeric passages are col- 

* //. 20. 127 ; 24. 209; Od, 7. 196. lected. 

* Gritch, G'dtUrlehr; 1, p. 185. where 

8o GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

remonstrate with Zeus for wishing to save Sarpedon or Hector, 
*who had long been due to death/ this cannot mean that fate 
had decided against Zeus in the matter, but that Zeus ought 
not to interfere with the ordinary course of events which was 
making against these heroes, or with his own prior decision. 
And it is quite obvious that Zeus feels he could stop their 
fate if he liked. Motpa and the will of the gods are often ex- 
pressly given as synonyms ; in the same breath the dying 
Patroclus tells Hector that Zeus and Apollo had over- 
come him, and then that Moira and Apollo had slain him •. 
And a striking passage at the beginning of the Odyssey^' at 
once maintains the free action of men, and the identity of 
Moira and God s will : Zeus complains that men wrongly 
accuse the gods of evil which they suffer through their own 
sins — suffering vTi\p fiopov, contrary to what fate or the gods 

We arrive at the same conclusion when we consider what 
was the earliest character of the personal Molpai, for, though 
Homer cared little for them, there were such personal figures 
in his age. As such they belonged to the cloudy and demo- 
niac company of the Kijpes and Erinyes. Hesiod speaks of 
certain older MoTpai® who were the daughters of Night, the 
children of the lower world, the abode of death — probably 
goddesses of birth and death, perhaps more concerned with 
the latter, as Homer most frequently uses the term in reference 
to death and they appear on the Hesiodic shield as demons of 
slaughter. How very slight was their claim to omnipotence 
may be gathered from a very curious reference to them in the 
Homeric hymn to Hermes**, in which they are described as 
winged, white-haired women, once the teachers of Apollo, and 
still giving men right guidance, if they could obtain sufficient 
oblation of honey. These are perhaps the faded figures of an 
older world of worship, personages whose power Apollo is 
accused by the Eumenides of supplanting®. What relation then 
have these to the other Molpai mentioned in the Theogony^ 

• //. 16. 845, 849. In //. 19. 87 Zeus «* 549-5^1- 

MoTfn and 'E/mkvs are joined. • Aesch. Eum. 1 73. 

>» Od, 1. 32. « Theog, 217. ' 904. 

IT.] ZEUS. 8i 

who receive the names of Lachesis^ Clothe, and Atropos, 
and are called the daughters of Zeus and Themis? Pro- 
bably they are the same, and we might explain the double 
account in this way : as the meaning of yioipa was enlarged 
the Molpai became more than goddesses of death, and were 
regarded as goddesses of destiny in general, supposing they 
were not this originally ; then a more reflective age became 
aware that such functions might clash with the power of Zeus, 
and therefore they are affiliated to him as Dike was ; since to 
say they were his daughters was equivalent to saying that 
they were his ministers, emanations, or powers. 

But the sense of the possible conflict between Zeus and 
Destiny increased as abstract speculation on the nature of 
things advanced. It was probably through philosophy — 
perhaps the early physical Ionic philosophy — that the idea 
of an overruling necessity became prevalent ; for we find 
tUiapfiivrj among the conceptions of Hcraclitus, and the 
chorus of Euripides' Alcestis confess that it was philosophical 
studies which taught them that there was nothing stronger 
in the world than Destiny or avdyKr). At any rate, the idea 
grew in force and did not remain academic merely, but played 
a prominent part in the greatest drama of the religious 
mythology, the Prometheus of Aeschylus. His hero is sup- 
ported by the knowledge that there is a greater power than 
that of Zeus • : * Fate the all-fulfiller has otherwise decreed 
the end of these things. Who then holds the helm of neces- 
sity? The triple Fates and the mindful Erinyes/ It may 
however be said that this is the view of the opponent of Zeus, 
and that the knot is loosened by the reconciliation of Zeus with 
the Moi/oa ; but the difficulty remains that the supremacy of 
Zeus has certainly been represented as in danger ^ And there 
seems to be the same questioning of the divine omnipotence 
latent in the obscure passage in the chorus of Agamemnon^ 

* Prom. Virut, 511, 515. which Zeus is bound to contend at first. 

^ Dronke, Die religiosen Vorstellun- Bathe rather evades the difficulty about 

gen des Aeschyhs umi Sophocles {Jahr- the real peril of Zeus In fact, Aeschylus 

buck fiir Philologies 1861, No. i), sup- was under the dramatic necessity of the 

poses Prometheus to belong to the older myth, which does not wholly agree with 

system of MoT^ and *E^n^f, against the cult-form of Zens VLoi^'^kTrp. 

VOL. I. G 

82 GREEK REUGION. [chap. 

€l h\ firi Terayixiva yuolpa fioipav iK Bt&v €lpy€ fx^ irkiov <l>4p€tv *, 
which appears to speak of a higher power that overbears the 
QeoOtp Moipa, or the will of heaven ; a doctrine which might 
be discovered also in the saying of Herodotus, *it is impossible 
even for a god to escape the destined fate/ which is perhaps, 
however, only a rhetorical phrase. Certainly it is not the 
usual theory of Aeschylus ; in his view it is generally Zeus 
himself who maintains the order of the world, * who by ancient 
law guides destiny aright \* It is Zeus himself who inspires 
Apollo with his oracles, the utterances of destiny®, *and in 
whose hands are the scales of fate ^.' Even in Euripides it is 
Zeus himself who is conjectured to be the vovs or the ivdyKi] 
of the universe: *Oh thou that stay est the earth and hast thy 
firm throne thereon, whosoe'er thou art that bafflest man's 
knowledge, whether thou art Zeus^ or the necessity of nature, 
or the mind of man, to thee I raise my voice *.' In the ode to 
necessity in the Alcestis it is Zeus who accomplishes by the 
aid of necessity whatever he decrees ; just as, in the verses 
quoted by Eusebius, the powers of the Fates are said to have 
been delegated to them by Zeus '. And in the summary of 
Zeus* character at the end of the Aristotelian De Mutido, 
Zeus is described as absorbing in himself diiapixivr^, or 
Destiny, as he absorbs every other agency. In the prayer 
of the Stoic Cleanthes, Zeus and Destiny are invoked as 
twin powers. 

This then, on the whole, is the solution of the question 
put forward by Greek speculation, whether poetical or philo- 
sophical ; the difficulty was always there for any one who 
chose to separate Zeus from Moipa, and Lucian's humour in the 
Zeus Tragoedus fastens on the antinomy. Within the domain 
of cult the contradiction scarcely existed, for the Motpai 
received but scant worship ; the formula of Zeus Motpay^TT/s 
unconsciously expressed the deepest views of Greek philosophy, 
while as a principle of conduct the idea of fatalism scarcely 
existed for the ordinary Greek. The Stoic view had but little 
to do with the average belief, and the astrological aspect 

• Agam, 1026. ^ Suppf, 673. •» Suppl. 822. • Troad. 884. 

•» Frag. 8a ; cf. Bum. 618. * Froip. £v, 6. 3, 5. 

IV.] ZEUS. 83 

of destiny belongs mainly to the decadence of the Greek 

At the close of the investigation into the cults and religion 
of Zeus, it is necessary to ask how far his supremacy and 
predominance introduces a principle of order or a monotheistic 
tendency into the Greek polytheism. The answer will vary 
according as we regard the cults or the literature. Confining 
our attention to the period of Hellenism proper, we find in 
the state religions and in the popular worship a singular 
extent of function assigned and a very manifold ethical 
character attached to Zeus. Some of his characteristics and 
epithets belonged to other divinities also, but he is prominently 
the guardian of the whole physical and moral world, the god 
who protects the life of the family, the clan, the city, and the 
nation, the god of retribution and forgiveness of sins, and his 
voice was the voice of fate. Yet all this as regards cult 
made in no way for monotheism, for Greek religious conser- 
vatism was timid, and was much more inclined to admit new 
deities than to supplant a single one. Besides, the minutiae 
of cult were designed to meet the minute wants of the daily 
life, and Zeus was not so much concerned with the small 
particulars as Hermes or Heracles ; just as in many villages 
of Brittany or Italy the local saint is of most avail. Therefore 
there were more statues to Hermes and more dedications to 
Athene at Athens, to Asclepios at Epidauros, than to Zeus. 
And it is difficult to mention a single Greek divinity whose 
worship perished before all perished at once. When Oriental 
ideas began to work upon the older beliefs, somewhat before 
and still more immediately after the conquests of Alexander, 
their influence is by no means monotheistic. I sis is introduced 
and fused with Hera and Artemis, Baal Serapis and even 
Jehovah with Zeus, Adonis and later Mithras with Dionysos 
and Sabazios ; ideas become more indistinct, but no single idea 
of divinity clearly emerges. This thcocrasia destroyed the 
life of religious sculpture and did nothing directly for mono- 
theism, but a great deal for scepticism and the darkest 

On the other hand, within Greek cult proper in the purely 

G % 

84 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Hellenic periods, we have already noticed a strong impulse 
towards a certain organized unity. The most striking instance, 
which displays a germ of monotheism that had not vitality 
enough to develop itself, is the partial identity sometimes 
recognized between Zeus and the gods of the lower world and 
the sea, and again his occasional identification with Dionysos. 
The cult of a trinity of Zeus-figures seems to have been 
prevalent in Asia Minor at Troy, Mylasa, and Xanthos, and 
is presented to us on the Harpy tomb. It has been suggested* 
that Semitic ideas have been fruitful here, but it is not necessary 
to assume this, for we can illustrate such rapprochement of 
divinities cognate to Zeus in other parts of Greece. And 
what Semitic trinity was there besides the Carthaginian? 
Again, the multiplicity of the Greek polytheism is modified 
by the tendency to group and classify divinities. We have 
the circle of the twelve Olympians ^", from which the merely 
local divine personages, and usually the deities of the lower 
world, were excluded. But the importance of this classification 
has been exaggerated. It is probably comparatively late, for 
Hesiod; the earliest theological systematizer, appears to have 
known no more of it than Homer knew. The first certain 
instances in cult are the dedication to the twelve gods 
at Salamis by Solon **'^*, and the altar erected by the 
younger Pisistratus in the ayopS, at Athens ; and Welcker 
supposes that Athens, where it was far more prominent 
than elsewhere, was the centre from which the worship 
spread. This worship can scarcely be supposed to have 
expressed any esoteric idea of any complex unity of god- 
head corresponding to a unity observed in nature ; probably 
it was suggested by the ritualistic convenience of grouping 
together the leading Hellenic cults. It is not found diffused 
widely over the Greek world, and at many of the places where 
it occurred — as for instance at Megara, Delos, Chalcis^ on 
the Hellespont, and at Xanthos — we may ascribe something to 

* Vide an article by Paacker in the Megarians and Chalcidians on I^on- 

Arch, Zeit, 1851, p. 379. tini, vowed sacrifice to the twelve 

** Theocles, the leader of the Chal- gods; this may point to the Megarian 

cidic troops in the joint attack of the worship ^^ 

!▼.] ZEUS. 85 

Attic influence. Nor had it much importance for Greek 
religious belief, since the circle failed to include Dionysos 
and the divinities of the lower world, who came to be the 
most prominent in the later period of Greek mystic worship. 

Earlier and less artificial than this is the classification 
of divinities according to their affinities or local connexion. 
On the latter ground we find the Theban tutelary deities 
grouped together: the chorus in the Septeni contra Thebas 
speak of a cn/wXeia or Trarjjyvpiy of gods, and they pray to 
a company of eight •. In the Supplices, the Danaides pray 
at the common altar of the Argive gods, Zeus, Helios, 
Poseidon, and Apollo. In Homer we find Zeus, Athene. 
and Apollo frequently named together in adjurations ; and 
in Athens the same trio were often mentioned, a fact upon 
which some strangely mystic theories have been built ^. At 
Athens there was a local reason for this connexion, and no 
other divinities were so important for Greek life and thought 
as these, who were specially called *the guardians of the 
moral law V In accordance with their affinities of character 
we frequently find Greek deities falling into groups of three 
or two ; we have the three or two Fates, the three or two 
Graces, the three Erinyes, the two Dioscuri or Anakes, the 
group of Demeter Persephone and lacchos, of Aphrodite 
Peitho and Eros, and others besides. Further than this we 
cannot claim unity for Greek polytheistic cult, which shows 
quite as much tendency to multiply as to combine forms. 

But when we look at the religious literature, the answer 
is different. We have here to distinguish between the Zeus 
of legend and the Zeus as he appeared to the religious 
consciousness at serious moments. As Welcker^ has well 
expressed it, Zeus is not only a god among other gods, 
but also God solely and abstractedly. In Homeric use 
0€oy by itself is equivalent to Zeus". And the usage of 

• Sept. c. Theb. 220, 251. * Griech, G'dtterkhrey i, p. 181. 

»> //. a. 371 ; 4. 288 ; 7. 132 ; 16. 97 ; • Fori nstanoe in //. 13. 730; Od, 4. 

Od. 7. 311; 18. 235; 24. 376. Dem. 236; 14. 444. In some passages it may 

Meid. 1 98; Y\2l\o, Euihyd 302 D. be merely a form of grammar, though 

« Max. Tyr. Diss, 11. 8. in these cases it may be said that the 

86 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

the lyrical gnomic and dramatic poets allows us to say that, 
in their expressions of earnest and profound ethical and 
religious thought, their diction has a tone of monotheism, 
and Zeus and the abstract 0eoff become synonyms. 

We are not obliged to see in this any trace of a primitive 
monotheistic idea, as Welcker would; it may be a later 
development, due to increased power of abstract thought. 
And at most it amounts not to monotheism but *heno- 
theism ' — if a very awkward term may be used to denote 
the exaltation of one figure in the polytheism till it over- 
shadows without supplanting or abolishing the others. 

Nevertheless, as we have noted already, there are a few 
passages in Greek philosophy and poetry that seem to assert 
the principle of monotheism. Usually, indeed, when the 
term 0(off or rb Otlov occurs in the fragments of the pre- 
Socratic philosophers, it may be more naturally given an 
impersonal or pantheistic sense ; and the words of Xeno- 
phanes, ' there is one God, greatest among gods and men,' 
savour more of 'henotheism' than monotheism*. But the 
concluding chapters of the De Mundo^ the Stoic theory de- 
scribed by Plutarch, the sentiment found among the yi/oi/xai 
of Philistion — * believe that a single providence of higher and 
lower things is God and reverence him with all thy strength ** * 
— show the monotheistic idea. 

However, the doctrine never affected the popular religion, 
which went a different path from that followed by the poets 
and philosophers. While these maintained that no images 
or sense-forms could express the true nature of the divinity, 
they only could have succeeded at most in infusing more 
spirituality into the people's worship. The sacrifices and 
images rather increased than diminished, and in spite of 
Xenophanes' protest against anthropomorphism, the Zeus 
Olympius of Pheidias, the masterpiece of Greek religious 
art, appeared to the whole Greek world as the full and 
triumphant realization of the divine idea in forms of sense. 

language itself is helping monotheistic ■ Clem. Strom. 5. 714 P. 

thought *» Mein. Frag. 4. 336, No. 16. 

IV.] ZEUS. 87 

There is no inner reform traceable in Hellenic religion after 
the fifth century. The great change came from the pressure 
of alien cults, Semitic and Egyptian. In the witty narrative 
of Lucian ^** Zeus pathetically complains that men neglect 
his worship, have deserted Dodona and Pisa, and have turned 
to the Thracian Bendis, the Egyptian Anubis, and the 
Ephesian Artemis. 



The strange rites of the Diipolia, which have been briefly 
described in the text (p. 56), were regarded by Porphyry, who 
follows Theophrastus, as a mystic allusion to the guilty 
institution of a bloody sacrifice and to the falling away of 
mankind from a pristine state of innocence, when animal 
life was sacred and when the offerings to the gods were 
harmless cereal or vegetable oblations ^^ °. It is the explana- 
tion of a vegetarian defending a thesis. We do indeed find 
in the ritual of Zeus, as of other divinities *, an occasional 
distinction between the bloodless offerings and the sacrifice 
which shed the blood of a victim. For instance, nothing 
but cakes, and not even wine, was allowed on the altar of 
Zeus ''liraTos on the Acropolis; and Pausanias (i. 26, 5) con- 
trasts this with the dark and cruel rites in the worship of 
Zeus Lycaeus, just as he contrasts the worship of the KaOapol 
6€oly * the pure gods,' on the crest of the hill by Pallantium. 
The vr\(f>&K\,a^ the * wineless * sacrifices, were perhaps ' innocent ' 
in the sense of excluding the animal victim, for they are 
identified by Plutarch with n^kiaitovha or libations of honey 
{Symp, Quaes t. 4. 6, 2) ; and these were offered to Zeus 
Fcwpyoy, the agricultural god, Poseidon, the Winds, Mnemo- 
syne, the Muses, Eos, Helios, and Selene, the Nymphs, and 
Aphrodite Ourania, and even to Dionysos**. It is clear that 
this kind of sacrifice was not specially associated with the 
oldest period of the religion, for Dionysos and Aphrodite 

• For instance, in the worship of Diog. Laert. 8. 13. 
Apollo, whose ritoal in Delos was per- *> Schol. Oed. Col. 100 ; Paus. 6. 20, 

formed without blood and without fire. 2 ; Marm. Oxen (Roberts), 21. 

ZEUS. 89 

Ourania are not the divinities of the primitive Greek. In 
Hellenic as in Semitic religions we have to recognize the 
distinction, which Prof. Robertson Smith was the first to 
emphasize^ between the offering of the first-fruits of the 
harvest, which the worshippers laid upon the altar as a mere 
tribute, and the sacrifice at which, by means of a common 
sacramental meal, the whole tribe were brought into com- 
munion with their god {Religion of the Semites, pp. 218-227). 
The reasons he mentions are cogent for believing that the 
latter is the earlier of the two forms ; we might believe this 
solely on the ground that the agricultural period was later 
than the nomadic. The erroneous supposition of Theophrastus 
was due partly to the vague popular conception of a golden 
age in which man was nourished by the spontaneous fruits 
of the earth and shed no blood, partly to the curious features 
that marked the ritual of some of the animal sacrifices, 
the lamentation, and the acknowledgement of guilt. It is 
only recently that some light has been thrown upon the 
ideas underlying this religious drama. In Mommsen's 
Heortologie, only a very superficial account of the ^oi;<^orta is 
given ; he regards it as a threshing-festival for reasons that 
are by no means convincing. It fell indeed about the end 
of the Attic harvest, about the beginning of July, and may 
certainly be regarded as some kind of harvest-commemo- 
ration recognizing Zeus as a deity of tillage. But this does 
not explain the strangeness of the ritual. So far as I am 
aware the only serious attempts to interpret the pov<f)6via in 
accordance with ideas known to prevail in early periods of 
human society have been made by Mannhardt, Prof. Robert- 
son Smith, and Mr. Frazer. In his essay on * Sacrifice' in the 
Encyclopaedia Britannica and in his Religion of the Semites 
(p. 288), Prof. Robertson Smith suggests that we have to 
reckon with the survival of early totemistic ideas in that 
mysterious sacrifice on the Acropolis. An essential feature of 
totemism is that the society claims kindred with an animal- 
god or a sacrosanct animal, from whose flesh they habitually 
abstain, but which on solemn occasions they may devour 
sacramentally in order to strengthen the tie of kinship 

90 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. iv. 

between them and the divinity or the divine life. Now 
this writer lays stress on the appellative pov<^6vos, the 

* murderer of the ox/ on the sense of guilt that rested on 
the slayers, on the exile of the priest who dealt the blow, and 
on the legend that connects the rite with the admission of 
a stranger into the tribal community, and draws the conclusion 
that the ox is so treated because he is regarded as a divine 
animal akin to the clan. Mr. Frazer s view in his admirable 
treatise, The Golden Bough (vol. 2, pp. 38-41), is somewhat 
different ; he regards the ox as the representative of the corn- 
spirit % whose flesh is eaten sacramentally, and who is killed at 
the end of the harvest that he may rise again with fresher 
powers of production. But this explanation of the Bouphonia 
appears not quite so satisfactory as the former, though it may 
well be applied to certain details of the rite. Mr. Frazer has 
collected evidence showing that the ox has been regarded by 
some primitive people, and even now is so regarded in certain 
districts of China, as the representative of the deity of vegeta- 
tion (vol. 2, pp. 22, 23, 41, 42), and he quotes on p. 42 the 
Chinese practice of forming an effigy of the ox and stuffing 
it full of grain, which may appear to illustrate the Athenian 
pretence of making a live ox out of the skin of the slain one 
stuffed with hay or grass. Instances also are given of the 
habit of mourning for the victim that has been slain with rites 
that seem to point to the worship of the deity of vegetation. 
And Mr. Frazer adduces other reasons than those natural to 
totemism that may explain why a primitive tribe may regard 
an animal in some way as divine, and may endeavour to 
conciliate it and make all possible reparation to it for taking 
its life ; this may be due, for instance, to a desire to avoid 
a blood-feud with the animal's kindred (vol. 2, pp. 113, 114) ; 
and from the same feeling the slayer may try to persuade 
his victim that it was not he who slew him, but some one else. 

* It was the Russians who killed you,' the Ostiaks are reported 
to say to the slain bear ; * it was a Russian axe, or Russian 
knife,* &c. (vol. 2, p. iii). In fact, totemism itself, the belief 
in an animal-ancestor of the clan or of the tribal kinship with 

* This view was first expressed by Mannhardt, Mythologische Forschungen^ p. 68. 

APP.] ZEUS. 91 

a certain sacred animal, is only a special form of the larger 
fallacy peculiar to the savage mind of regarding animals as 
moved by the same feelings and thoughts as mankind. We 
are then at liberty to assume totem ism as a vera causa either 
in the present or the past, not whenever any kind of venera- 
tion is paid to the slaughtered or sacrificed animal, but only 
when we can detect some belief, latent or expressed, that the 
animal is in some way akin to the tribe. Now some such 
belief seems naturally implied in the ritual of the Bouphonia. 
Mr. Frazer s theory does not sufficiently explain why the 
slaying of the ox should awaken such a profound sense of 
guilt, as does not elsewhere seem to have been aroused by the 
slaying of the corn-spirit, when we examine the mass of 
evidence which he has collected ; nor why the priest should 
be obliged to flee into temporary exile. On the other hand, 
the theory that we have here a survival of totemism would 
throw clearer light on these dark passages of ritual ; if the ox 
were of the same kindred as the worshipper, those who sacrificed 
him would feel as much sense of guilt as if kindred blood had 
been shed, and the same necessity that drove the slayer of 
a kinsman into exile would lie upon the pov(f>6pos. And this 
theory is confirmed by the legend that the admission of 
Sopatros into citizenship depended on his eating the. flesh of 
the ox at a sacramental meal with the rest of the citizens, 
whereby he became of one flesh with them ; it is further 
confirmed by the existence of the Boutadae, the ox-clan, at 
Athens, whose mythic ancestor was Bovrr/y, a name that was 
given also to the officiating priest of the Diipolia. This theory 
of the origin of the rite might be reconciled with Mr. Frazer's, 
if we suppose that in this case the deity of vegetation, 
personified as the ox, has been taken as their totem by the 
agricultural tribe ; it is clear at any rate that in this worship, 
as in other Attic cults, Zeus has an agricultural character. 
Both the above-mentioned writers have collected ample 
evidence proving the primitive custom of killing the god in 
the form of a divine animal, and the sacramental eating of his 
flesh. But Mr. Frazer considers that totemism is not proved 
to have existed among the Aryan tribes, and that the assump- 

92 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. iv. 

tion that the ox is really the v^etation spirit gives us a verier 
causa (loc. cit. vol. 2, p. 38). Looking at the Greeks only, we 
must certainly admit that, if their society was ever based on 
totemism, they had fortunately left this system very far behind 
them at the dawn of their history ; and we may admit that 
descent through the female, a fact that is usually found with 
totemism, cannot be proved to have existed at any time in 
any Greek community, though certain legends may lead us to 
suspect its existence. But an institution that has long passed 
out of actual life may still cast a shadow from a very remote 
past upon legend and practices of cult. And where we find 
indication that the animal that is venerated and occasionally 
sacrificed is regarded as akin to the worshipper, the survival of 
totemism here is the only hypothesis that seems to provide 
a reasonable key to the puzzle. A curious parallel to the 
Diipolia, as explained by Prof. Robertson Smith, might be 
found in the sacrifices to the Syrian goddess which are 
described by the pseudo-Lucian [De Dea Syria, c. 58). The 
worshippers sacrificed animals by throwing them headlong 
from the top of the Propylaea of her temple, and occasionally 
they threw down their own children, * calling them oxen.' We 
are reminded of that curious story which will be noticed in 
a later chapter about the sacrificer in the Brauronian worship 
of Artemis, who offered up a goat * calling it his own daugh- 
ter.' The same explanation may reasonably be offered for 
the strange ritual of Zeus Lycaeus, the wolf-god of the wolf- 
clan of the Lycaonids, of whose legend and worship human 
sacrifice and * lycanthropy,* or the transformation of men into 
wolves, are prominent features ; and with the cult-legend of 
the Lycaonids Jahn has rightly compared the story about 
the origin of the worship of Zeus Lycoreios on Parnassus, 
which was founded by Deucalion, who landed here after the 
Flood and was escorted by wolves to the summit, where he 
built the city Lycoreia and the temple of Zeus •. 

But whether the ultimate explanation must be sought in 

• O. Jahn, Ber. d, SSchs, Gesells, d, Norse legend, but cannot be proved true 
Wiss. 1847, p. 423. His view that the of Greek, 
wolf symbolizes the exile may be true of 

APP] ZEUS, 93 

totemism or in some other primitive fact, indubitable traces 
remain in the ritual of Zeus, as of other Hellenic divinities, 
of the * theanthropic * animal, if this term invented by Prof, 
Robertson Smith may be used to denote the semi-divine 
semi-human animal of sacrifice. To the examples already 
given we may add one from Crete ; the local l^end of Mount 
Dicte spoke of the sow which nourished the infant Zeus and 
was held in especial sanctity by the Praisii". 

The fairly numerous ritual-stories in Greece about the 
substitution of the animal for the human victim may well have 
arisen from the deceptive appearance of many sacrifices where 
the animal offered was treated as human and sometimes 
invested with human attributes. In a later chapter I have 
suggested this as an explanation for the sacrifice to Artemis- 
Iphigenia ; it may apply also to the Laconian legend 
preserved by Plutarch {Parallela, 35), that Helen was led to 
the altar to be sacrificed in order to stay a plague, when an 
eagle swooped down and snatched the knife from the hand of 
the priest and let it fall upon a kid that was pasturing near 
the altar. As the eagle is the bird of Zeus, the myth testifies 
to the feeling that Zeus himself desired the milder offering in 
place of the human life. There is no doubt that the human 
offering was at certain times actually found in the Hellenic 
cults of Zeus ; but it was probably not the primitive fact*, but 
a development from the sacrifice of the theanthropic animal, 
when this latter was misunderstood, and the idea arose that 
the human victim was what the god really desired and must 
be given in times of peril and disaster. We are told, for 
instance, by Clemens (754 P.) that the fxdyot of Cleona averted 
hail and snow by animal offerings, probably to Zeus, but if 
a victim were wanting they began the sacrifice with shedding 
their own blood. 

The strange legend of Athamas and Zeus Laphystius, 
recorded by Herodotus and others, well illustrates the 
double view of human sacrifice and the confusion between 
the human and the animal offering. There are many apparent 

* I see the same suggestion has been toI. i, p. 329 ; cf. also Prof. Robertson 
made in Mr. Frazer's Golden B<mgh, Smith, loc. cit. p. 346. 

94 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. iv. 

contradictions and some alien elements in the story ; a few 
essential and salient points may be noted here*. The eldest 
representative of Athamantid family must at certain times be 
offered to Zeus Laphystius ; and the legends preserve the 
record that not only Phrixus, but Athamas himself, was 
brought to the altar. The family, that is, has a royal and 
sacred character ; and the practice of periodically slaying the 
god in the person of his human representative has been amply 
illustrated by Mr. Frazer. The next point of importance is 
that both father and son are rescued by the ram, a semi- 
divine animal endowed with human voice and miraculous 
power, and the ram itself is sacrificed to Zeus ^v^ios. But 
the people of Halus in the time of Herodotus still maintained 
that the god was angry at missing his human prey, and that 
therefore this curse was laid on the descendants of the son of 
Phrixus, that each should be liable to sacrifice if he entered 
the prytaneum. The confusion in Herodotus' account is too 
great to allow us to say positively whether the human 
sacrifice was actually carried out in his time or not ; but 
Plato's statement in the Minos (315 C.) seems to point to the 
reality of it. The opposite view about the righteousness of 
the sacrifice is presented by the legend in Pausanias, that 
Zeus himself sent the ram as a substitute, just as Jehovah 
stayed the sacrifice of Isaac. And Herodotus himself, at the 
beginning of his account, seems to imply that the members of 
this family were under a curse because Athamas sinned in 
wishing to sacrifice his first-born; but the historian is not 
responsible for the contradiction, which was probably rooted 
in the popular thought We can detect in the legends the 
feeling that the human victim or the divine animal is due to 
the god, and also the feeling that the deity himself sanctioned 
the more merciful rite. 

In the Diipolia, as in the Laphystius cult, we see that the 
ideas of human and animal sacrifice are blended ; and we can 
discover in both an allusion to the divinity of the field or the 
pasture. For each legend represents the sacrifice as a means 

• Vide *• and •, and Apollod. i. 9. 

APP.] ZEUS. 95 

of averting dearth, and the ram would naturally be the sacred 
animal of a pastoral tribe. The importance of the ram in the 
Zeus-ritual is attested not only by the legend of Athamas, 
but by the religious significance of the Atd; Ktihiov, ' the 
fleece of God,' which was spread under the feet of those who 
were being purified in the scirophoria at Athens ^^•. We 
may believe that this use of it was dictated by the feeling 
that this contact with the sacred animal helped to restore 
those who had incurred pollution to the favour of the god. 
Somewhat similar was the custom of which we have record in 
the worship of Zeus on Mount Pelion, to whose altar, in time 
of excessive heat and drought, chosen youths ascended clad in 
the fresh skins of rams, probably to pray for rain®^^ 

It has been maintained by Overbeck, following Parthey •, 
that even the figure of Zeus Ammon, the ram-god, was native 
Hellenic, and not derived from Egypt. But this theory was 
based chiefly on a mistake about the monumental evidence 
from Egypt ; it was supposed that the Egyptian god Amoun 
was never represented with ram's horns or head. But Lepsius 
has shown that he was so represented on many monuments, 
and it is certain that the worship of the Egyptian ram-god of 
this name spread to the Libyan oasis of Siwa, and was thence 
adopted by the Greek colony of Cyrene towards the end of 
the seventh century, and travelled from Cyrene into Greece, 
at first only to Thebes and the coast of Laconia. The type 
of the god with ram's horns would never have appeared in 
Greek art of the fifth century, as it did, except through the 
influence of Egypt ; the Hellenic sculptors of this age could 
never have represented their own native supreme god with 
any touch of theriomorphic character. But the type would 
seem the more natural, especially in Thebes and North Greece, 
because of the long-recognized sacred association of the 
animal and the god. 

The ram and the bull were the chief sacrificial victims, and 

• Vide Overbeck. Kunst-Mythologity Afgypt, Sprache, 1877, p. 8 ; ' Ammon ' 

i> P* 373 > Pftithey, AbhatuH. BerL in Ro8cher*8 Lexihon by £. Meyer, 

Akad, 186a, ' Das Orakel und die Oase Ephtm, Arch, 1893, pp. 1 78-191. 
des AmmoD * ; Lepsius, ZtUsckrift fur 

96 GREEK RELIGION. [Chap. iv. 

more than others bore a sacred character in the ritual of Zeus. 
But in certain cults the goat also may have possessed some- 
thing of the same significance. The title a{yo<^ayo9, * the goat- 
eater/ is found among the titles of Zeus *^, though we do 
not know the locality of the cult in which the name was in 
vogue ; on the analogy of similar appellatives, we can certainly 
conclude that the name was derived from actual cult, from 
some sacrificial ceremony in which the god was supposed to 
partake of the flesh of one of his favourite animals. The 
goat was sacrificed at Halicarnassus to Zeus Ascraeus, and 
the record of the ritual recalls in one point the account of the 
Diipolia ; the animal that approached the altar was chosen 
for sacrifice *^ •. The other evidence for the sacred character 
of the goat in the Zeus-ritual is mainly indirect ; we cannot 
lay stress on the part played by this animal in the story of 
the god's birth, for this is a Cretan legend, in which Zeus and 
Dionysos are probably confused. The goat appears on the 
coins of the Phrygian Laodicea, and is there considered to be an 
emblem of Zeus "Ao-eis*; but this is probably a Graeco-Syrian 
divinity. Apart from the evidence supplied by the cult- 
term alyo<f)dyoSf the question whether the goat stood ever in 
the same relation as the ox and the ram to the god and his 
worshippers depends on the view that is taken of the aegis. 
The term alyloxos does not seem to have been in vogue in 
later Greek religion as an actual cult-title, but its prevalence 
in the Homeric poetry might lead us to suppose that once 
this significance had belonged to it. But if Zeus was ever 
worshipped or habitually regarded as * the holder of the aegis,* 
what was the aegis ? According to Preller and Roscher, it is 
the storm-cloud fraught with lightning and thunder, which 
was imagined to be the weapon of Zeus, and which afterwards, 
perhaps by a false etymology, became misinterpreted as 
a goat-skin. A diflerent explanation has been suggested by 
Prof. Robertson Smith in his article on 'Sacrifice,* namely, that 
the aegis on the breast of Athena is only the skin of the 
animal associated with her in worship. It is partly a question 

• Head, Huf. A'um, 566. 

APP.] ZEUS. 97 

of etymology. That the word and its compounds had 
a meteorological sense cannot be denied. Aeschylus uses it 
for the storm-wind in the Choephori (592), and we have the 
words Koraiyls^ Kar&i^ and Koraiyl^^iv of the same meaning. 
On the other hand, we have clear proof that writers after 
Homer often used the term alyls in the sense of goat-skin. 
Herodotus tells us that the Libyans wore goat-skins (alyeat), 
and that the Greeks borrowed the aegis of Athena from Libya 
(4, 189); Euripides makes his Cyclops rech'ne on a shaggy 
goat-skin (haavyuiXXi^ iv alyCbi, CycL 360) ; Diodorus declares 
that Zeus was called alyi,oxo% because he wore the skin of the 
goat that suckled him (5. 70) ; and the pseudo-Musaeus, quoted 
by Eratosthenes {CatasL 13, p. 102 r), also explains it as the 
skin of the goat Amalthea, which Zeus used as a battle-charm 
against the Titans, hia to iTpoiTov avrijs koI (f>o^€p6v. Again, we 
are told by Hesychius (s. v.), on the authority of Nymphodorus, 
that the word was used by the Laconians in the sense of 
a shield, and this use may be illustrated by the statement of 
Pausanias that the Arcadians occasionally wore the goat-skin 
for this purpose in battle ; lastly, we have the title fi€\ivaiyi$ 
applied to Dionysos, and, as this god has much to do with 
goats and nothing at all with whirlwinds, it could only mean 
* the wearer of the black goat-skin,' and it is so explained by 
the Scholiast on Aristophanes {Acharn. 146). It is important 
in judging of Roscher's interpretation to note that the word 
is never used for a cloud. Can we now suppose that of the 
two distinct meanings noted above, one is in some way 
derived from the other? Could a word originally denoting 
' whirlwind ' come by any logical development of idea to mean 
a goat-skin? It is difficult to say this. Or did the word 
which first meant goat-skin come to be used for a whirlwind ? 
One cannot see why it should ; large waves were called 
goats (alyey), according to Artemidorus (2. 1 2), but that sug- 
gests no reason why whirlwinds should be called goat-skins. 
Possibly the two meanings really belong to two entirely 
distinct words. What seems clear is that in the post-Homeric 
period the sense * goat-skin * predominates over the other. 
It remains to examine the significance of the aegis in Homer, 

VOL. I. H 

98 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. iv. 

who is our earliest authority and who sometimes describes 
it minutely. There is nothing in the Homeric passages to 
show that the word connoted any meteorological or other 
elemental phenomena. The aegis, in his poetry, belongs 
especially to Zeus, but also to Athena ; Apollo wields it only 
as the vicegerent of Zeus. In Book a. 446, Athena stirs up 
the Achaeans, 'bearing the revered aegis, the deathless and 
immortal, wherefrom a hundred all-golden tassels wave, all 
well woven (or well twisted, ^vTrXex^cs), each worth in price 
a hundred oxen.' In Book 4. 166, Agamemnon prophesies 
that Zeus will ' shake the dark aegis against the whole city of 
Troy, wroth at their perjury.' Again, in Book 5. 738, it is 
described as part of the accoutrement of Athena : * she cast 
about her shoulders the tasselled aegis, the thing of terror that 
is set all about with Fear, and wherein is Strife, and the might 
of Battle, and chill Pursuit, and the Gorgon's head, . . . the 
sacred sign of Zeus the Aegis-holder.* When Apollo bears it 
against the Achaeans, it is described (14. 309) as * shaggy all 
about,' and as wrought by the smith-god, Hephaestus, for 
Zeus to wield for the fear of men ; when he shakes it in the 
face of the Danai, their hearts fail within them, as the hearts 
of the suitors sank in the hall of Odysseus, when in the midst 
of the fight Athena held up on high the sign of the man- 
destroying aegis. It serves as a covering for the body of 
Hector, which Apollo wraps in the aegis, that must be here 
regarded as some soft substance, to protect it from laceration 
when Achilles drags it about. Lastly, in the theomachia 
(21. 400), Ares hurls his spear against the aegis on Athena's 
breast, * the dread aegis against which not even the thunder- 
bolt of Zeus can prevail,' a poetical expression for its invin- 
cibleness. Evidently there is not the most distant allusion 
in all this to atmospheric phenomena, whirlwind, cloud, or 
lightning. The aegis is something that can be put round the 
body as a shield or breastplate, and something in which things 
could be wrapped ; it is shaggy and has metal ornament — 
golden tassels for instance ; above all, it is a most potent and 
divine battle-charm, which strikes terror into the enemy. 
It is not in Homer a symbol for the whirlwind, nor can we 

APP.] ZEUS. 99 

imagrine how such a thing as Homer describes ever could 
have been a symbol for it. There are only two passages in 
Homer where it is mentioned in any connexion with storm 
or cloud, and in neither of these is the connexion essential at 
all. In Book 17. 593, Zeus is said to take the tasselled 
gleaming aegis, and to cover Ida in clouds, *and having 
lightened, he thundered mightily, and shook the aegis, and 
gave victory to the Trojans and put fear in the Achaeans.' 
But the aegis is not said to cause the cloud or the thunder ; 
it is only used here as elsewhere as a battle-charm to inspire 
terror. In Book 18. 204-206, it is said that Athena, when 
Achilles was going unarmed to the trenches, * cast around his 
mighty shoulders the tasselled aegis. And about his head 
she set a golden cloud, and kindled gleaming fire therefrom/ 
The aegis on his unarmed breast is evidently a battle-charm ; 
it is entirely distinct from the golden cloud about his head. 
It would be an appropriate sense for all the Homeric passages 
if we understood it as a magic goat-skin, endowed with 
miraculous properties, especially powerful to inspire terror 
and to protect the wearer in battle ; but occasionally wielded 
by Zeus when he wished to cause thunder or to gather clouds, 
just as Poseidon might take his trident when he wished to 
cause an earthquake. Now there is no reason why the aegis 
of Zeus should be different from the aegis of Athena, and 
the latter divinity has nothing especially to do with storm and 
lightning, but is pre-eminently a battle-goddess. Her aegis is 
represented usually as a shaggy fell ; the fringe of serpents is 
added by the early artists to intensify its terrifying character, 
just as snakes were sometimes the badge on the warrior's 
shield : they could not possibly have been added as the symbol 
of storm, in any case an inappropriate symbol for this goddess ; 
for the aegis as described by Homer has no serpents ; and if 
the post-Homeric artist attached them to it for the purpose 
that Roscher {s. v. Aegis, Ausfiihrliches Lexikon) supposes, 
namely to symbolize the lightning, we must then say that 
the vase-painter mysteriously rediscovered a meteorological 
symbolism in the aegis of which Homer was ignorant, and 
which, if once there, had died out before the Homeric period. 

H 2 

loo GREEK RELIGION. [chap. iv. 

There is every reason to suppose that the goat-skin had 
a ritualistic and not a meteorological significance. In certain 
cults in Greece, the goat possessed the mysterious and sacred 
character of a ' theanthropic * animal, akin to the divinity and 
the worshipper ; namely, in the worship of Dionysos, * the god 
of the dark goat-skin,* and of the Brauronian Artemis, to 
whom a mythical Athenian offered a goat, * calling it his 
daughter ' (Eustath. // p. 331, 26). The goat had a sacred and 
tabooed character in the worship of Athena on the Acropolis, 
and once a year was solemnly offered her (Varro, De Agrictilt 
I. 2, 19). It would be quite in accord with the ideas of 
a primitive period, when the divinity and the worshipper and 
the victim were all closely akin, that Athena should be clothed 
in the skin of her sacred animal, and that in this, as in many 
other cases which Mr, Frazer has noted in his recent book, 
the sacrificial skin should possess a value as a magical charm. 
Being used in the ritual of the war-goddess, it was natural 
that it should come to be of special potency in battle ; but 
the skin of the sacred animal of the tribe ought also to have 
a life-giving power as well, and it is interesting to find that 
the aegis in an Athenian ceremony possessed this character 
also, being solemnly carried round the city at certain times to 
protect it from plague or other evil, and being taken by the 
priestess to the houses of newly married women, probably to 
procure offspring. The last practice is strikingly analogous 
to the use of the goat-skin of Juno in the Roman Lupercalia, 
where it was employed for the purification of women (Serv. 
Aetu 8. 343). Now this usage at Athens must certainly 
be pre-Homeric, for in recent times the close association of 
Athena with the goat had faded away. But if there is this 
evidence pointing to the belief that Athena acquired the aegis 
from some ritual, in which the sacred goat was sacrificed to 
her, it is a reasonable hypothesis that Zeus, who is once called 
'the devourer of goats ^*V acquired it from the same source. 
As his worshippers advanced, they tended to associate him 
with the more civilized animals ; but we can best explain the 
facts examined on the supposition that in his ritual, as in 
Athena's, the goat was a sacred animal, and that therefore its 

APP.] ZEUS. loi 

skin was a badge of his power, but that as the goat-ritual died 
out, the aegis in the hands of the supreme god became a magical 
charm, an emblem of terror, of which the true meaning was 
concealed by much poetical and artistic embellishment, but 
was never entirely lost. 

Down to the close of Greek religion, the animal-sacrifices 
were the chief part of the ritual of Zeus, and there was no 
reform in the direction that Theophrastus desired. The god 
remained a devourer of entrails (o-irAayxi^oTOjuios), a feaster 
{elXa-nivacrrfis), as he was termed in Cyprus, who delighted in 
the blood of bulls and rams (Athenae. 1 74 d) *. It is true that 
the bloodless sacrifice, the offerings of corn and fruits which 
were occasionally made to him, appeared to certain minds to 
be the purer ritual ; the prayer contained in a fragment of 
Euripides, where appeal is made to Zeus and Hades as to 
one god, is proffered with a sacrifice which the poet feels 
to be the more acceptable — 'the sacrifice without fire of all 
the fruits of the earth poured forth in abundance on the 
altar.* It is true also that among the Greek as among the 
Hebrew people the higher natures came to take a deeper and 
more spiritual view about sacrifice than that which was 
presented by the state-ritual ; in the Pythagorean philosophy, 
as elsewhere in Greek literature, we come upon the advanced 
reflection that righteousness was the best sacrifice, that the 
poor man's slight offering, * the widow's mite,' availed more 
with the deity than hecatombs of oxen. But though these 
ideas may have penetrated the minds of some of the wor- 
shippers, the ritual remained unchanged till the end of 
paganism, even human sacrifices continuing in vogue in 
certain parts of the Roman empire, according to Porphyry 
(De Abstin. 2. 54-57), till the time of Hadrian. The Greek 
was more conservative in ritual than in any other part of his 
life, feeling, as Lysias felt, that ' it was worth while to continue 
making the same sacrifice to the gods, if for no other reason, 
still for the sake of luck ' (Kara NiKo/max- R. ^54). 

* Cf. 'Ejcaro/i^oTof, Hesych. s. v. : Zcvs h TopTvyi[fy koI vapd, Kapal xal Kprjei, 



The oldest worship of Zeus^ as of all other Greek divinities, 
was without an image, and remained so on Mount Lycaeum 
and probably elsewhere for a longer time than the other 
cults. In Homer we have an explicit reference to an idol of 
Athene and an allusion to one of Apollo, but no hint that 
he ever knew of an image of Zeus. And the most archaic 
statues that have come down to us are representations of 
Artemis and perhaps Apollo, but not of the Supreme God. 
The reason why the most primitive religion, both of Greece 
and Rome, was destitute of images, was, of course, want of 
imagination and helplessness of hand rather than the piety 
that Clemens claims for the Pelasgians; but obviously this 
would not explain why, when the iconic age had begun, the 
cult of Zeus was later in admitting the iconic form than the 
other divinities. We may allow that the cause here lay in 
a certain religious reserve. 

For a long period he was worshipped on the mountain 
tops with altar and sacrifice only ; in the next stage, or 
during the same period, certain aniconic objects were conse- 
crated to him. The strangest of these was the stone which 
Pausanias saw near Gythium in Laconia, upon which Orestes 
had sat and had been healed of his madness, 'and which had 
been called Zeus the stayer in the Dorian tongue*.* We may 
suppose that this was a meteoric stone which had become 
invested with magical and medicinal qualities, but its title is 
remarkable ; the significance of the worship of Zeus Kepav- 

• See above, p. 46. 


v6^ in Arcadia has been noticed, in which the god seemed 
altogether identified with the phenomenon ; the same identi- 
fication appears in this local legend of Laconia, only that the 
level of the religious thought is here still lower as the stone 
is a more palpable and material thing than the lightning. 
Now there is a very great difference for religious thought 
between the consecration of the stone to Zeus and its identi- 
fication with him, but in language the difference would be 
only as between a nominative and genitive. And Pausanias 
may have made this slight mistake in recording the local 
term. But he is not usually careless in giving the popular 
designations of monuments, and accepting his account of it 
we may regard this stone, which probably exists still, as the 
oldest monument of Zeus-worship. 

There is less difficulty about his statement that the SyoA/ura 
of Zeus MeiA^x^os was wrought in the form of a pyramid at 
Sicyon, standing near to a pillar-shaped Artemis ^^®^ We 
must suppose that the pyramid was worshipped not as the 
god but rather as the emblem of the god ; and in the same 
way we may interpret the pillar that stands in the middle 
of the scene on the vase of Ruvo, where Oinomaos and Pelops 
are taking the oath, the column of which is inscribed with 
the word A102\ A religious monument of the same class 
is the conical stone that appears on coins of Seleucia, with 
the inscription Zeus Kdo-to; ^ 

When we consider the earliest human representations of 
Zeus, and enquire how far they express the various physical 
and moral conceptions that we have found in the oldest cults, 
we find that the earlier religious art, in dealing with the 
divine forms, had very little power of moral or spiritual 
expression. It was long before it could imprint ethical and 
personal character or any inner life on the features ; and the 
symbols that it employs are usually of physical meaning, such 
as the crown of flowers, or vine-leaves, or the thunderbolt, 
or are mere personal badges, such as the bow of Apollo or 
Artemis, or the trident of Poseidon. It could, and did, help 

• Plate la. * Head. Hist, Num. p. 661. 




itself out by means of inscriptions : but not till a later period 
could it become an adequate vehicle of expression for the 
manifold religious thought that was embodied in the literature 
and legends and cults. The monuments of the earlier period 
could only illustrate part of the religion that has been 
described. The physical supremacy of Zeus in the three 
realms was quaintly expressed by that ancient $6avov of the 
three-eyed Zeus, the aviOnixa on the citadel of Argos that was 
said to have been brought from Troy®*, if we accept the 
explanation of Pausanias that this was the sky-Zeus united 
with the Zeis KaraxOovios whom Homer mentions and the Zeus 
'ErdAtos to whom Aeschylus refers, and we may accept it until 
a more probable can be found*. The legend concerning the 
origin of the Trojan image would accord with the fact 
mentioned already of the prevalence of this conception of 
a triple Zeus in Asia Minor. The clearest illustration of the 
same idea in more mature art is given by a vase from Chiusi 
which displays three forms of Zeus, all carrying the lightning, 
and one the trident^. Such a representation is exceedingly 
rare among genuinely Hellenic monuments; for we cannot 
include among these the representations of Zeus Osogos, the 

• Dr. Mayer in his Die Gigantcn und 
Titanen^ pp. 111-114, considers that 
this three-eyed idol could not possibly 
be Zeus, but must originally have been 
some Titanic nature-power allied to 
Cyclops. He thinks the symbolism 
too monstrous for Zeus, and wonders 
why the artist did not represent him 
with the lightning or eagle, trident or 
Cerberos, if he intended his figure for 
the triple Zeus, as Pausanias supposed* 
His arguments do not seem to me con- 
clusive ; it is hard to say it was a very 
unnatural symbolism in the very primi- 
tive period to represent the being who 
saw in three worlds as a three-eyed 
person; and I do not see what more 
natural meaning Dr. Mayer finds in 
them if the three eyes really belonged to 
a Cyclops ; and a three-eyed Cyclops is 
after all a very doubtful person. The 
primitive sculptor might have put a tri- 

dent and the lightning into the hands of 
this (6ayov, if he had been able to open 
the hands and part the fingers at all; 
but in the very earliest xoana the hands 
are clenched at the side and the fingers 
are not yet parted. But what this figure 
was originally does not concern us here. 
It is clear that long before Pausanias 
the people had interpreted the idol as 
Zeus and had associated it with the 
legend of Priam ; regarding it as Zeus, 
they may well have explained the three 
eyes as Pausanias did, for this triple 
character of Zeus was recognized in 
prevalent popular cults. Therefore there 
is some ground for still quoting the 
xoanon as a monument illustrative of 
that character of the god. 

^^ PI. lb: cf. gems published by 
Overbeck, Kumt-Myth., Gemmentaf. 3, 
nos. 7, 8, p. 359. 


Zeus-Poseidon of Caria, who is found on a coin of Mylasa, of 
the period of Septimius Severus, holding the trident with 
a crab by his feet*. But the chthonian Zeus undoubtedly 
appeared in the group of Zeus-Hades of Athene Itonia 
at Coronea, — which Pausanias and Strabo^'*^ both mention, 
the one naming the god Zeus, the other Hades ^ And we 
have a small statuette in the British Museum which shows 
the god in his double character with Cerberos on the one 
side of his throne and the eagle on the other (PI. I c). And 
through all the periods of Greek art this affinity is expressed 
in the close resemblance which the type of Zeus bears to that 
of Hades, the distinct character of the latter being marked 
by the more gloomy countenance and the more sombre 
arrangement of hair«. 

It is obvious that many of the functions of Zeus in the 
physical world, which were commemorated in many of the 
cults, could not be easily expressed with clearness in the 
monuments. What, for instance, could have been the repre- 
sentation in the archaic period of Zeus 'TcVtos ? Even in the 
later period, when a far greater power of natural symbolism 
had been gained, we find only one or two monuments that 
can be regarded as a representation of the rain-god ; namely, 
a head of Zeus in the Berlin Museum**, wearing an oak-crown 
and with matted hair, as if dripping with water, which Over- 
beck, following Braun, interprets with good reason as a head 
of Zeus Dodonaeus, or more specially of Zeus Naios : and 
again, the type of Zeus on certain Ephesian coins of Antoninus 
Pius, that represent him enthroned near a grove of cypress- 
trees, with a temple below him, while rain-drops are seen 
descending from him upon a recumbent mountain-god below^ 
Such a theme was obviously better adapted to painting 
or to relief-work than to sculpture. Of all his physical 
attributes none so frequently appear in the monuments as 

* Head, Hist. Num. 539 ; Overb. loc. Serapis are more conveniently studied 
cit., p. 269. in connexion with the divinities of the 

* For a probable reproduction of lower world. 

this group see Athena- Monumtnts, ** Overb. Kunst-Myth, i, p. 233. 

p. 328. • D,AK,2,no.i^\ Overb. Kunst' 

^ The cult and monuments of Zens Myth. i,p. 326, Munztnf. 3. 22. 




those of the thunderer. The thunderbolt appears in the 
oldest vase-paintings, and was probably his most common 
emblem in very early sculpture : for although Pausanias does 
not mention it in his record of the most archaic Zeus- 
statues*, his silence is inconclusive, for the symbol was so 
common that it did not always claim special mention ; and 
the oldest art stood in the greatest need of so obvious a proof 
of personality. A very early bronze, found at 01ympia^ 
presents a type of Zeus K^pavvios striding forward and hurling 
the bolt which must have been widely prevalent, as it appears 
on an archaistic coin of Messene and is found in a large series 
of coins of other cities®. The thunderbolt itself seems to 
have been worshipped as an emblem of Zeus at Seleucia near 
Antioch, for we find it represented by itself on a throne on 
the coins of this city**; and coins of Cyrrhus preserve the 
figure and inscription of Zeus KaratjSdTTjs, seated on a rock 
holding the lightning with his eagle at his feet*. In the 
peaceful assemblages or processions of the gods — a common 
theme of ancient vase-painting — in scenes such as the birth of 
Athene, the apotheosis of Heracles, as well as in such dramatic 
and violent subjects of archaic relief-work as the battle with 
the giants on the Megarian treasury, or the contest with 
Typhon on the gable of the Acropolis, the thunderbolt is the 
weapon and mark of Zeus. The other sign which has been 
supposed usually, though on insufficient ground, to indicate 
the thunderer, the aegis or goat-skin, appears on the arm of 
Zeus in the representations on the Pergamene frieze, where he 
is warring against the giants, but it is extremely rare in 
public monuments. The coins of Bactria show it, and late 

* The statue by Ascanis the Theban, 
at Olympia, which probably belonged 
to the late archaic period, held the 
thunderbolt in the right hand, Paus. 5. 

'' Banmtister, Denkm, Klass, Aiterth. 

P- 2I34» fig. 2378. 
« Messene, Gardner-Imhoof-Blnmer, 

Num. Com. PL P 4, 5 ; Athens, B B i ; 

Megara, A 4 ; Corinth, £ 90 ; Patrae, R 

I a ; Aegium, Head, Hist. Num. p. 348 ; 

Cieiium of Thessaly, Head, p. 249 ; 
Cyzicus, Mus. Hunter. 24, 16; Ambra- 
cia. Head, p. 270; Brnttium, ib. p. 78 ; 
Petelia, ib. p. 9T ; Acamania, ib. p. 283 ; 
Aegina, ib. p. 334 ; Bactria, ib. 702 : 
cf. Zeus standing with lowered thunder- 
bolt on coins of Athens, Gardner, Num. 
Com, B B 2, 3; Corinth, ib. £ 89; 
Sicyon, ib. H 10. 

«* Head, Hist. Num. p. 661. 

• Ib. p. 654. 


coins of Alexandria*, and a few statues and gems, of which 
the most famous is the cameo at Venice, on which the 
a^is on the breast and the oak-crown occur together. The 
meaning of this conjunction of attributes has been much 
debated. The oak-crown would seem to refer to Dodona, 
being the badge of Zeus on the coins of the Epirot kings. 
But what does the aegis mean? Is it here an ensign of 
war and victory of the Zeus "Apeios who was worshipped in 
Epirus, or, as Overbeck regards it, a sign of the fertilizing 
cloud? Either sense would agree with the local cults of 
Dodona and the Epirote country, in which Zeus Na409 and 
Ztis "Apeios were indigenous. But the literary record fails to 
show that the aegte bore any direct reference to the cloud, 
and we ought not to assume that it had this meaning in the 
monuments. And those cult-names that express the warlike 
or victorious god — ^^Apetos, orpanyyos, or Tpoiratos, might be 
better applied to the aegis-bearing Zeus. 

But even in the archaic monuments, whether it is his 
physical or his moral nature that is represented, the pacific 
and benign character prevails, and the reason is not far to 
seek^ It was in the oldest and most primitive cults that 
the dark and sinister aspect of the worship was in strongest 
relief; but these on the whole remained without an image, 
and almost all the earlier representations of Zeus belong to 
the later archaic period, when gloomy and terrifying forms 
were beginning to be refined away. In the statues of this 
period at Olympia recorded by Pausanias we find two men- 
tioned in which, though the thunderbolt was held in his hand, 
his head was crowned with lilies or other flowers °. The more 
peaceful form of the god with the lowered thunderbolt is 
a type created in the archaic period and is found frequently 
among the later monuments *^. And in the later periods of 

• Bactrian coin of third century B.C., *» Overb. op. cit. i Gemmentaf. 3; 

Head, op. cit. 70a : the tassels hanging cf. pp. 243-350. 

down show that the covering of Zeus' " Paus. 5. 22, 5 ; 5. 24, i. 

left arm is no ordinary chlamys. Alex- ^ Vide note c, p. 106, and cf. statuette 

andrian coin with inscription, Zc^r Nc- of Zens in Vienna, Overbeck, Kunst- 

/Mios, and aegis on the left shoulder, ilj^M. i, p. 152, fig. 18 ; bronze statuette 

Head, op. cit., p. 719 ; Overbeck, Kunst- in Florence, ib, PI. 17. 
Myth. I, p. 218. 

io8 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Greek art we can find monuments that express his benign 
influence in the physical world. The Hours and Graces, 
the powers of birth and fruitfulness, were carved on the 
throne of the Olympian Zeus ; the form of Zeus Kapiro- 
Scfrrys, the giver of fruits, appears on a coin of Prymnesos, 
holding ears of corn*; and on a coin of Aetna of the early 
part of the fifth century B. c, on which Zeus is represented 
enthroned and holding a thunderbolt, his right arm is 
resting on a vinestock, possibly with some reminiscence 
of some cult of Zeus as god of the vintage ^. On a coin of 
Halicarnassus ® of the imperial period we may see the figure 
of Zeus 'Ao-#cpa4os, of whose cult we have record there, in the 
strange type of the bearded divinity in long robes with 
a crown of rays about his head, who stands between two 

Lastly, there are sundry coins that illustrate the worship of 
Zeus 'AKpalos, the god who dwells on the heights ; the repre- 
sentation on the coin of Aetna is very similar to the coin- 
type of Gomphi ** of the third century B. C, where the rock 
on which he is enthroned may allude to his worship on 
Mount Pindus ; and the inscription Zev9 ^kKpaios occurs on 
late coins of Smyrna*. 

If we except the type of Zeus Olympius, which will be 
afterwards considered, scarcely any canonical monument has 
survived belonging to those cults that were of the greatest 
national importance. As regards the Arcadian worship, 
a small bronze in the Bonn Museum ', representing Zeus with 
a wolf-skin around the back of his head, may allude to Zeus 
Lyceius; but this cannot have been an accepted national 
type, for that worship on Mount Lycaeum was in all probability 
always without an image, and the head of Zeus on certain 
Arcadian coins* has no similarity to this. Nor again, if 
we look to Crete, is it possible to discover what was the chief 
cult-image of Zeus Kpi/rayer?}?. We have many representa- 

■ Coin PI. A a. Vide Ramsay in A/iV/. * Head, p. 251. 

d, d. Inst, Atk, 7, p. 135. • lb. p. 510. 

^ Coin PI. A I ; vide supra, p. 48. ' Overbeck, Kunst-Afythol. i, p. 366. 

« Head, p. 537. f lb. Miinztef. i, PI. 30. 


tions ■ on reliefs and on coins of the infancy and nurture of 
Zeus, and various groups of the child and the goat that 
nourished him. . But though the myth gained a certain 
national importance, so that * the community of Crete/ the 
* KffffTw Koiv6v^* could take for its device the child seated on 
the round emblem of the world with the goat standing by ^, 
yet all these representations are late, and belong more to 
mythology than religion ; and the monuments disclose a 
certain variation in the myth ; for instance, on coins of 
Cydonia of the fourth century B.C.®, the child is being 
suckled not by a goat but by a bitch. There is, in fact, 
only very slight evidence for the belief that the child-god 
was ever an actual object of real cult. The Zeis Kpryrayei^s 
mentioned in inscriptions ^"^ and on two or three coins, was 
evidently a title of the mature god. A coin of Hierapytna 
and one of Polyrrhenion **, both of the time of Augustus, 
show the bearded head of Zeus with this inscription ; and 
the whole figure, hurling a thunderbolt and surrounded by 
stars, appears on Cretan coins of the period of Titus*. 
Neither is there any youthful representation of Zeus Dictaeus, 
whom we find on the fourth- century coins of Praesus in 
Crete 'as a mature god enthroned and holding sceptre and 
eagle. A very striking and peculiar type is that of Zeus 
fcXxaws on fourth- century coins of Phaestus, who is seated 
on a stump under a tree holding a cock, and has the 
youthful form and much of the air of Dionysos, to whom, 
as has been pointed out, he closely approximates in Cretan 
worship ». 

We have no record of any temple-image of the Dodonean 
Zeus ; but the oak-crowned head on the coins of Thessaly 
and Epirus are rightly interpreted as referring to the oracular 
god of Dodona. The former were struck by the Magnetes 

» Ovcrbeck, loc. cit., pp. 322-338. A^um, p. 384. 

^ lb. Munztaf. 5. 2. ' Coin PL A 3. 

« Eph, Arch, 1893, PI. I. 6. « Overbeck, Kunst-Mytkol. p. 197, 

^ OyeTbeckyirunst-AfytAaLiyp,2i6, Munztaf. 3. 3; Head, op. cit., p. 401, 

Munztaf. i. 38. Fig. 255. 
• Id. Miinztaf. 3. 19; Head, //ut. 

no GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

and the Thessali in the first half of the second century B. C, 
and may show the survival in this region of the tradition of 
a Thessalian Dodona in Phthia. More important is the series 
of oak-crowned heads on the coins of Epirus ^ struck in the 
reigns of Alexander and Pyrrhus, and on the gold staters of 
the former king we may possibly detect in the countenance 
the expression of a mental quality proper to the god 
of divination. The oak-crown is not infrequently found in 
other representations of Zeus, not only on coins, but in works 
of plastic art • ; probably borrowed from Dodona originally, it 
may have become a merely conventional symbol, and cannot 
by itself be taken to prove any direct association with Dodo- 
naean cult. 

The head of Zeus on the coins of Halus alludes no 
doubt to the cult of Zeus Laphystius, but does not at all 
reflect the character of the worship *. A few other local cult- 
names, which may be illustrated by representations on coins, 
may be here mentioned, such as Zeus Ainesios, whose head is 
seen on fourth-century coins of Proni*, Zeus Aetnaeos on the 
fifth-century coins of Aetna already mentioned, Zeus Sala- 
minios' represented on Cypriote coins of the Roman period, 
erect and holding patera and sceptre with an eagle on his 
wrist On late coins of Alexandria » we find the inscription 
Zeus Nemeios, and a representation of him lying on the back 
of his eagle, a purely fanciful type which certainly bore no 
special significance for Nemean cult. The seated Zeus who 
is seen on the Archemorus vase of Ruvo in converse with 
Nemea^ may be called Zeus Nemeios, but obviously the 
figure has not the character of a cult-monument. The only 
representation that may claim to be a monument of the actual 
worship of this deity is the device on an Argive coin of 
Marcus Aurelius, on which we see a naked Zeus standing 

• Head, Hist, Num. p. 256 ; Brit. i, Head, p. 251. 
Afus. Cat. Thess,, PI. VII. a, 3 ; • lb. p. 358. 

Overbeck, i, p. 231. ' lb. p. 267. 

*» Coin PI. A II, 12. « lb. p. 719. 

« Overbeck, i, pp. 234-239. ^ Published in Baumeister, Denk- 

** Brit, AIus. Cat. Tfuss., PI. XXXI. maUr d. hlass. Alterthums, i, p. 114. 


with his right hand supported on his sceptre, and his left hand 
behind him with an eagle near his feet. From the prevalence 
of this figure on the Argive coins, Professor Gardner concludes 
that we have here a copy of the statue carved by Lysippus 
for the temple of Argos*. The cult of Zeus Olympius was 
widespread^*, and his name is inscribed on many coins. But 
we cannot suppose that the inscription attests any connexion 
with the local worship of Olympia, as the name 'OkvyLinoi 
came to have the most general signification. But no doubt 
the representations of Zeus under this title were often modelled 
on the great Pheidian masterpiece in Elis, as we find when we 
examine the type on the coins of Megara^ Prusa°, Antioch**, 
and other cities. 

Of the various political ideas attaching to the Zeus-worship 
there were comparatively few that were expressed in the monu- 
ments of religious art, and those works are still fewer which 
we can use as illustrations of public cult For instance, many 
attempts have been made to discover the Zeus Polieus of 
Athens. The text of Pausanias has been interpreted as 
proving that there was an older and a later statue of this 
god on the Acropolis, the later having been executed by 
Leochares, who in some way modified the traditional form. 
This may be so, but the words of Pausanias are rather loose, 
and do not at all of necessity imply that the statue carved by 
Leochares was named Zeus Polieus. Jahn sees in the Attic 
archaic coins that display the god striding forward and hurl- 
ing the thunderbolt a preservation of the archaic type of the 
god of the city®. The motive reminds us of that of the 
archaic Athena Polias, and being more violent is probably 
earlier than the more peaceful representation of Zeus with 
the lowered thunderbolt which is found on another archaic 
coin of Athens', and which Overbeck is more inclined to 
regard as a copy of the early statue on the Acropolis ». We 

• Coin PI. A 1 3. Aum. Comm. Paus,^ Fig. K. 
PI. K. XXVIII. p. 36. • Nu(me Mcmor, deir Inst., A, p. 24, 

^ Gardner, op. cit. A 3. Gardner, op. cit. B B i. 
« Head, Hist. Num, p. 444. ' /^. B B 2. 

^ Miiller, Antiqu, Aniioch,^ Taf. 2, > Kunst-MythoL i, p. 55. 




then find on another Attic coin this type of Zeus modified in 
accordance with the style of the fourth century •, and an altar 
is represented by his side over which the god is holding 
a libation-cup. This may well be a reproduction of the 
statue of Leochares which stood near the altar, but there is 
no direct proof that this statue ever usurped either the name 
or the worship of the image of Zeus Polieus. The same con- 
ception of Zeus as the guardian of the people appears in the 
group of Zeus and Demos that stood in the Peiraeus, the work 
of Leochares ^ Of the forms of this group we know nothing, 
but it is interesting to note how the type of the personified 
Demos in certain monuments borrows much from the recog- 
nized type of Zeus; for instance, on certain archaic coins® of 
Rhegium of the transitional style a doubt has been felt whether 
the seated figure whose lower limbs are enveloped in the 
himation is the god or the personification of the people^. 

The type of Zeus 'Ayopaioy, the god whose altar stood 
in the market-place, and who guarded the righteousness of 
trials, cannot be recognized on any coin®, or in any statue. 
But his figure is seen on a Roman relief with an inscription 
to him, on which he appears erect and of youthful form, 
holding in his left hand a sceptre, and extending his right 
over an altar, and wearing a chlamys that leaves the right 
breast bare. 

As a god of war, Zeus was but little known in the genuine 
Hellenic cult, and was rarely represented in public monu- 
ments. It is true that a very common type in coin-repre- 
sentations is the thunder-hurling Zeus, but this may express 

• Gardner, B B 3. 
•' Pans. I. I, 3. 

« Overbeck, Kumt-MythoL i, p. 
25 ; Head, Hist. Num. p. 93, Fig. 6a, 
who inclines to regard it neither as 
Zeus nor Demos, bat as Agreus or 

* The personal form of Demos was 
created at least as early as the close of 
the fifth century, as Demos was grouped 
with Zeus and litra in the representa- 
tion on the famous mantle of Alcisthenes 

of Sybaris, Athenae. 541. We may 
interpret the figure of Zeus on the 
beautiful vase published by Baumeister, 
Denkmdler^ i. 493, No. 537. re]>resent- 
ing the birth of Erichthonius, the 
m)thic ancestor of the Athenian people, 
as 2>us Polieus. 

• The inscription Z<i»y 'Ayopcuos occurs 
on a coin (of the Imperial period) of the 
Bithynian Nicaea ; Head, //isL Aum, 
p. 443, but only an altar is represented 
with it. 


the legend of the Titans' and Giants' battles, or the mere 
physical conception of the thunderer. A helmed Zeus at 
Olympia is a fiction bom of the corrupt text of Pausanias*; 
and only on rare and late coins of lasos^ does the armed 
figure of Zeus "Apeioy occur. The warrior-god of Caria 
appears on the coins of Euromus®, Mylasa^ and of the 
Carian dynasts, and the double-headed axe that is a device 
of the coinage of Tenedos may be his emblem. The most 
striking representation is that which is found on the coin 
of Mausolus^ on which Zeus Labraundeus is seen walking 
to the right clad in a himation that leaves his breast bare^ 
and carrying a spear and bipennis ; the style shows the 
impress of Attic art of the middle of the fourth century. But 
the actual cult-figure of the Carian temple is probably better 
presented by the type of the coins of Mylasa, on which we 
see the god in the midst of his temple, clad in chiton and 
himation that is wrapt about his lower limbs in stiff hieratic 
fashion, wearing a modius on his head and wielding axe 
and spear. The coin- types of Amastris' that illustrate the 
epithet of Zeus Srpan/yJy show little or nothing that is 
characteristic of this idea, which does not enter at all into 
the canonical representations of Zeus. It is only the late ^ 
coinage of Syracuse ^ that represented the god whom Cicero 
calls Jupiter Imperator with the warlike symbol of the 

But of Zeus the Conqueror there are a large number of 
illustrations among the monuments,* though these all belong 
to the period of perfected and later art ; in literature Nike 
had been associated with Zeus at least as early as Bacchy- 
lides, but not in any conspicuous monument until the statue 
of Pheidias, who placed her on the hand of the Olympian 
Zeus turned partly towards him. Henceforth we have two 
modes of representing Zeus with Nike ; the goddess is either 
facing him with a garland in her hand or a libation to offer 

• Pans. 5. 17, I. d. ale. Kunsty a. 29. 

• Coin PI. A 4. • Coin PI. A 5. 

• Head, Hist. Num. p. 523. ' Overbeck, Miinztaf. a. 27, and 3. 21. 
«» lb, 529 ; MuUcr-Wieseler, Denkm. » Head, Hist, Num. p. 164. 

VOL. I. I 

114 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

him * ; or she stands in the hollow of his hand looking away 
from him and holding out a crown to the worshippers ; such 
is frequently her pose on the coins of the Syrian kings ^ 
and of the Achaean league®. She was sometimes also 
present with Zeus Soter ; for instance, in the shrine of Zeus 
in the Peiraeus, mentioned by Pausanias as containing statues 
of Athene and Zeus with Nike in his hand, and called 
the Upov of Zeus Soter by Strabo. In this case then, the 
epithet Scoriyp would refer to the dangers of war. But generally 
speaking the monumental evidence of this title and of the 
special expression given to the idea of Zeus Soter *^ is very 
slight. Pausanias speaks of an archaic statue at Aegium 
of this name ; a great group carved by Cephisodotus of Zeus 
Tv\r), and Artemis Sciretpo, was dedicated at Megalopolis 
in the Temple of Zeus Soter ; and at Thespiae we hear of 
a bronze figure of Zev9 SacSny^, which was probably ancient 
because of the ancient legend attaching to it. But of none 
of these statues nor of the agalma at Athens, often mentioned 
in the state archives, nor of the two statues in Messene re- 
corded by Pausanias have we any explicit account or evidence. 
The only full representation that has survived is found on 
^ a coin of Galaria in Sicily \ which has for its device the 
seated Zeus, holding a sceptre on which an eagle is carved, 
with the inscription Soteb, written backwards. A youthful 
head of Zeus Soter with a diadem is found on a coin of 
Agrigentum • of the third century. 

Of all the cult-names fhat we have examined that express 
the relations of the family and clan to the worship of Zeus, 
there is scarcely any that can be attached to any surviving 
monument. We do not know what distant form, if any, 
the ancients used for Zeus '£p#ceio9, '0/jioyvto9, or ^pirpios ; but 
an allusion to Zeus Fa/jiYfAio?, the marriage god, may perhaps be 
found in an interesting series of works. These are those in 
which the god appears veiled and with the veil wearing some- 

* For instance on an early fifth-century « fh, Mtinztaf. a. 17 and 17 a. 

vase in Stackelberg's Graber der HelU- ' Coin PL A 6. Head, Hist, Num. 

fUHy Taf. 18. p. 121. 

*» Ovcrbeck, Kumt-MytM, x, p. 59. • Head, ib. p. 108. 


times an oaken crown •. The meaning of this symbol has 
been much disputed. The veil might express the chthonian 
nature of Zeus, and illustrate the idea of Zevy crKorfray, whose 
oak-grove on the road near Sparta might be alluded to by 
the oaken crown; but the veil is not usually a symbol of 
the lower world, nor have any of these works features or 
expression that would be proper to the nether god. It 
may well be that in the case of some of them the veil alludes 
to the deity who hides himself in the clouds ; for instance 
on the silver-cup from Aquilea^ where Zeus with half his 
form concealed and his head veiled is gazing down upon 
Triptolemos and Demeter who is giving him the com, and 
on the Borghese relief of the Louvre where the veiled Zeus 
may be probably Zeus Maimactes, the winter-god ®. But we 
have no sure authority for saying that the veil was a sign 
of the cloud ; its only certain significance is its reference 
to the bridal, and it is the constant attribute of the bride 
and of Hera as the goddess of marriage. But could it have 
such a meaning on the head of the male deity ? It is possible 
that on the sarcophagos- representation published in the 
Monumenti delt Instituto ^, which shows the birth of Dionysos 
from the thigh of Zeus, the veil around the head of the god 
might mean that Zeus is here fulfilling the functions of 
the mother — a quaint unintentional illustration of the very 
ancient practice of the Couvade. Again, in the picture of 
the Updy ya\kos from Pompeii % the bridegroom Zeus has the 
veil, which more probably symbolizes the marriage-rite than 
the spring-cloud. Lastly, the terra-cotta group found in Samos 
and published by Gerhard', shows the veiled Zeus side by side 
with the veiled Hera (PL V b). Now the Hera of Samos is the 
goddess of marriage, and in such a connexion it is natural to 
suppose that Zeus also is here a 0ed9 ya/xi^Ato;. We might 
then apply this interpretation to the doubtful instances of the 

• E.g. Owrbcck, K. M, i, Fig. ao. ^ Vol. i, Taf. 45 a. 

For a list of the mooaments vide Over- * Baumeister, Dcnm, d. klass. Alter* 

beck, I, pp. 239 and 251. thumSy Fig. 2390, p. 2133. 

* Afoft. deir Inst, 3. 4. ' Aniike Bildwerke, Taf. 1 ; also in 
« AV«nckelmann, Monum, Ined. 11. Overbeck, K, M, a, p. 25, Fig. 4 a. 

1 % 

ii6 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

single representations of the veiled Zeus ; only we must 
reckon with the possibility that the attribute was sometimes 
given for a merely artistic reason, as a becoming framework 
for the head. 

The other two cults of Zeus, that express a national or 
political idea, that of Zeus 'EXev^epto; and rTai^eXXYfrto;, are 
illustrated by no surviving monument of sculpture; but 
a fine series of Syracusan coins* show us the head of the 
former god laurel-crowned, and marked by a noble and 
mild earnestness of expression, and some of these bear 
on their reverse the device of the unbridled horse, the 
emblem of freedom. But these refer to the freedom won 
by Timoleon's victories, and tell us nothing of the earlier 
colossal statue dedicated at Syracuse to Zeus 'EXcv^epio^ 
after the downfall of the tyranny of Thrasybulus. Of 
Zeus 'EWarios, who was the same as Panhellenios, we have 
representations on coins belonging to two periods ; the 
first a Syracusan coin of the fourth century about the time 
of Timoleon^ the second a coin of the same city, struck 
near the beginning of the third ®. In neither is there any- 
thing specially characteristic of the idea, but the later type is 
remarkable for the youthful countenance and imperious beauty 
of the laurel-crowned god. 

Lastly we may mention in this series certain coins of 
Pallantium * and Aegium ® in Achaea issued by the Achaean 
league, the type of which agrees with that adopted by other 
cities of the league, such as Messene and Megara' ; the god is 
represented facing towards the left, naked and erect, with 
his right hand raised high and supported on his sceptre, 
and with a Nike in his left hand turned towards him. There 
is good reason to suppose, as Professor Gardner argues, that 
this may be a copy of the statue of Zeus Homagyrius of 
Aegium whose statue is mentioned by Pausanias as next 

• Coin PL A 7. Head. Hist. Num. « MuUcr-Wicseler, Denkm. d. alt. 

p. 156. Kunsty a, No. ao. 

''Head, p. 157; Imhoof-Blamer, • Gardner, A i/w. CV^ww. Aiwj.R 15. 

Monnaie Grecque, PI. 6 ai. ' Overbeck, IC.Af, i, p. 155, Nos, 17 

« Coin PL A 14. Head, p. 160. and 17 a. 


to that of Demeter Panachaia and whose cult was mythically 
associated with the gathering of the Achaean host against 
Troy, and whose title was appropriate to the patron-divinity 
of the Achaean league. 

Turning now to those cults to which some moral or 
spiritual idea attaches, we find the monumental record far 
slighter than the literary, and only in a few cases can we draw 
from both. Something has been said of the importance of 
the worship of Zeus MetX^x^^^) ^^ which certain physical con- 
ceptions were blended with ideas of retribution and expiation. 
But it is difficult to illustrate this worship from existing 
monuments, for it is not allowable to discover in every mild- 
visaged head of Zeus a representation of this divinity, as some 
have been wont ; for the cult and character of Zeus MciXixios 
were by no means altogether mild. Perhaps it is an act in 
his worship that is the representation on a vase published in 
the Archaeologische Zeitung of 1872* : blood is flowing from 
an altar, and on it a youth, wearing a chlamys and holding 
a club, is sitting in an attitude of sorrow ; the scene may well 
be the purification of Theseus from the taint of kindred blood**. 
The only certain representations preserved to us of this Zeus 
are two reliefs of the later period found in the Peiraeus. The 
one shows us the god enthroned, with one hand resting on his 
thigh, another holding apparently a cornucopia ; before him 
are several figures leading a pig to sacrifice. Most fortunately 
the inscription is preserved : ' to Zeus Meilichios ®.* In this 
interesting work the god appears as a deity of the spring, if 
the cornucopia is rightly recc^nized, and as a god who claims 
piacular offerings for sin ; for the pig was used in these rites 
of purification. The other relief represents three worshippers 
approaching the divinity, who is seated by an altar holding 
a cup in his right hand and a sceptre in his left (PI. II a); the 
inscription proves the dedication to Zeus Meilichios*. 

Greek religious sculpture has suffered much through the 
loss of the Zeus MeiA^xioy which Polycleitos carved for the 

• PL XLVI. ^ Bull, Ccrr, Hellht, 1883, p. 507, 
*> Pans. I. 37. 4. Taf. 18, Foucart. 

• £ph. Arch, 1886, p. 49. 

ii8 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Argives to commemorate and to expiate a fearful civic 
massacre. Of everything that concerns this statue we are 
in the greatest doubt : we do not know what was the actual 
occasion of its dedication, for the history of Argos records 
more than one bloody faction-fight ; we do not know whether 
its sculptor was the elder Polycleitos of the fifth century or 
the younger of the fourth century, or what were the forms by 
which the sculptor represented the religious idea*. 

The only other cult-title which was derived from the moral 
or spiritual character of Zeus, and which received distinct 
monumental illustration, is that of the Zeus <I>t\ios. The earliest 
representation of him that is recorded is the statue wrought 
by Polycleitos the younger for Megalopolis ^^^ * He resembles 
Dionysos, for the coverings of his feet are buskins, and he has 
a cup in one hand and a thyrsos in the other, and on the 
thyrsos sits an eagle.' Pausanias evidently did not under- 
stand the reason of these dionysiac features of Zeus Philios. 
As this statue was a public work of the earlier part of the 
fourth century and intended for temple-worship, we ought 
not to seek for any recondite mystic reason for this strange 
representation : for the religious sculpture of the great age 
has little to do with mystic symbolism. We may connect 
this worship with that of Zeus Didymaeus, whose priests wore 
ivy during the ritual ; and we can illustrate in more than one 
way the rapprochement between Zeus and Dionysos ^ At the 
feast the third cup was poured to Zeus Sor^p, and Zeus ^i\io^ 
was regarded in the fourth century as the god of the friendly 
feast. As the work of Polycleitos seems certainly to have 
been wrought especially for the city and temple of Megalo- 
polis, we may give it the political meaning which belonged to 
many of the monuments of the new foundation of Epami- 
nondas, and may interpret the epithet 4>4Aioy as referring 
partly to the political friendship which should bind together 
the Arcadian community. By what means Polycleitos was 
able to express the double nature of the god is a doubtful 

• The Zeus-statues recorded in Argos lished by Gardner, Num. Comm. on 
are too many to allow us to recognize Paus. K, 25. 
the Zeus Meilichios on the coin pub- ^ Vide p. 48. 


matter, but we may believe that it was shown in the features 
and inner character as well as in the external attributes; 
also in the pose and arrangement of the drapery. In the 
Archaeologische Zeitung of 1866 (pi. 208, no. 6) there is 
the sketch of a lost antique, a representation of a seated 
Dionysos, posed and draped according to the usual type of 
the seated Zeus, and it is most natural to suppose that the 
Zeus <I>iAioy of Polycleitos was also seated. As regards the 
face we can say little : the sculptor must have borrowed 
something from the older type of the Dionysos heads, the 
type of the severe bearded god, and given the features 
a benevolent and smiling aspect. But no existing monument 
gives us any certain clue to the rendering of the idea. The 
Pergamene coins which give a representation of the head of 
Zeus Philios, and the full figure seated, have little definite 
character •. 

The only other surviving representations of the full figure 
of this deity are found on the two Attic votive reliefs of the 
fourth century, bearing inscriptions to Zeus Philios ^ that 
have been mentioned above. On both the god appears 
seated on his throne ; but on one the eagle is carved beneath 
the seat, and he seems to have held a cup in his left hand ; 
on the other, which is reproduced by Schone®, there is no 
eagle, and he probably held the sceptre in his left, and two 
worshippers, a woman and a boy, are approaching him 
(PL lib). Neither monument is of importance as regards 
style or as evidence of a widely prevalent type. 

This list of monuments may close with the mention of 
those that illustrated the cult of Zeus Moiragetes, none of 
which have survived. It has been already noticed that 
in the religion and the religious art the idea of fatalism had 
little or nothing to say, the difficulty being avoided by 
refusing to Motpa much independent recognition and by 
subordinating her to Zeus. 

In Delphi, by the side of the two fates, stood Zeus Moipaytrrys 

■ Ovcrbeck,;i,p. a28,Munztaf. " GrUchische Reliefs, Taf. 25. 105. 

J. 33. Cf. Heydemann, Die antiken Mamtor- 

^ C. I, A. 2, 1330, and 1573. Hldwerke zu Athen, No. 736. 


and Apollo Motpay^njy ; and at Akakesion in Arcadia, by the 
entrance to the temple of Despoena, was a relief of white 
marble representing Zeus Motpay^n/s and the Moip<u^*^ Per- 
haps the title might be mechanically drawn from the figure 
of Zeus preceding the fates ; but obviously at Delphi it 
had acquired a spiritual sense, probably having also a special 
reference to the oracular functions of Zeus and Apollo. But 
the great statue of Zeus by Theocosmos of Megara, a pupil 
and fellow-worker of Pheidias, displayed no such special 
idea, but in the most general way the omnipotence of Zeus 
over the MoTpat ; for Pausanias tells us that the Hours and the 
Fates were wrought there above the head of Zeus, that is, 
on the back of his throne as subordinate figures •. 

Besides monuments to which we can attach some definite 
cult-names, we find a rich illustration in mythic representations 
of many of the moral ideas that were expressed in the 
worship. In the group of Dontas carved on the treasury of 
the Megarians at Olympia, Zeus is present at the contest 
between Heracles and Acheloos, dispensing the fate of the 
action. In the group wrought by Lycios the son of Myron 
of Thetis and Eos pleading before Zeus for their children, 
the same idea appears as in the worship of Zeus Airatoy. 
And the myth of Prometheus illustrates the ideas of recon- 
ciliation and mercy that can be found in the worship. But 
the greater part of the myths scarcely touch the temple- 
worship, which is purer and less fantastic than these. 

When we reckon up this whole series of monuments we see 
that the literary record is far richer and more explicit than 
the monumental in the display of the various cults and 
religious functions of Zeus. We see that very few of the 
cult-titles that are preserved in the literature are to be 
discovered in the monuments of religious art ; and even 
these are usually attested not so clearly by the attributes 
or inner qualities of the work as by the inscription : without 
artificial aid we should not know a Zeus Scori;/) or a Zeus 
'ElAcv^^pioy. Nor can we be at all sure that any special 
aspect of the god was always represented in the same way 

* Paus. I. 49, 4. 


and by the same forms. The numismatic evidence cannot 
always be used for other works, because the face on the 
coins is often characterless and expressionless, and often 
shows no congruity with the title : there is nothing warlike, 
for instance, in the coin-representation of Zeus Srpan/yoy. 
Doubtless the great sculptors of the great age found ap- 
propriate expression for such widely diverging ideas as Zeus 
4>£\to9 and Zeus "OpKios^ as we know they did for the 
distinction between the Sky-Zeus and the Nether-Zeus ; but 
we cannot understand by what power of expression they 
could impress upon any statue of Zeus the meaning of 
*£/>ic€to$ or KaOipaios without the aid of inscription, nor have 
we any right to say that these special figures of cult were 
a frequent theme of great religious art. The statues of Zeus, 
with which any famous name is associated, represented the 
god usually in the totality of his character, while his special 
functions were appealed to rather by altars and votive tablets. 
Most of the surviving statues, busts, and reliefs of Zeus do 
not admit of being specially named, and perhaps the originals 
themselves of which these are copies possessed no special cult- 
title. But if the artistic monuments give us a less rich account 
of the manifold character of Zeus than the literature gives, 
they are far more palpable and living evidence of the forms 
in which the popular imagination invested him, and we have 
now to note the chief features of the type in art. 



As regards the monumeats of the earlier pre-Pheidian period 
the most interesting question is how far they contain the germ 
of the Pheidian masterpiece, how far the artists had antici- 
pated Pheidias in the discovery of forms appropriate to the 
ideal. But our evidence of the earliest archaic period is most 
scanty; no statues have survived, and probably very few 
existed ; we have to collect testimony from coins, vase-paint- 
ings, and reliefs, and most of these belong to the later archaism. 
The means of expression that the workers in this period 
possessed was chiefly external and mechanical ; character and 
personality were chiefly manifested by attributes. The most 
usual of these was the thunderbolt, whether he was repre- 
sented in action or repose ; also on some archaic works, there 
was not only the thunderbolt in his hand, but on his head 
a garland of flowers, and the character becomes more manifold 
by the accumulation of attributes. Nothing is told us in the 
ancient literature about the form or pose of these representa- 
tions ; but examining the series of archaic coins and vases, we 
gather that there were three commonly accepted types showing 
three varieties of pose : (i) we see the striding Zeus with the 
thunderbolt in his right hand levelled against an imaginary 
enemy or transgressor on Messenian tetradrachms, on later 
Attic coins, and in the very archaic bronze from Olympia •, 
and the eagle is sometimes flying above his extended left arm 
or perched upon it ; (2) the standing figure of Zeus in repose — 
for instance, on the coin of Athens holding the thunderbolt in 

• Vide pp. 106. 107, II I ; Baumcistcr, Dcnkm, d. klass. Altcrth. p. 2124, Fig. 2378. 


his lowered right hand, and stretching out his left as though 
demanding libation. It is difficult to decide certainly between 
the comparative antiquity of these two types^j the first, dis- 
playing in activity the power and functions of Zeus the 
thunderer, gratified the natve craving of archaic art for 
dramatic action ; the second contains more possibilities of 
ethical expression, and is more in accord with the later con- 
ception of the peaceful unquestioned supremacy of Zeus. The 
third type with which we can best compare the Pheidian 
is that of the seated Zeus, as he appears, for instance, on the 
certain Arcadian coins of ripe archaism •, on many vase-repre- 
sentations — such, for instance, as the birth of Athene ** — in the 
relief of the Harpy-tomb, and on the metope of Selinus ; in 
the coin-representation he holds the sceptre as on the Harpy- 
tomb, and the right arm is outstretched with the eagle flying 
above it or resting on it ; the feet are separated, and in one 
instance at least the legs are drawn up with some freedom, 
and in these motives and forms we recognize an affinity with 
the Pheidian work. As regards any spiritual expression in 
the pose of the limbs, the o-e/xi^JTr;?, the earnestness and majesty 
that was one quality of the Pheidian ideal, we may discern 
the germ of this in the seated figures of the Harpy-tomb, 
whose forms belong to genuine Greek art, and who are akin 
to the Hellenic supreme God, although we cannot with security 
name any one of them Zeus. 

The treatment of the body and rendering of the muscles as 
we see it in the naked figures does not in the earlier period 
contribute much to the distinct character of the god ; we 
see the strong forms such as any mature man or god might 
possess, rendered in the usual archaic style, with great em- 
phasis thrown on the shoulders and thighs. The Selinus 
relief shows the beginning of that idea that guided the later 
perfected art, namely, that the forms of Zeus should be 
rendered so as to express self-confident strength without 
violent effort or athletic tension of muscles, a rendering which 
assists the idea of reposeful supremacy. 

* Overbeck, Munztaf. 2, Nos. 1-3. * E.g. Mon. delV Inst. 3. 44. 




In the draped archaic type the treatment of the drapery 
varies. In the earlier vases Zeus is never naked, but wears 
sometimes only a chiton with or without sleeves, sometimes 
a himation or mantle thrown over the chiton ; and on the 
figures of the Harpy-tomb the drapery is very ample, such as 
the older austerer worship of the gods required. The later 
tendency is to reveal the divine forms, and hence it came 
about that in the canonical representation of the seated Zeus, 
it is the lower limbs only that are covered by the himation> 
while the greater part of the breast is free and a fold hangs 
over the left shoulder. Now this arrangement of the drapery 
which allows the display of the rich forms of the torso, and 
attains a high artistic effect in the noble swinging wave of the 
lines, was supposed to be the creation of the ideal Pheidian 
sculpture. This is not the case. It was perfected by him, 
but it was an invention of the earlier period ; for we see it on 
one of the Arcadian coins*, on the interesting coin of the city 
of Aetna with a representation of Zeus Aetnaeus struck 
between 476 and 461 **, and on the metope of Selinus. 

Lastly, as regards the countenance of the archaic period, 
we can scarcely yet speak of spiritual expression ®. The forms 
of the head show the usual marks of the archaic type, and we 
cannot by the features alone distinguish a Zeus from a Poseidon 
or any of the maturcr gods^. The hair is generally long and 
sometimes bound in a crobylos, but it hangs down simply 
and leaves the forehead and ears usually free ; it has nothing 
of the later luxuriant or leonine treatment, never rising up 
above the forehead, except in the archaic terra-cotta group of 
Zeus and Hera from Samos mentioned above, which Overbeck 
for this insufficient reason pronounces of later date. 

Most commonly in the pre-Pheidian as well as the post- 

* Overbeck, K, M, Munztaf. a. a a. 

»» Coin PL A I. 

« The Vatican relief, found in the villa 
of Hadrian at Tibur (MUllcr-Wiescler, 
Denkm, d. alt. Kunst^ a, No. 19 ; Over- 
beck, Atlas f I. 6), where Overbeck dis- 
cerns a solemn and noble earnestness in 
the head of Zens, is probably archaistic, 

and in any case does not belong to the 
archaic period. 

' For instance the very striking ar- 
chaic bronze head from Olympia {Olymp. 
Ausgrab, 34) is sometimes called a Zens- 
head (e.g. Banmeister, Fig. 1376a), but 
the name is very doubtful. 


Pheidian period he is bearded ; for the maturer age better 
accorded with the Greek conception and the ancient idea of 
TfaT^p ivhplav t€ O^Siv re : but it is important to note that both 
before and after Pheidias a youthful type of Zeus existed, the 
motive-of which it is not always possible to explain. We find 
at least one beardless Zeus among the works of the Argive 
Ageladas, the predecessor and teacher of Pheidias, namely, 
a statue dedicated at Aegium in Achaea, where was localized 
the legend of the birth of Zeus and his rearing by the goat. 
The statue was kept in the house of the youthful priest, a boy 
annually elected for his beauty. And we find tlie same custom 
observed in regard to the idol of Zeus Ithomatas^®, another 
work of Ageladas : though here the priest is not said to 
have been youthful, and it is not certain ' but only, possible 
that this also was an image of the beardless god, as Ithome, 
like Aegium, possessed the legend of the birth. Now in these 
places this legend might explain the cult ; as also the Cretan 
legend might explain the cult of the youthful Zeus F€\xav6i^. 
The youthful Zeus of Pelusium, whose emblem was the pome- 
granate, may well be interpreted as the bridegroom Zeus, or 
as another form of Dionysos, the god of vegetation ° ; but we 
do not know for what reason the Zeus at Elis dedicated by 
Smicythos** was beardless, or why the heads of Zeus Soter on 
the coins of Agrigentum and of Zeus Hellanios on the coins 
of Syracuse have the youthful form. In the earliest period, 
the male divinities one and all, with the exception of Apollo, 
are bearded ; but in the Pheidian and later work, the forms of 
other gods besides Apollo are rendered in accord with the 
Greek instinct. But we are not at liberty to say that the love 
of the youthful form for its own sake explains these rare 
representations of Zeus. 

• The Zens Ithomatas on the Mes- • At Pelusium, Ac^r Itpdv Ayakfta 

seuians' coins is always bearded, vide Kaaiov vtaviaKos *Afr6\Xann /loKKov ioi' 

Headj/TiV/. iV«m. p. 361. Cf. a bronze mojs . .. irpo$4$XTjTai il r^v xttpa teal 

of Zeus, bearded and hurling thunder- Ix*' ^m^ ii^ alfr^' r^s di fiotds d \uyos 

bolt, in the Mus^e de Lyon, somewhat fivaritcus. Ach. Tat. Erot, Script, 3. 6. 

of this type: Cautte ArchioL 1880, Hirschig, p. 59. 

PL II, p. 78. * Paus. 5. 24, 6. 

^ Overbeck, K,M, Miinztaf. 3. 3. 

126 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Of the features of the usual bearded type there is little 
more to say ; neither in forehead, mouth, nor eyebrow do the 
works of even the later archaic period show much of the 
distinct character that is impressed upon the perfected idea of 
Zeus. In the period before Pheidias no doubt the whole 
countenance came to express a certain solemn dignity 
and earnestness ; the Cyrenaic coins with the representation of 
Zeus-Ammon, which perhaps preserve the style of the work 
of Calamis, and which display something of the impressiveness 
of brow which belongs to the Pheidian ideal, belong to this 
transitional period ; and near to this period we may assign the 
relief of Zeus and Hebe in Bologna which has sometimes been 
regarded as spurious, but without good reason, although the 
inscription is not genuine*. As it stands it is one of the most 
remarkable representations of Zeus belonging to the earlier 
period of the perfected style. The himation conceals the 
lower limbs, and displaying the forms of the torso hangs over 
the shoulder ; the sceptre shows him as the king. The 
features are very earnest and richly moulded, the cheeks are 
broad, the eye-sockets rather deep. The Pheidian ideal, if 
this work is really earlier than the Olympian Zeus, is fore- 
shadowed here. 

There are two works of the Pheidian period that may serve 
as comments on the masterpiece of the Pheidian sculpture : the 
relief-figures of Zeus on the Parthenon ^ and on the Theseum 
friezes °. As regards chronology both these figures are probably 
earlier than the great temple-statue, and both are almost of 
the same date (circ. 440 B. c.) ; both show the best features 
of Attic sculpture, of which at this time Pheidias was the 
unrivalled head ; so that they come into the account of the 
type of Zeus which Pheidias chose or created. 

But we must bear in mind the great difference between the 
character of the frieze-figures and the temple-image : the 
latter, being set up for worship, must have been more solemn 
and severe, and could not have possessed the same freedom of 
forms or the same dramatic expression in the pose of its 

• PI III a. Vide Kcknlc, Arch. ZeU. 1871, Taf. 27. 
»» PI. Ill b. • PI. IV a. 


limbs as the frieze-figures show. In both scenes the god is 
the interested spectator of a special drama : in the Parthenon 
group the Zeus is seated on his throne with a half-negh'gent 
but noble freedom, while in the scene on the Theseum he 
appears to be moving in his seat through the lively emotion 
which the combat caused in him. In both, the design of the 
arrangement of the drapery is on the whole.the same — namely, 
to conceal the lower limbs, and to display the upper parts of 
the body, in which the idea of divine energy and power can 
be best manifested. Of the Theseum figure, the himation 
covers the outstretched left arm. probably for artistic reasons; 
and this becomes the more usual arrangement of the drapery 
of the seated Zeus. But it is in keeping with the more 
restful attitude of Zeus on the Parthenon frieze, that here the 
mantle has fallen away from the shoulder. The latter repre- 
sentation is altogether more expressive of the peaceful majesty 
of the god, and has possibly more affinity with the temple- 
statue, which naturally would show less ease and abandon, 
but which might well have resembled this in the pose of the 
legs. Also the sphinx on the throne recalls part of the decora- 
tion of the throne of the Olympian god. As regards the ren- 
dering of the forms there is little that is specially characteristic 
of the supreme god, for the large style that appears in the 
treatment of the flesh and great surfaces of muscle, in the 
reserve and solemnity of the whole, is to be looked for in any 
work of Pheidias. The pose indeed speaks to the character of 
the god, as elsewhere in the frieze it is the pose that defines 
the divinity. As regards the countenance we can say little, 
for it is too defaced ; but probably much of the expression 
that was achieved in the countenance of the Olympian liead 
was anticipated here. We can conjecture what we have lost 
when we note the extraordinary power of ethical and spiritual 
expression in the other heads of the frieze. But both here 
and on the Theseum it seems that the sculptor has scarcely 
indicated the flowing locks of Zeus as an essential feature. 

128 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 


The image of the god wrought by Pheidias at the zenith of 
his artistic renown for the temple of Olympia was regarded as 
the masterpiece of Greek reh'gious sculpture, and the fullest 
and deepest expression in plastic form of the national worship. 
Of no other work of ancient art is the account that remains so 
detailed, varied, and emotional. The description left by Pau- 
sanias* is as usual the dryest but the most accurate and full. 
The deity was seated on a richly-carved throne, wearing a 
crown of wild olive-leaves wrought of gold, and in his right 
hand holding a Nike of gold and ivory, who also wore a crown 
and carried in her hand a garland, while his left hand was 
grasping a sceptre wrought of variegated metals and sur- 
mounted with an eagle. His face and the parts of his body 
that were bare were of ivory, his sai/dals and himation of gold. 
From the silence of Pausanias concerning any other garment, 
as well as from the general history of the type of Zeus, we can 
conclude with certainty that he was represented with the 
mantle only, which, we may believe, was wrapt about his 
lower limbs, and, leaving the torso bare, fell lightly over his 
shoulder : an arrangement most expressive of the dignity of 
the god, and affording the most striking interchange of light 
from the surfaces of gold and ivory. The garment was worked 
over with forms of animals and flowers, especially the lily, 
which we may probably interpret as the symbol of immor- 
tality ^ The olive-crown, being the prize of the Olympian 
victor, expressed the great function of Zeus as the guardian of 
the Olympian games and of the unity of Greece. 

The figure of victory which here for the first time he holds 
in his hand, instead of the eagle his constant attribute in the 
older monuments, marks him as the god to whom victory 
belongs ; for, as a later coin proves, she was not facing the 

• 5. II. statue of Alexander in Cos on the night 

^ Lilies adorned the head of the of his death ; the Coans called the lily 

archaic Aeginetan statue of Zeus men- ' the immortal * flower, rb dufipoaioy, 

tioned by Pausanias, 5. aa ; Athenaeus, and the story must allude to his apo- 

p. 684, quotes from Kikander the story theosis. 

that lilies bloomed from the head of the 


spectator as though passing from Zeus to the worshipper, 
but was seen in profile, half-turned towards Zeus and holding 
up the garland to him •. In fact, the idea of the victorious 
god was prominent in the whole figure, for groups of victories 
were carved in relief on each of the l^s and feet of the throne. 
At the extremities of its back stood the free figures of the 
Hours and Graces, of such proportions that their heads were 
higher than his, and on the cross-pieces, barriers, and base- 
ment of the throne were carved or painted the great myths 
which the epos or drama had made Pan-hellenic : the battle of 
Heracles and Theseus with the Amazons, the punishment of 
the Niobids, the labours of Heracles, the deliverance of Prome- 
theus, the birth of Aphrodite from the sea. So far the bare 
record of Pausanias enables us to gather the manifold idea 
of the whole. The pose and attributes of the god revealed 
him in kingly repose with the Victory ever at his side, 
as the supreme moral deity whose worship, rising above 
the particularism of local cult and the political severance of 
tribes and cities, was one of the few bonds of the national 
union. To such an idea the mythic by-work carved on the 
throne gave content and depth. The Amazon-contest is the 
symbol of the struggle against lawlessness and barbarism, and 
is the mythic counterpart of the battle of Salamis, which is 
more clearly recorded on the throne in the persons of Hellas 
and Salamis holding the figure-heads of ships in their hands. 
Even the slaughter of the Niobids is no mere legend of 
destruction such as the primitive art loved, but through the 
genius of Aeschylus had gained the noblest poetical beauty, 
and a higher ethical meaning as a story of the divine retribu- 
tion for presumptuous sin^ and now for the first time appears 
as a theme of great religious sculpture. But no scene that 
was wrought on the throne possessed such spiritual sig^ficance, 
or could contribute so much to the moral aspect of Zeus, as the 
myth of the Prometheus Unbound, unique as it was among 
Greek legends for the idea of mercy that underlies it, and for its 
handling of the dark problem of necessity conflicting with the 

* For the artistic necessity of this arrangement vide chapter on the Phei- 
dian Athena, p. 366. 

VOL. I. K 


supreme power of the divinity. This also is a new motive appro- 
priated by perfected Greek sculpture, though not discovered by 
it*; and here also Aeschylus had been beforehand interpre- 
ting the story and fixing it in the imagination of the people. 
The group that was richest in figures and offered most scope to 
the sculptor's power was that which was carved on the base- 
ment of the throne, in which Zeus and the other leading 
divinities appeared as spectators of the birth of Aphrodite 
from the waves. The theme hitherto untried by art was 
derived from the older epic religious poetry. The Homeric 
Hymn describing the birth presents us with a subject full of 
genial physical and spiritual ideas, that could offer as many 
fine motives of sculpture as the birth of Athena, and its 
cosmic significance is shown by the presence of Helios and 
Selene, who appeared on the basement at either extremity of 
the group. The Graces and the Hours at the back of the 
throne have a higher significance than they possessed on the 
throne of the Amyclean Apollo, where they served chiefly as 
monumental supports. Here they express the character of 
the god as the orderer of the seasons, the dispenser of the 
fruitfulness and beauty of the year \ 

Thus the work upon the throne and about the person of 
Zeus helps the interpretation of the whole, completing or 
explaining the incomplete or vague accounts given by ancient 
writers of the meaning of the image. We can thus partly 
understand the moral analysis given us by Dio Chrysostom in 
his ecstatic description «. According to him the style and the 
forms gave clear illustration of the many cult-names of Zeus, 
of the manifold aspects of his worship; this was the Pan- 
hellenic god, the guardian of a peaceful and united Hellas, 
the giver of life and all blessings, the common father and 
saviour of men, Zeus the kii^, the city-god, the god of friend- 

* The subject appears on a black- a picture described by Philostratus 

figured vase in Berlin ; Otto Jahn's {Imag, a) they are given golden hair, 

Beitrage^ Taf. 8. which he supposes to be symbolical of 

^ The Hours are personages connected the ripening com. 
with the processes of life and birth as « Dio Chrys. Or. la. Dind. p. 336, 

well as with time; they belong to the 412 R. 
circle of the Moirae and Aphrodite. In 


ship, the god of the suppliant and the stranger. ' His power 
and kingship are displayed by the strength and majesty of the 
whole image, his fatherly care for men by the mildness and 
loving-kindness in the face ; the solemn austerity of the work 
marks the god of the city and the law, ... he seems like to 
one giving and abundantly bestowing blessings.' 

The statement is perhaps over-analytical, but we may well 
believe that in the work of Pheidias the full and manifold 
ideal was perfectly shown — * so that none of the beholders 
could easily acquire another conception'' — this being the 
express likeness of the god, the masterpiece of Greek reli- 
gious sculpture, 'of all images upon the earth the most 
beautiful and the most beloved by heaven^.' The account 
of Pausanias attests the moral imagination of Pheidias in his 
choice of attributes and symbols : he has rejected all imagery 
of terror ; the thunderbolt nowhere appears® : his ideal is 
the peaceful and benevolent god. But it is interesting to 
note that it is ndt the external attributes which helped Dio 
Chrysostom to find that wealth of meaning which the image 
possessed in his eyes ; and that therefore we are dealing here 
with no monument of the archaic hieratic art which relied on 
certain signs and symbols to express its meaning. Symbols 
and attributes are not wanting to the work of Pheidias, but 
they are allowed no separate function ; they merely aid the 
expression, which is conveyed by the forms of the body and 
the face. 

No doubt his unique power in plastic spiritual expression 
was most manifest in his treatment of the countenance, which 
must have revealed in clear interpretation the ideas embodied 
in the whole form. The ancient writers are fortunately more 
outspoken than usual on this point. Macrobius records that 
Pheidias himself declared that 'from the eyebrows and the 

• Dio Chrys. Or, 12. Dind. p. 230, Taf. 18) representing Zens opposite to 

401 R. Nike, he bears no thunderbolt, which in 

^ lb, p. 220, 383 R. archaic art is his most common s3rmbol, 

« This significant omission is probably and is frequently given him in qnite 

not an innovation made by Pheidias peaceful representations of the later 

himself. On one of the vases published period. 

bj Stackelberg {firdber tkr HelUnen, 

K 2 

132 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

hair he had gathered the whole face of Zeus ' ; ' and we have 
the interesting story in Strabo that, when asked what had 
inspired his conception, Pheidias replied that his imagination 
had been moved by the lines of Homer : ' The son of Kronos 
spake and he nodded assent with his gleaming eyebrows ; 
and from the immortal head of the king the deathless locks 
waved down, and great Olympus was shaken with his nod ;* 
and Strabo, or the Scholiast, adds: *The poet incites the 
imagination to express some great type, some form of great 
power worthy of Zeus ^' 

The story has more value than most anecdotes about 
artists; for, if not literally true, it proves what the Greek 
spectator himself saw in the countenance : it proves that for 
him it embodied the conception of Homer, and is testimony 
of the profound earnestness, the peaceful and reserved 
strength, the exalted life, manifested in the feature ; and we 
can believe, on the authority of Dio Chrysostom, that there 
was added to the <r€/uij;rfnjs, or solemnity which was proper 
to every Pheidian work, the more specially characteristic 
expression of benignity and loving-kindness, the expression 
which corresponds to the cult-ideas of Zeus Philios and 

The passionate enthusiasm of the ancient descriptions 
cannot give us a full and concrete impression of this work, 
but serves to indicate that there was in it a great and strange 
power operative by processes which require a philosophic 
history of Greek art to explain. And the record also enables 
us to some extent to test the value of the claim of certain 
coin-figures to be regarded as copies of the Zeus-image of 
Pheidias. In his Kunst-Mythologie^ Overbeck has urged many 
reasons for accepting three extant Elean coins of the period of 
Hadrian as the most faithful reproductions of the face and 
figure. The two that present the whole figure are found in 
the state collections of Florence and Stockholm, and have 
often been published ® ; we see the god on his throne in 
profile from right to left with the olive-crown upon his short 
and close-pressed hair, with the Nike in his right hand and 

• Saturn, 5. 13, 23. ^ Strabo, p. 354. « Coin PL A 8. 




sceptre in his left. Undoubtedly, then, the coin-stamper had 
the Pheidian original before his eyes, and tries to reproduce it 
in outline. Yet the value of this slight copy has been greatly 
overrated ; for except that it helps to establish that the Victory 
was turned partly towards Zeus, it teaches us nothing 
certain that we did not before know from the account of 
Pausanias, and it is entirely lacking in imaginative expression, 
Overbeck indeed admires the solemn simplicity, the freedom 
from all ostentation in the pose, and especially the position of 
the sceptre, which is held erect and rather close to the body ; 
but Stephani, in a long polemic in the Compte-Rendu^ of 
which the negative criticism is of more value than the positive 
theory, complains justly of the stiffness of the figure, and its 
want of free rhythm. Ancl the general accuracy is open to 
suspicion when we see that the figure is almost certainly clad 
in a chiton \ and not in the himation which we have every 
reason to believe was the sole garment of the Pheidian Zeus. 
Now the chiton was the archaic vesture of Zeus, and the coin- 
stamper of Hadrian's time may have had some temptation to 
'archaize' in his work as copyist. Another Elean coin of 
Hadrian's time ^^ mentioned by Stephani, shows the figure of 
Zeus Olympios en face^ in head body and pose free from all 
archaism and stiffness, and clad in the himation alone, while 
the left arm with the sceptre is held much freer of the body^, 
and the whole form is more in accordance with the style of 
the Parthenon frieze. 

Another coin of Elis® of the same period, published and 
described by Overbeck, and regarded by him as contributing 
most to our knowledge of the Pheidian masterpiece, bears 

• Compte-Rendu^ 1875, pp. 160-193, 
and 1876, Nctchtragy p. 224. 

^ Overbeck would make ont the 
drapery of the coin-Bgure to be a 
himation gathered up in a large fold 
over the left shoulder; but a very 
similar coin, also of Hadrian's period, 
published by Friedlander {Monats- 
herichte d. Kon. Akad, d. Wiss, Berlin, 
1874, p. 500, No. 5 ; Overbeck, Gesch. 
d. Gritch, Plcut. i, p. 258, Fig. 56 b), 

shows the figure seated from left to 
right, clearly wearing the chiton. 

• Coin PI. A 10. 

^ The simpler pose of the sceptre on 
Overbeck's coin, stiff as it may ap- 
pear, is yet perhaps more suitable for 
a temple-statue some forty feet in 

• In the Paris collection: Coin PI. 
A 9. 

134 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

upon its obverse the head of Zeus Olympios crowned with 
the wild olive. The countenance, according to that writer, 
possesses not only a remarkable nobility of expression, but 
also just those characteristic qualities which, according to the 
record of Dio Chrysostom, belonged to the Zeus of Pheidias. 
But Overbeck himself notes with much surprise the severe 
and simple arrangement of the close-pressed hair, in which 
even traces of the archaic stiffness appear to survive. And he 
actually attributes to the coin a unique value in that it 
alone discloses to us the astonishing fact that Pheidias in 
this, the master-work of his life, chose to hamper himself by 
obedience to the archaic tradition. Even a priori this is 
incredible. There is no archaism in the great sculpture of 
the Parthenon gable or frieze. There was none in the coun- 
tenance of his Athena Parthenos, if we may accept the 
testimony — as we surely may— of the beautiful fragment of 
the marble head found recently on the Acropolis '. Now the 
Olympian Zeus is of later work than these, and the crowning 
achievement of the greatest religious sculpture of Greece ; 
and we should require more than the evidence of a doubtful 
coin to convince us that Pheidias, in this work, fell back into 
a stiff and conventional manner, of which he, and even sculp- 
tors before him, had long abandoned the tradition. But there 
are other than a priori objections. Overbeck and those who 
have accepted his view about the coin either do not deal at 
all, or deal very insufficiently, with the question how it was 
that people who looked on the face of the god at Olympia 
were reminded of the great words of Homer about the waving 
immortal locks, if the locks of Pheidias* statue were trim and 
straight and stiff. And Stephani does well to ask what 
prompted the later sculptor of the Zeus-head from Otricoli 
to arrange the hair violently about the head like a lion's 
mane, if there was no trace or hint of such treatment in the 
preceding work of that sculptor who fixed for all time the 
ideal of Zeus. This trait in the Otricoli head is an exaggera- 
tion, but it is an exaggeration of something that we know to 
have been found in the Pheidian original, and which does not 

* Described in Athena Moanments, p. 368. 


appear at all in the head on Overbeck's coin, about which no 
one would dream of saying *the artist has conceived the whole 
face from the hair and the eyebrows.' The illusion has been 
strengthened by the very deceptive reproduction of the coin 
in Overbeck's plates. The photograph and the cast of it 
by no means bear out his enthusiastic account, but show 
a countenance that is not very impressive either for its artistic 
beauty or its spiritual expression, and is earnest and solemn 
rather tjian mild and benign. The tendency towards archaism, 
which has been overstated but is discernible in these two late 
coin-types of Elis, may be due, as Stephani supposes, to an 
archaizing affectation of Hadrian's period. 

Surely the fourth-century coins of Elis that bear upon them 
the head of Zeus crowned with the olive are of more value, as 
probably preserving something of the form and the spirit of 
the countenance of the great statue '. The luxuriant treatment 
of the hair is slightly indicated on the coin by a few free 
locks, the eye and the eyebrows are dominating features of the 
whole type, and some slight expression proper to the friendly 
god appears on the half-opened lips. But, in spite of this 
series, there is much in the literary record which no coin has 
been found to illustrate. Still slighter is the aid from vase- 
painting, though the form of Zeus on a beautiful Kertsch vase 
of the fourth century may show us something of the Pheidian 
ideal ^ The Melian marble head in the British Museum is 
a masterpiece of Greek religious sculpture, showing the high 
imagination and abiding influence of the Pheidian school, of 
which it is probably a late product. And more than most 
surviving works of antiquity it enables us to understand what 
Pheidias himself is made to say about the moral and ideal 
side of his art in the treatise of Dio Chrysostom. But the 
belief that this is an Asclepios and not a Zeus is slightly the 
more probable ®. 

Excavation may yet bring to light some work that will tell 
us as much of the Zeus Olympios of Pheidias as the discoveries 

• Head, Hist. Num, p. 355, Fig. ment of the hair. 
234; vide Professor Gardner, 7>/^j of ^ Compte- Rendu Atlas, 1859, PI. I. 
Greek Coins, p. 137, who objects to • According to Cawadias a very 

this coin as too archaistic in the treat- similar head has been found at Amorgos 

136 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

of the last few years have told us about Athena Parthenos •. 
Meantime we must be content with the literary record and 
with the works of later artists who modified but never 
entirely deserted the great canonical type. His own pupils 
were doubtless content to follow in their master's steps, and 
the statue of Zeus by Theokosmos of Megara was evidently 
inspired by his teacher's master-work. 

The next generation, the younger Attic school, achieved 
great results in a certain sphere of religious sculpture, by 
working out the types of Poseidon, Apollo, Eros, Aphrodite, 
Dionysos, and the kindred divinities of the Dionysiac circle, 
the forms with which passion and sentiment could mingle ; 
but Pheidias* hands left the ideal of Zeus perfected, and the art 
of the fourth century, finding for it no further legitimate 
development, worked at other themes. The Alexandrine age 
lost the power little by little of reproducing the forms of the 
religious sculpture in the older manner and spirit; for the 
spiritual and political beliefs from which the older sculpture 
had drawn its best material were undermined and changed, 
and the ideas to which the later religious imagination clave 
were chiefly drawn from the Dionysiac or Eleusinian mysteries, 
or from foreign beliefs of which the forms were vague and 

We can note the change in the Alexandrine type of features, 
whether the head carved is human or divine ; we see stamped 
upon them the mental qualities that dominated the period of 
the Diadochi and Epigoni, voluptuousness and a restlessness 
that showed itself in exaggerated act and sentiment ; it is 
these qualities appearing in the representation of divinities 
that change the forms and enfeeble the tradition. In one 

by the side of a head of Hygieia ; much to our knowledge of the 2Jciis 
£>e/iion ArcAaecL iS9Sf April, Cf. also Olympios. In certain important respects 
Aihen. Mittheil. 1892, p. i. its treatment of the hair differs from that 
• The head in the Villa Albani which which we see on the coin. The type of 
has recently been brought into notice the head appears to agree with the coin- 
by Amelung {Romische Mittheil. 8. type in so far as the length of the skull 
1893, p. 184), as derived from a Zeus- is considerably more than its breadth, 
original of Pheidias and as closely re- But the reverse is true of the heads of 
sembling the head on the Elean coin of the Parthenon and of others that belong 
Hadrian, does not seem to contribute to the Pheidian School. 


respect the type of Zeus suffered less than those of others ; 
for on the whole it was preserved free from any manifestly 
sensuous expression, which appears only in the later develop- 
ment of the type of Zeus Ammon. Yet it suffers from the 
excessive emphasis of one or the other part of the Pheidian 
ideal, and much that was essential was changed : in the place 
of calm and still majesty we see in the later type an imperious 
self-assertion ; in place of the reserved power, the possession 
of strength without effort, we find a self-consciousness and 
a straining force. The bright but clear intellectual expres- 
sion becomes an expression of overwrought thought. But 
at first the influence of the great tradition remains strong. 
The Zeus of Otricoli is a Roman work", being of Carrara 
marble, but more perhaps than any existing work of ancient 
sculpture it retains the impress of the Pheidian original, in 
spite of the changed forms. The majesty and worth, the 
inner spirit of the old sculpture is still seen, and the mild 
benevolence of the Pheidian ideal is expressed in the half- 
opened mouth. But the head has no longer the Pheidian 
depth, the centre of the face is broader and more deeply 
marked than in that older type; the forms of the skull are 
less clear, because of the masses of the luxuriant hair, which 
forms a kind of framework overshadowing the face. Doubt- 
less also in the Pheidian work the hair was ample and flowing, 
but the rendering of it could hardly have been so exuberant 
as this, as we may judge from other monuments of the Pheidian 
style. The other feature in the original of which we have 
evidence was the strong marking of the brow, which dominated 
the whole expression of the face ; it is the exaggeration of this 
that we see in the violent depressions and swellings about the 
forehead and eyes of the head of Otricoli. In fact the fore- 
head has something of a leonine character, which appears also 
in the raised tufts of hair above ; just as in many heads of 
Alexander we see the allusion to the lion type in the treat- 
ment of the forehead and hair. The sculptor of the Otricoli 
head has made a study from the masterpiece of Pheidias, and 
hence the forms are rendered so as to produce their proper 

• PI. IV b. 

138 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

effect when seen from below and at a distance ; but he has 
given an excessive emphasis to the expression of mental 
force, and he has not succeeded in charging the countenance 
with that profound inner life which we see in the Parthenon 
heads, and which we must suppose in the fullest measure for 
the face of the Pheidian Zeus. 

This one quality of Zeus, the quality of intellectual force, 
was the favourite theme of the Graeco- Roman sculptors : they 
could best understand this, and could express it easily enough 
by the excessive marking of the forehead and the deep lines 
on the face. The head of the Hermitage in St. Petersburg 
is a striking instance of this lower and narrower conception ; 
the forehead is higher and the cheek much less broad than in 
the older type, the eyebrows are very protruding and swollen, 
and the eye-sockets very deep. The face, in fact, is * patheti- 
cally' treated, and the god has no longer the character of one 
elprjviKos Koi Trai/raxou Trpaos, but wears an expression of restless 
over-anxious thought. The influence of the Pheidian work is 
still traceable, but from a distance •. 

In the later representations of the god in action, as for 
instance on the Pergamene frieze, we note the difference in the 
rendering of the torso. The sculptors aim chiefly at express- 
ing the overpowering force of the muscles : the strength is no 
longer ideal, but partly physical. 

The spirit and tendencies of the later Alexandrine age are 
most manifest in the monuments of Zeus Ammon. The ear- 
liest representation of him in Greece was the statue by Calamis, 
carved for the shrine erected by Pindar in Thebes. The 
type, apart from the ram*s horns, was no doubt purely Hellenic, 
and the rendering worthy of the * Lord of Olympus,' as he is 
called in a fragment of Pindar ; and a coin of Cyrene ^ of 
nearly the same epoch shows us the head of Zeus Ammon 
in the style of the transitional period before Pheidias — an 
impressive countenance, cold and austere, with a powerful 
marking of the eyebrow. And no doubt the genuine and 
wholesome tradition of Greek sculpture lingered for some 

• PI. V a. Vide my article in the * Head, Ih'sf. Num. p. 728, Fig. 

Hellenic Journal, 1888, pp. 43-45. 328. 


time in the monuments of this adopted worship. But later, 
at some point in the Alexandrine period, the hint of the 
animal from which the god had grown began to appear in 
the face, as this age loved to try experiments in blending the 
animal with the human traits. A marble bust at Naples* 
preserves the older ideal in the rendering of the forehead and 
other features, and the power and function of the oracular god 
is strikingly expressed ; but the long nose and the curving line 
of the extremity are traits borrowed from the ram, and the 
mouth is unmistakably sensual. More bizarre and unnatural 
in effect is the head of Zeus Ammon in Munich ^ a work 
probably of later origin than the last ; the hair of the beard 
resembles a wild beast's fell, but it is not so much the fusion of 
the animal and divine forms as the incongruity of the expres- 
sion that marks this work as alien to those of the earlier style. 
The face seems to express a bitter merriment, a mingling of 
care and laughter ; it is neither Zeus nor Dionysos, although 
the sculptor was possibly thinking of a certain affinity between 
Ammon and the latter god. In both these heads we can trace 
the evil effects of the Alexandrine ^coKpao-ia, which tended to 
blur and falsify the outlines of the older types®. 

But none of these later works or types prevailed over 
or obscured the influence of the Fheidian image upon the 
imagination of the classical world. The last witness to its 
enduring impressiveness is Porphyry, who in a passage of 
wild symbolism *, in which he gives a mystic meaning to all 
the details of the typical representation of Zeus, evidently has 
before his mind the figure wrought by Pheidias. 

• Overbeck, K.-M. Atlas, i . Taf. 3, a work of Graeco-Egyptian art, but the 
No. 5. non-Hellenic character and the animal 

* Atias, I. 3, 7. nature of the god prevail ; the body is 
An interesting figure of Zeus a herme ending in a serpent ; the head 

Ammon has been recently published has the ram*s horns and scarcely any 

{Eph. Arch, 1893, HiV. 12, 13, p. 187), expression. 

which shows the last result of this ten- ^ Ap. Euseb. Praep. Evang. 3. 9, 5. 

dency ; it is probably from Alexandria, 


References for Chapters IV-VI. 


'* Zeus Kpiyraycw^f : C. /. Or. 2554 in treaty between the Cretan 

cities, LatUS and OIUS : oyanm rhv Zrjpa TOP KprjToyfvia Koi r^v *Hpay. 

^ On certain coins slruck under Titus, Overbeck, Kunsi-Myih. i, 
Miinztaf. 3. no. 19 with inscription. Eph. Arch, 1893, ^'•'* '• ^o* ^* 

c Zeus Kpi/Toyci'^f in Carian inscriptions near Olymus, Mitt, d, d. 
Inst, Ath, 1889, p. 395. 

' lo. Lyd. de Mens, 4. pp. 83, 84 Bekk. 'E/Miroatfcinyff yc /i^y rhv Aia 

cV rg ^PVV TtxOrjkai Xcyei, Kaicfi^ci' dia r6i> Kpovov <f)6^p iJLtT€P€x6ijpai cis* 
Na^ov: Id, 6 Kopip6ios {ECfirjXos) rhv Aia iv tJj Kaff fjfms Avditf Ttx'^f'*'^ 
/SovXcrcii, • . . rrc yitp kcA vvv irphg r^ dvruef ' r^v Sapdiav»y 9rdXc«>r fi«f>€c r^r 
aKpaptlas tov T/iiuXov rcffror cWiv, ds froXcu /icy yoval Ai6r 'Ycrcov (irpooi/yo- 

' Eurip. Kprjr€s frag. 475 a. Dind. : 

dyphv b( Piop rciyoficy c^ o^ 
Ac6r *Idaioi; itiiarrjs ytv6fAriv 
KOI vvKTin6\ov Zayp€»9 fipovrki 
rai T o>fio<f)dyovs balras T€\€a-as 
prirpi T 6p€Uf badas dvaaxoiv 
Ktu Kovprjnov 
BaKxoi iKkrfif\v 6aioi>Btis, 

Cf. Strabo 468 cV dc r^ ^PVU "^^^ • . , ra tov Atbs Upa ifUat ivfTtktiTO fur 
opyiaapov Koi roiovrmv irpotr6Xc»v oiot ntpl rhw Aiomxrov €iaiv oi ^drvpoi, 

* Diod. Sic. 5* 77 ^^'^^ ^^'^ Kp^rrju cV Kvaxrt^ v6fUfiov t( dpxai<ov tivai 
<l>avfpa>s ras rtXtras ravTos ndai irapabiboa&cu. Apoll. Bibl. I. I, § 6 ycM^ 
dc ('Pca) fV avTpff r^r AiKrrfi Ata koi tovtov p€v dlioto'i Tp€<f>f(r6ai Kovpijal t€ 
Koi Toif . . . f^vp<j>ais ^hhpaartiq. rt Kat "Vifi, Strabo 478 TSiV *ETfo- 
Kprirtov vnrjpxtP ff Updvos Koi . . . turavOa r6 tov Aueraiov Ai6( Upov" koi 
yap rf AIktyi irXtfciov, 

* Zeus AiKTalos in oath of alliance between Hierapytna and 

Gortyna, C, /. Gr. 2555 *OfA¥wo , , , Zdva <l>pdTpiov koX Zava Acicrdiov. 

•a Zfifs ^aXoKpbs cV^'Apyci, Clem. Alex. Strom, p. 33 P. 

^ Anthol. Epit. *J, 746*fide firyar Ktirai Zay^ tv Aia Kikk^aKova-i, 


■^ Hygin. Fab, 1 39 Amalthea pueri (lovis) nutrix eum in cunis in 
arbore suspendit, ut neque coelo neque terra neque mari inveniretur. 

* Athen. 9. 376 a (Ncai^v 6 Kv^imji^f Koi *Aya0OKkrjs 6 BaPvkcupios) 
liv&€vovat» cV KpTTiy ytvioBai r^y rov Ai6f t€Kv»viv ari rrj^ Aim;;, cV 17 koi 
aw6pptiTos yiwrcu. Ovaia, Xryrroi yap a>r apa Ail BrjX^v vn4<rx*v ts koi rf 
(r^crcpY ypvafi^ Vfpioixvtva-a, rov KvvCijBfi^p rov fipiifi€oty dptndiarov rois 
frapiovaiP iriBfi. Ai^ irapTts t6 C^op rovro irtpitrdrrop ^yovrraiy koi ovk op, 
f/n/frif T&p Kpt&p daiaaivTO, UpaitruH dc ica] Upa p€(ovaw vt, koi avrii 
irporcX^r avrols ^ Ovaia P€v6pivrm, 

* Anth. 9. 645 : 

Sopdiff, ti livhSiP €(o)^6s tipt ir6\i£' 
papTVS rya> irp^rj y€p6prjp AiO£* ov yap i\€yx(iP 

\dBpU)P via 'Pirjs ijBfXop ^furtprjs. 
avT^ Ml Bpofiitj^ yfp6pfip rpoipds, 

'® PaUS. 8. 38, 2 X^P^ '''' ^trrip iv rf \vKalxf KprjTta KaXovpiPtj, . . • 
Ktu rrfP KprfTfiP UpOa 6 KpTjriap f;(ei \6yos rpafprjpai Ala t6 Xfapiop rovro tlvai 
Koi ov r^p p^o'op dp<f>iaPTjrovaiv ol *Apicdd(r. 

" • Strabo 387 Alyiop 5c Uapas oUiiraij laropovai ii iPravBa rhp Aia 
vn aiyos dvorpa^^vai. 

^ PaUS. 7* 2 4) 4 '^'^^ ^ "^^^ aKka Alyuvvip dyaXfiara ;^aX/cot/ ntnoirj* 
fupa, Ztvs r€ ffkuclav nuls Ka\ 'H/nzicX^p, ov^i oZrog €;(«>v ytm yfvcia, *AyrXdda 
T€XPfJ rov *Apy€iov. rovrois Kara tros Itptis alp«ro\ ylvoprai Ka\ fKar€pa r<av 
dyakpdrmp cVl rair oIkIois p€V€i rov Upovpipov, ra dc fn fraXaidrfpa irpotM' 
Kpiro CK TC0V nailiiap UpaaBcu rf Au 5 Mie»y fcdXXci. 

" Strabo 648 ^ narph (Magnesia on the Maeander) y Uapus avrop 

i/v(ilirt iTOp(fivpap iphvaaira Upotptpop rov (raxrcfrdXidof Atr^r. Pindar 0/, 5* 40 : 
Sflor^p vyiripttpis Zrv, K/idi'idv re vatW \6<f>op 
ripS>p r *A\<I>€6p tvpif piopr 'idaidv re atppop aprpop, 

*• Zeus roi^ior on coins of Tralles of Imperial period, IltsL Num, ' 
P- 555. 

• //. 16. 233: 

Ztv SpOf £k<ab(OPai€j IlcXafryi/cc, n^Xd^i paitoPf 
Aa»dfl»yi;r ptitatp ^vtrxtipfpoVf dfi^l df ScXXol 
troi paiova {mo<f>^ai dpiTrroirobts ;(^a/iaievvai. 

^ 0<f. 14. 327: 

t6p d* cV A<a^prjp (fydro fi^ptpaif tff>pa Btolo 
CK dpv6s {nlrucopoio At^r povk^p tnaxovaai. 


c Hesiod, ap, Sirabo, p. 328 Lnt&vtfp <l>rjy6v tc ntXacrywy ^dpavw 
fftvl Id. fi Aflodttvi; Toivw t6 fitw vdXtu^w imh Qtanpaums ^p koX t6 Spot 6 
T6fAapo9 1j Tfiopos . . . v^* f KCiTOi t6 Upcof . . . airh dc rov Toftapov roi/t imo 
rod iroufTov XryofuiHwg vvo(f>firas rov Ai6s . . • rofiovpovs <f>aa\ Xcx^mu. 

d Od, 16. 403 : 

c{ fjJif K alv^amai Ai^s fuyakoio OtyAtrrti {v. L roftovpoi) 
avr6s re icrtvit^ rovt r* SKKovi varras av«^a», 
c2 dc jc* an-orpttTTcocri dro/, iravvatrBai Sufvya, 

® Strabo 329 /cor* apx^^ V^*^ ^^^ Svipts Ijaav ol frpo(f>rjTtvovrts' vartpov 
d* mFtiifi)(6rj<r(Uf rptii ypaiaiy fVrtd^ Koi awpaos r^ Au npoaantMx^ icnl ^ 

*" Hesiod, a/. •S<?/A. Track. 11 69 Schol. t^v W Zfv^ if^tkiftrt xal Sv 

Xpfj<TT^piop Ciwu Tifuov au$pomoiSf vcmw d* €v irvBfjJvi (fnjyovy €v$€v mxOovtot 
lAavTffia ndvra ffiipowran, 

K Steph. Byz. X. Z'. A«»d4»in;* Sovcdaff hi <f)fi{n ^y<ovaiov Aiop lep^y cwcu cV 

*^ Aesch. Prom. Vine. 829 : 

cVcl y^p ^X^cp YTpor MoXoo'<r& yoircda 
r^y cuirvvMrdv r* d^l Attdconyy, iva 
pa»T€ia $aK6s r carl Orcnrpoiroi) Aidf, 
rcpaf r* ofrurrov. al ftpoaiyyopoi dpvts. 

* Soph. Track. 169: 

rocavr* €<f>pa(€ vphs Otiav tlpappiva 
0)9 r^v froXoiAv <f>rjy6v avhrjo'ai 9rorc 
Aa>d»M duro'cov cV ircXciadflov li^i;. 

^ Paus. 10. 12, 10 rar IleXfiddar . . . Xiyovtri, Koi ^aai yvvauc&v irp^ras 
rddc ra hnf Zm ^p, Ztvs rori, Z€vg tftratrM' £ firyaXc ZcO, Fa Kapirovs 
dvifty di6 icX^^crc paripa ymtuf. 

1 Strabo 7. Frag. I lo-wff dc rtva irr^o'iv tA rptU n€ptaTtpQi itrirovro 
«(aip«T0Vy €$ 2>v al Upfuu vapanjpovfittHU npO€6€<mi(ov. ffMiri dc mu Kara r^y 
rwy MoXorrcdi' leai 9((nrpo>rcap yXorrap ras ypaiav nt\ias icaKe!a6ai Kal rovt 
ytpoPTos irfXiovs* km i<rats ovk opvta fyrav al Bpvkovfievai IlfXciodcc, aXKa 
yitvaucis ypaiai TptU ir€p\ rh Upiv irxoXa(ovirai, 

m Dion. Halic. HisL Rom. t. 14 {t6 intpii £iud»v€uois pxfOokoyovptPov) 

cVfi fuv im dpv6s Upas KoBt^opivfi ntptartpa BtavitMiv eXtyfro. 

^ Herod. 2. 55 ^^^ ^^ ^Mbtn/aU^w <l>aaw ai irpopavruf . . • l^optwrfv dc 
piv (rrfp frcXciada) €nt <f>ijy6p avddfao^ai 0«»i^ c»$p»trritri, ws xp€oiv cii} 
/Aovr^top avToBi Atos ytvivBai, Cf. 54—56. 


^ £phorus, ap, Sirabo, p. 402 cV d< rovrau Bouorois fiopots avdpag 

P Cic. de Divin, i. 76 maximum vero illud portentum isdem Spar- 
tiatis fuit, quod, cum oraculum ab love Dodonaeo petivissent de 
victoria sciscitantes, legatique vas illud, in quo inerant sortes, conloca- 
vissent, simia . . . sortes . . . disturbavit. . . . 

<i Serv. Am. 3. 466 (Dodona) ubi lovi et Veneri templum a veteribus 
fuerat consecratum. Circa hoc templum quercus immanis fuisse dicitur, 
ex cuius radicibus Tons manabat, qui suo murmure instinctu deorum 
diversis oracula reddebat ; quae murmura anus Pelias interpretata . . . 
narratur et aliter fabula : lupiter quondam Hebae filiae tribuit duas 
columbas humanam vocem edentes, quarum altera provolavit in 
Dodonae glandiferam silvam. 

' Cic. de Div, i. 95 (Lacedaemonii) de rebus maioribus semper aut 
Delphis oraclum aut ab Hammone aut a Dodona petebant. Cf. Plutarch, 
Lys. 25. 

' Paus. 8. II, 12 *Adrjvaiois dc fidpTtVfm ex Aa>d<uin;ff SmccXuiv ^\6tp oikc^civ 
, . . ol di ov <rf^povf\aavTf£ rh elprjfjjvov €s t€ imtpoplovs ^rrpartiat npofi\Bfi<ra» 
ffoi cV rbv ^vpoKovitav troXtfxov, 

^ Demosth. Kara Mfid. p. 531 rat fuiyrciVif, cV ais airdaais dvffprjfitvov 
tvpr^arrf rj n6X(i Spoiat cV AfX(/>»v koi cV Aoadtt>i^9, ;(($pot;s lordvai : /d» *E<c 
Autdatnjs ftapTiuu' r^ ^^f^ ^^ *A6rjvaiav 6 rov Aibs tnipaivti . . . alptrovs 
ircfiirctv KcXcvft BenpoifS ivvia, kcu tovtovs bih raxitav r^ £iiX r^ cV Topdptf 
Tp€is povg KaX npos ^xdor^ fiut bvo oir, rg dc Aiwiqj /SoOv KaX\itp€iv, Cf. 
I^als. Leg, p. 436. 

^ Schol. //• 16. 233 h dc Aa>dfloi/ciior /cal yotos* vdpfjka yap r^ fVei 

^ C. /. Gr, 2909 viKrjtras Naa ra cV Aa>d<»v}7 : cf. inscription from 
Tegea, Bui/, de Corr. Hell 1893, p. 15. Bekker, Anecdota i, p. 285 

Noiov Auk* ^ 1^061 rot) Ai($r, 6p fV A^Xa>, Naiov Aiur «caXfirai« 

^ Carapanos, 2?(?</(Wi^, pi. 34. 5: Collitz, Dialect- Inschrif ten 1562 

tnucoufwrrai KopKvpaioi rf Aii r^ Naia> koi r^ Auof^ riVi Ka dtw ^ ffp^taif 
6vovr€s Km fvx6fit¥0i KoXXiora leai apiaru koi vvp kcX tit rbv tittira xfidpop 
fotK€Oi€v. Carapanos, pi. 34. 4 : Collitz 1563 ariKouwnrrai to\ Kopjcv- 
paloi rf All Na^ Koi r^ Ai(tfV9* rivi Ka Bt&v fj ffpoio^p Bvorrts Ka\ tvx6fA«voi 
6po¥oouv cni TuyaBov, 

X C /. u4. 1. 34 TOW /3«fioD T^ff AiWMjff : inscription of fifth century b.c. 
Cf. id. 3. 333. 


" a Zeus UapofKfxuos : Simonides, Bergk 1 44 ; 

ovT» roc fx€\ta Tavaa irorc kiopo ficucphif 

l> //. 8. 249 : 

nap dc Aior fitafi^ n€piK<iKk€i KofiffaKt 9€fip6v^ 
tvBa navoii<f>ai(if Zi/vc p€(t€rKOv *A;(ciioc!i 

« Ov. ^/^/. II. 190 Ara Panomphaeo vetus est sacrata Tonanti. 

"* Inscription from Stratonicea in Caria (Roman period), Le Bas- 
Waddington, Voyage Arch/oL torn. 3. no. 515 Au 'Y^r^y ical*Aya$^ 

*Ayy<X^ KXavdior . . . vrrip {raTrjpias . . . \apifrrripiov. 

^ II 2. 93 : 

fier^ dc ail>nnv "Otraa deduce • . • Aiur ayytXos, 

*• Zeus-oracle at Olympia : « Strabo 353 rffv d* €tn<t>6p€tav {ro Upov) 

€<rx€V cf (ipx^f fuw but TO pavrtiov rov *0\vpntov Aidr* tKtlvov d* €icK€uI)S4vto£ 
ovdiv ^TTOv avvifitivtv ^ h6^ rov Upov, 

^ Xenoph. HelL 4. 7 'Ayi/ffiVoXi^ . . . cX^oiy f/f 'oXufin-uiv xol xp^' 
anjpiaCSfUvog fVcpcora r6v ^edy, ri Strias &if c;(oc aur^ fi^ btxppiw^ rat (movdas 
tS»p 'Apycioy, 

<^ Pind. 0/. 6. 6 iScuft^ re pturrtiti^ rtifiiag £ki6s iv Ultra : cf. 11. 
II 9-1 20. 

" Zeus ♦4^iof with Athena ^pia at Erythrae : inscription published 
in Bi/SX. Mover, 'ipvpv, 1873, no. 108-109; Rev, Arch, 1877, p. 107. 

" Hesych. Ev<l>rifuos' 6 Ztvs iv AcVi3a>: cf. Paus. I. 17, I (T^'o-i 
(^KBiivaioii) Pap6£ core koi ^ffiprjs. 

*•* Zeus TtpdoTioSy Lucian, Tim, 41 £ Z*v rtpaumt . . . YTci^cy TOfTOVTOv 
Xpvtriov ; 

l> J5]^^. Arch, 1892, p. 58, inscription near Gytheum, Molpa Aw^ 
TcpaoTiov, referring to the territory of the temple. 

*^ Strabo 414 Af/3dd(ta d* coriv ofTov Aiur Tpo(f>apiov pavrttov cdpvrai. 
Xaaparos tmov6pov Kardfiatriv ^xov^ Kara^alvii 5* atror 6 xp^<rnjpia(6p€P0f. 

*^ Zeus Si/fiaXcop : Paus. I. 33, 2 rV UapvrjBi , , . Pu>p6s 2rjpak€OV Aiur. 

•* Zeus AuKoiof : * Paus. 8. 2, I {\vKai<ap) . . . AvKoaovpap . , . iroXiv 
^KKTfp €P r^ opii T^ AvKuiiD KOI Ala CiPopaa* Avkcuop jcai ayCiPa tBrjKf Avicaia, 

^ Id. 8. 38, 6 riptp'n ioTip rV (ivr^ (r^ ^P*^ AvKalov Ai6if tao^os dc ovk 
roTcy aiV^ dpSpamon' . . • iatkOopra dpayKrj ncura avrip tPiavrov 7rp6a<o pal 
pi&pcu* Ka\ rddf tri cXcycro to. €ptus tov T«p€Povs yfp6p€Pa 6poliai irapra iral 
Brfpla Koi apBpomovs ov napix^aCai okiop. . • . can dc ini rj ^^9 rj opwrdrtt 


TWf Spovs yfj£ X^f^} ^^^ ^^^ AvKoiov Ptafi6s^ Koi rf n€\(m6innfa'og ra iroWd 
ccrriv air* avrov avvonros' . . • cVi tovtov tov ^fiov r^ Avjcai^ Au Bvovaiv 
€¥ ajroppiijiT9f* irokvnpayfioprj{rai df ov fxoi ra cr rrjv Bvcrtav ^dv ^p, fxtrtu dc «>r 

€X€i KOI »» c(rx«i' cf «f>x5^- Cf. Polybius 16. 12, quoting Theopompus. 

^ Paus. 8. 38, 3 TTJs dc 'Ayvovt f} iv r^ tp€i rf Avicoi^ in;y9 . • . $p dc 6 
av^/i^f Xf^vov €n*xv troXvPy . . . n^vixovro j Itpris tov AvkqIov Ai6s vpotriv^d' 
§uvos €s r^ vda>/7, jcat dCtras . . . icaBir}<n bpv6s xkaliop enmok^i Ka\ ovk €s fid6o£ 
T^g iri^y^f* dpoKumjBtyros bi tov vdaros Svtunp dx^vs ioim/ia Spix^ff* 

^ Strabo 388 Tipdrai V ini pucphu Ka\ to tov Avicalov At^s Up6p Karii r6 
At/ffOior opos, 

^ Paus. 8. 53i 1 1 rV Ttytas dr idi^i €g r^y Aaicwwic^i' core . . . fifafws . . . 
AvKolov Ai6s, 

' /</. 8. 30, 2 (Megalopolis) n€iroir}Tai a<f>i(rw dyopd' ir€piPo\o£ di cVtif 
cv Tovrji \l6<ov koi ifp6v AvKtuov Aids, ccrodos d* cV at'r6 ovk tori* tq yhp ivrot 
€tm d^ ovyoirra, fitipoL Tt €l(n tov Btov koi TpdntCai dvo Ka\ derol Tois TpaniC^is 

8 Id, 8. 2, 3 Avjcotfv dc ciri TOP P(op6p tov AvkqIov Aibs fip€(fios rlP€yK€V 
avBpmrov Koi c^vcrc to fipi<fiOi^ koi tfairturtp cVi tov fianpov to oi/ia. Koi airrhv 
avTiKa circ r§ Ovaia y€P€a0ai \vkop <f>aa)p dprl dp$pu>nov, ... § 6 Xryovai yikp 
d^ »s AvKoopos voT^pop aci tis c£ dpdpwTTOV \vKos yivoiTO €m t^ Bvaiif, tov 
AvKiuov Atds, yipoiTo dc ovk cV airavra top fiiop' ^irorc d< tuj \vK0Sy €i pip 
KpfStp djr6axoiTO dv6p<aniP(aPj vanpov rrct dcKuro) <fiair\p avrop av6ts apdpcanop 
i( \vKov yiP€<T6<Uy ytwaptpop hk h dti ptptip Bjjpiop, Apollod. 3, ch. 8, § 5 
61 dc (the sons of Lycaon) avrop (Z^i^o) inl (fpiq icaXco-ayrfr <r<l>d^PT€£ wa 
T&p inixfopitap iroida, tois Itpois r^ tovtov anXdyxpa avpap<ipi(€urr€S, itapt6€aap, 
• . • Zrvr dc TJ)P pip Tpdrtf^up di^fVpc^fv. 

^ Clem. Alex. Protrept, p. 31 P ifyvdu yhp h BtdSf a)g Spa AvKdtap 6 
*ApKas 6 ioTtdrtap avTov top ndida KaTa(r<f>d^is top ovtov . . . napaBtifi cf^ov 
r^ All, 

* Plato, JtflTt, p. 315 C rjpip pip ov pdpos ioTiP dpBpuirovg Bv€iP dXX* 
aydiriop, . , , Koi prf Sri pdpffapoi dvBptanoi fipS>p SXXois p6pois xP^^^^h ^^^ 
Koi ol tp Tfj AvKoiq oZtoi koi oi tov ^ABdpa»Tos tlxyopoi oias Bvalas Bvovvip 

*EXkflP€S SpTfS, 

k Porph. De Ads/, 2. 27 dn dpxfjs pip yap al T&p Kapn&p iyiPOPTO rots 
Bfois Bvciai, . . . d(f>* oZ pixP^ ^^^ ^^ ^^'^ ^^ *ApKahiq p6pop Tots AvKaiois • . . 

dt^pwroBvtovaip : from Theophrastus, vide Bernay's Theoph, p. 188. 

* Aug. De Civ, Dei, bk. 1 8. ch. 1 7 (Varro) commemorat alia non 
minus incredibilia . . . de Arcadibus, qui sorte ducti transnatabant 
quoddam stagnum, atque ibi convertebantur in lupos. Cf. Pliny, 
8. 34, 8. 

VOL. I. L 


™ Plut. C(US, 61 4 rc0y AvfFtpKoXimv ^oprti^ irtpi Ijs voXXoi ypaff>ovirt»^ wff 
iroifi€vo»v TO nakmov €uj, Koi ri Ka\ npoariKti rotf ^ApKaHkicols AvKaiois. 

o Id. Quaes/, Graec. p. 300 a hUi ri rovt « to Avitoioy €la't\66irras 
iKovai»s fcaroXcvovo'cv oi 'Apicadcr ; hv ^ vtr oyyotor, cir *EXct;^par ajroorA- 
\ovinv, . . • Kai yap tf\a<f>os 6 c/ui/Saf xaXcircu. 

^ Paus. 5* 5) 3 ^^^ 5 ^*^^ov(rt /^f y d^ oI Acirpfarai /iioT/xi cr^ai r«y *Ap<cad«y, 
. . . ytvtadai bi o2 Atirpfdrai (r<f)iauf TKtyop €v ij iroXcc Afvicaiov Ai6» va^ Ka\ 
AvKovpyov rd(f>ov rov 'AXcow, 

^ Zeus AvKvptloSf Steph. ByZ. J. Z^. AvKtaptia K6iprf cV AcX<^cff. ^OTi xoi 

Avffa>/>c(op ZeCs, Cf. Paus. 10. 6, 2 : Lucian, 7/>n. 3. 

'* Human sacrifices to Zeus 'l^w/xdnys, Clem. Alex. Protrepi. p. 36 

P *Api(n'Ofxivri£ yovv 6 Mttrvrivios rep *l6<ofi^Tjf Aii rpuucoaiovs aircV^Ki^c. 
Cf. /3/V/. AvktIov£ yap—Kpryrmv df c^i^r f/crlv o^oc — *AiTiicXeidi;f cy yc^aTOif 
anxHf)aiptTai auBpwnvt ohroirifidTTfiP rep i^ii. 

** Zeus Aa<^ucmof, Herod. 7' '97 *^ Alus, cV Stoirpontov *Axaioi irpo- 
ri6u<n roii cVfti/ov (^Addfiavrof) anoyovounv didXovs roiovcrdc. ir &y 17 rov 
y€V€os rovrov irptafivraToSy Tovrt^ efrird^avrts tpytcBai row np/vTavrfiov^ avrol 
^vXaKOff cyovo-i . . . ^y d< iatkBji^ ovk fori oxox c^fco-i irpiv $ BvtrtaBai ftAX^; : 

of. Lactant. //i^///. i. 21 Apud Cyprios humanam hostiam lovi Teucnis 
immolavit, idque sacrificium posteris tradidit, quod est nuper, Hadri- 
ano imperante, sublatum. 

••* Zeus AiBpios, Ovptipios, pseudo-Arist. De MundOy p. 401 a. 16 

aorpofraidr re leac fipowralos koi aiBpioi kcu alBtpiog Kfpavvi6s re km wtios • . . 


^ Herod. 6. 56 Ffpca dc d^ rd^c rotcri paa-iKivai ^aprirJTtu dedcMcacri* 
Ipaavvas bvo, Ai6s re AaKfdaipovot koX Aios Ovpaviov, 

^ Zeus Ai^cpior, Ampelius 9 loves fuere tres, primus in Arcadia, 
Aetheris filius cui etiam Aetherius cognomen fuit ; hie primum solem 
procreavit : cf. Eurip. I'rag, 869 dXX' aWrip o-c racrci kcJ/xi, Zcvr 6^ 

dpBpcMTois 6vofjLd(tTai, 

•^a Zeus 'AiidpioSf Collitz, Dialect, Inschrifien 1634 *Ofu^» Ala 'Afid- 

ptoy /cat *A^dyay 'A/iapiav icai * A<f>po6iTfiP koi tovs Btoift naiTaSf the Achaean 

federation-oath: vide Foucart, Revue Arc/t/ol, 1876, p. 96. 

^ Strabo 387 AlyU»p d* ^(rri , . . koi t6 rov Ai6r SXaos t6 'AftdpioPj 
Snov frvv^fO'ap ol *A;(aioi /SovXcvadftcvoc n'rpl r^y KOipS>p : cf. 38^. Polyb« 
2. 39) 6 KporcDyionu 2v/3apirat KavXoiyiarai npwrop p€P aTrc'dcijoy AiAr 'O/io- 
p^v xoiy&y Icp^y xac rdirop, iv f rdf re oiiycSdovr ical r^ bufiaiikia (Tvprrikovp : 

cf. lif. 5. 93 rh '0/idpioy near Aegium. 
««a Zeus Panamerios or Panamaros, C /. Gr, 2715* inscr. from 


Stratonicea, r«»r luyifrr^v $€&v Ai6s Tov ncanjfifpiov luu 'JLKaTfjs (? time of 


^ C. I. Gr, 2717 : Le Bas-Waddington, Asie Minture 518 Xpi^cn^- 

pcov A«5s Iltanjfi€piov. 'H ttoAcv ipwr^ . , . d InttrrriaovTM ol akirtipioi ^pfiapoi 

Tj w6k€i j) r§ x^p^ fvtarcyn itci, inscr. from Stratonicca in reign of Vale- 
rian or Gallienos, i6, 2719 inscr. on base of statue, TiVov ^Xafilov 

• • . UpartvtravTOi rov At^r tov liavapApov rV 'H/kuok : cf« 2*J20, 2*J2I, 

« Buii. de Corr. Hell, 1887, pp. 373-391; 1888, pp. 82-104; 
1 89 1, pp. 169-209, inscriptions nearly all of the Roman period, illus- 
trating the worship of Zeus Panamaros and Hera. 

^ Zeus Panamaros connected with Zeus Narasos and Zeus A»i^apyor : 
vide inscription BulL de Corr, Hell, 1888, pp. 83, 86, 90, titles probably 
from villages near Stratonicea. 

*•• Zeus Helios : Bull, de Corr, Hell, 1882, p. 191, archaic inscrip- 
tion from Amorgus; cf. C, I, Gr, 4604 : Anth. Pal. 7. 85. 

b Zeus «ova(or : ? cult-title, Eur. Rhes, 355 : 

ov iioi Zrvr 6 ^tfavtuot 

iJMis du^pfvfloy fiakuutri notKois, 

" Zeus 'AcrrcpiOff : Corp. script hist Byzanl, Cedrenus i, p. 2 1 7 •Ao-Tcpiy 

Ail cv Voprvvji n6ku Bvatdaw (Mtvikaos) : cf. Lycophron 1299-13OI : El. 
Mag, p. 710, 28 h hk ^AvTifiaxos adpwa t6v Ala t(f)rfj diii t6 &<Trpov, 

^ Zeus yirjviriafioi : on Lydian inscriptions of late period, C, /. Gr, 
3438, 3439. 

*• Zeus Avavrfip : on inscription from ThoricUS, Spot Upov Ai6s avayrrj' 

poty Mill, d, d, Insl, Alh. 1890, p. 443. 

*» Zeus *Ofl^/)ioff : on Hymettus, Pans. i. 32, 2 /3o>|ao1 naK *OfAfipiov 

AiOff jcal *A7rSKktav6g riac IIpoo^cov . . . 

^ On Pames, id, tfari dc cV r^ UdpvriBi KOI 3X\os P»fi6Sf Bvovai dc 
in* avrov rdrr pip "Op^piop t6t( dc ^Anrfpiop KoXovvrcf Aui. Cf. MarC. 
Antonin. tS>p €ts 4avT6p 5) 7 ^^^^9 ^ ^^^ ZcO, Kori rrjs dpovpag t&p 
^hBifPoitbP KCLi T&v irthiiap, 

c C, I, Gr, 2374, Parian Chronicle 6 AruKokltap rov^ Spfipovs €<f)vytp 

in AvK<opfia£ tls *A6rjpas irp6i Kpapa6p icaL rov At6t rov 'Opfipiov ^Anrjpiov 
ibpvaaero Koi tcl <r»TT)pia (6v(r€v, 

d Lycophron Cass, 160 rov Zi^vc daiTp€v6tPT6s *OpPpif dtpas, 

•* Zeus 'Yrrioj : * at Argos, Pans. 2. 19, 7 ptop^bs 'Yrriov Ai<$r. 

b On Mount Arachnaeum, between Argos and Epidaurus, id. 2. 

L 2 


25, 10 /Stt^c dc tl<nv iv avT^ Au^r re xal "Hpaf d€qa'caf Sfiffpov a<f>i<raf 
fvravBa Ovoviri, 

^ At Lebadea : Paus. 9. 39, 4 eV r^ flfXo-cc Tpa<(>»vlov . . . Zcv^ 'YcVioy fV 

d At Cos: Ross, Inscr, In/d, 2. 175 tA koii^v tw avfiiropeifofuv»9 
nap Ala 'Ytriop, Cf. Paton and Hicks, Inscriptions of Cos, No. 382. 

•* Zeus *licfiaTor in Ceos : Apoll. Rhod. 2.524 (Aristaeus) kqL putfiop 

noufat fityav Ai6r *I/cfiaioio Upd r tZ tlppt^€P iv oSp€aiv darepi Ktivif Scipi^ 
avT^ re Kpovidg Au* roio d* ciciTri yotov (iriyltvxovaiv irr\iTuu €K Ai6s aSpai 
fffiara rttrtrapaKovra : cf. Clem. Alex. Strom, p. 753 P. 

^ Zeus Tlaiftk\Y)vio£ and *A(^'(7iof : Paus. i. 44, 9 in the Megarid, 

riri rov Zpovt rfj &Kpq. Aior tariv *A(f)taiov K<ikovfjJvov va6s' <t}aa\ de M rov 
(TVfifidvTos noT€ TOis *EXXi;o-iv avxfJMv Bvvamoi AcaicoC Korh, d^ ri \6yiop rep 
naycXX};vifi> Ail cV Alyiujj . . . KOfiicratrra dc d^eivai, /cai dm roCiro 'A^cVtoy 

roXcicr^ai rip Ata : cf. 2. 29, 8 and Clem. Alex. Strom. 753 p. 

^ Alcman in Plut. 940 B Aiir Ovydrrip, "Eptroy km SfXarap. 

"» Zeus O0pco( : Arrian Peripl 27 ; Mtill. Ge(^r, Graec, Min. i, 

p. 401 c/e dc Kvapciup fVi rh 'l€p6v rov At6g rov OvpioVj tvantp t6 ord/ui rov 
Uoi^rov, OTodtoi T€aaapdKovTa. Cf. Demosth. irpiff A<jrr. § 36 ; Cic. ^rr. 

4. 57. Vide other references collected by Boeckh, C. I. Gr. 2, 
p. 975. Cf. ib. 3797 inscrip. found near Chalcedon, OUpiov cV vpvfiurfs 

rir oiriyrjTTJpa xaXcira) Zrjva on base of Statue. 

^ Zeus Evovf/iof : at Sparta, Paus. 3. 1 3, 8 Aior Upov ianv Evaviftov. 

'• Zeus Kfpavvios: *at Olympia, Paus. 5. 14, 7 tfv$a di rrji olKias ro 
Btp^Kid €<m r^r Otpofidovy duo ivravOd tlai fiiofioi^ Aidt re 'EpKtiov • . , rf dc 
Kcpavft^ Act vtTTfpov inoiria'ayTOj «poi doicctv, fitap^v, or* cs rip Otyofuiov r^v 
oiKiap KaTiaicrjylttP 6 Ktpavvds. 

^ Altar at Pergamon, Aa Kepavy/^, Conze, Ergebnisse des Ausgra* 
bungen zu Pergamon^ p. 78. 

c In Cyprus, C /. Gr. 2641 Ait Kfpavyi^ *A(f)podiTjj dedication of 
Imperial period. 

d In Lydia, 3446, late period. 

« Near Palmyra, 4501, dedication in Trajan's reign. 

' Near Damascus, 4520. 

8 Altar on the Alban Mount, Ait Kcpavyc^, 5930. 

^ On coins of Seleucia of the Imperial period, Head, His/. Num. 
p. 661. 


i Zeus Kf^vyo/SAof at Tegea : C /. Gr, 1513 cV aywn rois *OXv/Airi- 
OKOir rf fityloTfjf KOi Ktpavvo^Xta Au avartStyAvoiSf fourth centUry B.C. 

*t Zeus *KfFrp€araios : ^rt;. -^rr^. 1854', p. 49 ; at Antandros ?5o{€ r^ 

^vkff Kol rf d^f^ *AuTa»dpi»v arr^afoirai IloXvcpdn^v , , , rj npcurff rrjs 
iopT^s At6s *A(rTpairaiov, At Athens, Strabo 404 17 taxapa tov ^Atrrpa- 
waiov £kt6s, 

1 Zeus Bpoyrttv: ^1'//. d. d, InsL Ath. 1888, p. 235 Mi7V($do>/>off 

apx^pt^s Alt BpoirrStvTi Kai * AarpanrovvTi (vxriv^ inscription of Laodicea 

published by Ramsay ; cf. Hell.Journ, 1884, p. 256 : C /. Gr. 3810, 
inscription from Dorylaeum in Phrygia, Ait BpoirrcDiTi tv^v^ late 
period; cf. 3817 b ib., 3819 ih* In Galatia 4 1351 late period. 

™ Zeus Karaiftarrjs at Olympia : Paus. 5. 14, 10 tov dt Kartufiarov 
Af^ npoPfPKfjTM piv navraxoOfv irp6 tov papov <f>pdypa, tf<rri dc irpos r^ 

/SMfif r^ (nr6 r^r Tttf>pas r^ firyaX^. At Athens^ inscription found on 
Acropolis, Deli. Arch. 1890, p. 144: at Nauplia, Miii. d, d, Inst. 

Ath. 1890, p. 233 Ai^ff KpaToi^dTa. 

n Zeus K€pavvos : inscription from Mantinea, AIDS KEPAYNO, jBuII. 
de Corr. Hell. 1878, p. 515. 

o €vrj\v<ria : Pollux 9. 4 1 ovtos b>vopd(€To rir A KOTcurK^yl/tit )3cXof cf 
ovpa»ov . . . jcai t6v Am t6i/ cir* avr^ KaTa{i)fidTrjv. Cf. Polemon, Frag. 93. 

P Zeus Kcnnrcbrar : PaUS. 3. 22, I TvBiov dt Tptls pdXiara anixti trrabiovs 
apyos XtBos* ^Opionjp Xcyovcri KaOitrBivTa tir ainrov nawraaOai ttjs pa»ia%' dta 
TovTO 6 \iBos uivopatrOri Ztifs KannatTas Kara yKSxraav rffv Aeapida. 

*^ Zeus, a maritime god : > s<or^/) at the Laconian Epidaurus, Paus. 

3. 23, 10 irp6 TOV \ip€uos {va6s) Ai6s inucKfjfrw 2»Trjpos. In Athens, 

C /. -^. 2. 471 Att<r«T^p*a festival in the Peiraeeus, vide ^^^^. 

^ Zeus ^Anofiarripios: inscription of Roman period at Methana, At6s 
airoffoTTipiov Rev. Arch. 1864, p. 66. Cf. Arrian, Exp. Alex. i. 11, 7 

Xcyovcrcr . . . (AXt^vdpov) fiapoifs Ibpvtrdo'Bai o6tv rr taraXrj ex ttjs Evpwrris 
Ktu 6nov f^fpf) Trjs *Aa'ias Ai6s dnoParrfpiov, 

c Zeus Atptvoa-Koiros I Callim. Frag, 114 itoti re Zav6s Uvtvpai Xipivo^ 

^ Zeus Bv^ior: Anth. Pal. Anaih. 164 rXavicy cm Ni7/>iji kqi 'Ivoc koi 

MiXucfpTff Kcu BvBio^ Kpopiifj icai 2apo$pa^t 6tol%. 

® Zeus *Evakioi : Proclus, Plat. Oral. 88 6 dc btvrtpos bvabuc&s Kakt^rat 
Ztifs *£yaXior Ka\ Jloaiidav, Paus. 2. 24, 4 Aio-xvXor df 6 Ev<l>oplmvos Ka\€l 
Aia KQi t6p cV BoXdo'cri;. 

^^ Zfipo-noati^v in Caria: Athenae. p. 42 aroy cV Kiip/9 (irora/i^y) irop' 


f ZrfwonoatMvot Up6v tori (from Theophrastus) ; cf. 337 c, d. Vide 

Mt/f. d. d, InsL Ath, 1890, p. 260 Ivfifjutxos Taiav HXtirunv ^vfipdxov 
vl6s Uprvs Ai^ 'Oaoyco Zi^ycnroo-Cidcdvof : cf. ^^ \ 

^ Zeus as god of vegetation : Zeus Kapmli^s at Prymnesus in 
Phrygia ; inscription published by Ramsay in Mt//. d, d. deutsclu InsL 

Ath, 7* P> 135 Ait /iryicrr^ Kapfrod^jrj; tvyapiaTr\piov, 

* Cf. Zeus *A(rKpaiot, Plut. Animine an corp. off, sint pefor. p. 502 a 
^Aa-Kpal^ Au Avdicoy icapfir&v anapx^s if>fpoifT€s: Hesych. "Aaicpa* dpvf Sxapwos* 

** Zeus ^Enucdpmos in Euboea, Hesych. s. v, Zrvr iv Evfioiq. Cf. late 
inscription from Paphlagonia, BuIL de Corr, Hell. 1889, p. 310 Au 

^ Zeus *Em^€i>rrjs at Mantineia, Pans. 8. 9, 2 Mavruvvo'i dc cWt ml 

SKka Upa r6 fuv Itorrjpot Ai6r t6 di *Einban'ov KaKovfi€P€v, 

*" Zeus *Oviop€vs at Acraephia : Aft'll. d, d, InsL Ath. 1884, p. 8, archaic 
inscription, ry A«l t^ 'On-fiopci: cf. Zeus *Ei>dcirdpo9, ^ to chapter i. 

*• Zeus rewpyoF in Athens: C, I. A. 3. 77, vide ^'•*. Cf. Roberts, 
Marm, Oxon. 21. 

*' Zeus Mc5/)ioF, Soph. Oed. CoL 704 : 

6 yhp ilaaiv 6p&v kvkKos 
Xtytran vi» Mopiov Ai6s. 

*• Zeus li6fuosy Archytae Frag.: Mullach. Frag. Phil. Graec. i, 

p. 561 Zevff No/MOff icac Nrfii^iof KoXccrcu. Apoll. Duscol. § 13 cr 'AXi- 
Kappaaa^ Svaias ripbs avwrtXovfttvrjs ayiXfjp alyS>p SytaOai irp6 rov Upolv 
• . . npofiaivfuf fiicuf alya vnh pridtvhs ayopivtpf «i2 wpoatpxfo^ai rf P»fMOf 
T^ df ltp€a \afi6fjL€Pov ainijs KaKXuptuf (cf. Ft. Mag. S. V. Alyo<l>ayos 6 Ztvs, 
M napii 'NiKOpdp^ cV OtjptaKois). 

^* Zeus 2vKdaws, Eustath. Horn. Od. 1572 Xrycnu df mil 2vKd(nos 
Z(vs iraph. roXs YraXoiocr 6 KoBapaios* rj yhp ovKJ ixp&^o, flxMaiv, cV Ka$ap~ 
poit. Hesych. S.V. irapatrnroiffTM napii t6 avKotf>amip. 

^ Zeus MTjKtos on coins of Nicaea of Imperial period, Head. Hist. 
Num. p. 443. 

*^ Zeus Mij\a>(rio9 in Corcyra, C. I. Gr. 1870 A«^c MiyXcDo-iov, inscrip- 
tion on boundary stone. In Naxos, 2418 "opos £u6s MrjkwrioVf early 

" Zeus TcX/wr on Attic inscription of Hadrian's time, C. I. A. 3. 2 

ltpOKfjpv( Ai^f FcXcoyrof. 

^' Zeus *Apnrrdios, Schol. Ap. Rhod. 2. 500 ZtifS *ApurTtuos cicX^^ icol 
*AirokX»v 'AyvcfVf ical Ntf/uuor, 


** Zeus KfSnor, the god of dust: at Athens, Paus. i. 40, 6 Ac6f 

KoMov waits ovk tx»v ipo<pov, 

"• Zeus ElfpovXtvs: Hesych. S.V. €v^v\tvs' 6 UXovrav, napa ii Toi£ 
voKkois 6 Ztvt &<nr€p iv Kvp^vj?. Cf. inscription in Paros, 'Epao-iinn; 
Vpao'tovos "Apji Arffifirpt Qt(rfio(p6pc^ icai Kopjj Koi Au Eu/SovXcc Koi Baffoiy 
Athenaion 5, p. 15 : Diod. Sic. 5. 72 {npo<rayop€V$rjyai Z^va) EvpovXta 
JKol pajTurfpf di^ r^r cV r^ povXtvttrBai KoXm o'vmo'iv. Cf. £ubouleUS at 


^ At Amorgus, MM d, d. Ins/. Ath. i, p. 334 ^riprjrpi K6p^ Ait 

*• Zeus BovXcvr: at Myconos, Dittenberger, Sj'IL 373 wrip Koprrov 

A^fMi^Tpt tp fyKVfiopa 7rp<oTtyr6KOVj K6pu Kanpov riktouy Ati BovXri \oXpov. 

*^* Zeus \66vuis : at Corinth, Paus. 2.2,8 (ayaKpara Ai6s cV vnaiOp^) Tov 
de avT&v XB61HOV KOI t6p rpirov Kakovatv "Yylrurrov, At Olympia, vide "' •. 

^ Hesiod 'Epy, 465 ECx^aBM df Ad XBoi^i^y AfjpriTtpi ff ayv§ cktcXco 
PpiBtuf Arjpfir€pos if pop dicnip, 

" Zeus 2Korirai: near Sparta, Paus. 3. 10, 6 Z^vs tnucKrjaip iKorlras, 
iral tarip rV apivrtpq. r^r 6dov Itf^p Sicorira Aior {6 rdnos o^os &nas dpvatp 

*• Zeus KaTaxB6pios I Hom. //. 9. 457 : 

Btol d* cVAccoy inapas 
Z€vs T€ KaraxB6vios ical fntupfj Ti(pa't<f>6ptui, 

* Zeus Tpo<p»pios : vide **. 
•* Eur. /ra^. 904 : 

ao\ r^ 9ravro»v pt^toPTi x^^ 
irfkap6p T€ <^fpfOy Ztvi ctr* 'Aidi;^ 
6popa(6pfPos aT€py€iSy <rv dc /Lioi 
Bwriap QTTvpop nayKapntias 
de^i TrXiJpi; npoxvBtiaap, 

"^ Zeus Aidvfuiior: Macrob. 5. 21, 12, quoting Nikander's AlroXued: 

^v T^ upoiroujj TOV Atdu/iOiov Atoff Kio-<r^ cnrovdotroccoi^rai. ZeuS Bdxxiotf 

C. /. (rr. 3538, at Pergamon in late oracle. 
" Zeus 'Air6fivtos: Paus. 5. 14, i. At Olympia, <f>ual bf 'Upaickti 

Bvovri ip 'OXvfurif di' lixKov paKurra ytpttrBai rat pvias* i(€vp6pra o^ avT6p 
fj Ktu vn aXXov btbaxBivra 'Airopvitp Bvaat Ait, koi ovt»s drroTpatrrjptu t^s 
fivias niptxp rov *Kk<f>€tov, Xcyovrai dc icord ravra xal *HXctoi Bvap rtf 

*Anopvi<^ All. Cf. Aelian, fft's/. An. 10. 8. Paus. 8. 26, 7 : Sacrifice 
to Myiagros. 


^ Three-eyed Zeus at Argos on the Acropolis: Paus. 2. 24, 3 

ivravBa . . . Ztvt (dcufop dvo fiiv j ntffivKafuv Uxov o<l>$dKfAOvSf rpirov dc ori 
rov fieromou, Tovrov t6v Ata HpidfjM (JKuruf tuKu • . . irarp^v cV inraiBp^ 
r^s avkfjs ldpvfi€Pov. Cf. Schol. £ur. Troad, 16 t6v dc ipwlov Ala <SXXoc 
ioTopuroi Idiav rtvh (rxtaiv irtp\ avrov laropowns, rptahf o<f>$akfi6ls aurbp 
K€xpritr6al (frntrw, »s ol ntpl *Aytay kcH AtpicvKov, 

'^ At Coronea, Paus. 9. 34, i cV di tA vaf {rrjt *lT»viat *A^Nir) 

irciroii^fifwa 'A^yar *lT»viat Koi Ai6s t<mv aydXfuira* rc;(yi; df 'AyttpoKpirw, 
Strabo 411 avyKaBldpvrai dc r^ ^A$rjv^ 6 *Mhfjt Kara riva, &s f^aai, pvuTUcfjp 


Zeus-cult on mountains. 

•• Zeus 'iBtafidras: » Messenia, Paus. 4. 3, 9 rov Ai6f t6 eiri rj 

Kopvcf)fj rrjs *lOci>fAris . . . ovk c^ov iraph roif AvpKVO'i na Tipas, T\avK09 ^v 6 
Ka\ TovTovs a^ptuf Karaarrja'dptpos, Id, 4. 27) 6 a>f dc cycydvci rc^ irovra cV 

froifi^ (for the recolonization of Messene) . . . Mro-o^vuM Au re 'l^cafuir^ 

ical AuHTKovpois {tOvop) : lis/. 4. 33, 2 r6 dc ayaX/ia rov Ai6r (rov *I^a>fuira) 
*Ay<Xada ftcv cVriv Cjpyov, iiroir^Bf) dc c( ^PXl^ ^^ o^c^cracrtv cV Notrntucr^ 
Mccrai/Mtfy. Up€vs dc alptrbt Kara cror tKaarop ?;(Ci rd ayaX/Mi rirl r^r OiKiaf, 
Syovtri di Koi iopTrfP iirmiop *\6^paUi' r6 dc ap\diop kclL oycova tri^crap 
povaiKrjs . . . r^ yap *I^a>/uirf KoraBvpwi tfnXfro Mciaa 'A lettBapiL ku\ (XtvBtpa 
aap^y l^^oio'a. 

^ In Laconia, iV/. 3. 26, 6 (cV r^ irf>6f BaKatrafj X^P9 ^4^ Acvjcrpu^r) . . . 
aptpo% TTVp €s vXrjp cvcyiecay rii noWa ^<f>dpiat t»p dtp^poiP' a>r di caff<l}dprj t6 
Xapiop yjn\6p, 3y<ikpa tpravOa Ibpvpipop €vpi$rj Aihs ^lOubpara' rovro o2 
Mfccr^i'toi (fiaai paprvpiop €ipai ot^io*! ra Atvicrpa t6 dp\aiop MiaaiiPias (ivai, 

<5 Le Bas-Waddington, M/gar. et Pilop. 328 a ^Opros rwy Mco-croyitfr* 

*0/iyucf> Aia ^lOmpdrop, Vide ^ •. 

^^ Zeus *l^«/ian;£: on coins of Thuria of Imperial period, Head, 
His/, Num, p. 363. 

"» Zeus Ki;paio9: in Euboea, Aesch. Frag, 27 Eu/Soida icofifn^r a^i^l 
Ki;»aiow Aioff. Cf. Soph. Track, 237 and 757. Apoll. Bibl. 2. 7, 7 

npotropp^aBtls Krjvaic^ rrjs Ev/Soiar, cV* aKptmfpio^ Ai6s Krjpalov P»p6p 2dpv- 
croro ('HpoxX^f). 

^ At Athens, C, I, A, 1. 208 A«^£ Kiywtoi; (fifth century B.C.). 

•• Zeus Aa^voTWff : Paus. 9. 34, 5 €S ii r6 Upos t6 Aa^variop xdi ts 
rov Aioff Tov Ao^voTiov r6 rtptpos tlo'ip tK Kopmvtlas crrddtoi /uiXiora cueoo-i* 
Xi^ov peV t6 ayakpii itrrip, *ABdpaPTOs ti BvtiP ^pl^p mc ^EXXi;v tpravBa ptX- 
XoiTOff ntpxpBrjpai Kpibp rots nauri ^mxtw vn6 At69, Also at Alus, vide ^. 


•• Zeus 'Aro/Svpcor: »in Rhodes: Pind. OL 7. 87 ZeO irdrep vwrounv 

*Arci/3vpiov ftcdcW. Cf. dedication of second century b. c. (?), Rhodian 
inscr. C /. Gr, 2103 b. Diod. Sic. 5* 59 ^^*P ^^^ '^^^ ^*^ n/jorai dia- 
i^p6wT»s. Apollod. 3. 2. I (^KkBrjfifprjs, the grandson of Minos), dvaffiis 

df rirl r6 'Aro/Svptov . . . r»y noTptjftav v7rofiprj(r$€ls 6tu>v Ibpvtro /Sco/xdr *Ara- 
fivpiov At6s, 

^ At Agrigentum, Polyb. 9. 27, 7 *^* '^^ Kopv<f)Tjs 'a^ijwf Ifpiy eicTioTai 

ffoi Aidr *Ara/3vpiov KaOdntp ical iraph 'Podioir. 

^ Zeus AimjiTftor in Cephallenia, Strabo 456 fityurrov dc c(por cV avr/; 
cV f t6 Ac^ AiwriGiov ifp6v : from Mount Aenus, Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 
2. 297. 

'* Zeus AtCTotos in Crete, Strabo 478. Vide *. 

'^ Zeus KwBios in Delos: Dittenberger, il'^/. 249; C. I, A. 2. 

985 D Itptvs Ator KwBiov, 

" Zeus *Idaioff : Aesch. Frag. 155 o2 ^€©v ayxi<nropoi ol Zrivos «*yyvp, &v 
Mor* 'Idaibr irdyov Ai^r Trarp^xn; fitopds tar cV alBipi, Vide ^. 

'*» Zeus Kao-ios : from Mount Casium of N. Syria, Ammian. Marcell. 
22. 14, § 4 ; on coins of Seleucia of Imperial period. Head, Jits/, Num, 
p. 661. 

^ Also from the mountain between Arabia and Egypt, Strabo 760 
Au$ff ^oTip Up6v Kaa-iov; at Pelusium, vide note, p. 125. 

c On coins of Corcyra of Imperial period, Head, ffts/. Num. p. 277. 
AtAs Kaaiov, on bronze seal in Leyden, C. /. Gr, 7044 \ 

d At Epidaurus, EpL Arch, 1883, p. 87 inscription. Ail Koo-i^. 

'' Zeus 'Ywapfvs : Hesych. J.Z^. air6 roO *Yvvapiov 6pow, 

^* Zeus *Ayxf<rfiios: Paus. i. 32, 2, in Attica, *Ayx*o'p6s Spot tarw oi 
fuya Koi Aidr ayaKpa * Ayxto'fuov, 

" Zeus 'Airccraio-toF : Paus. 2. 15, 3 *Opop * An fir as ttrnv vntp njr 
Ncficay, cv^a Utpata irpwrov Alt Bvtrai \iyovtnv * Airtaavrit^, 

'*• Zeus 'Y^^rriof : Paus. 1. 32, 2 «V 'YfiiTTTy dc SyaKfjid €<mv 'YfirfTriov 

^ Zeus UapyrjOios: PauS. I. 32, 2 cV Dopiny^i napvfjBioi Ztvs x"^'^^^^ 

» / 


'° Zeus ncXcvyaibf : Hesych. s,v, cV Xty — from the mountain. 

^^ ? KiBmp^vtos : Paus. 9. 2, 4 6 dc Ki^ipa>y t6 ^pof Ai6f Icp^y Kt^(pa>- 

Wov cWtV : ? an interpolation. 
** Zeus Kofcxvytor : on the ' Cuckoo-mountain ' in the neighbourhood 


of Hermione, Paus. 2. 36, 2 Uph, di koL ^t rc^dc M iSxpap t»v 6p&¥ cVt 

" Zeus ^Aicpam : » at Magnesia in Thessaly, inscription in Mi//, d. d. 

Inst, Ath.f 1889, p. 52 ^ Icpcvff rov Aw rov 'Aicpaiov : cf. /V/. 189O, 
p. 314. 

l> On Mount Pelion, Heracleides, Frag. Hist. Graec. 2. 262, frag. 60 

rir' Sxpat dc r^r rov 6pnvs Kopv(f>fjs (nrriXcuop ion rh Ka\ovfi€vop Xip«i>Piop koi 
Ai^( dtcraiov (leg. dxpaibv) lcp<$y, c0' t Kctrii kvp6s ayaroX^y Kor^ t6 OKfAaiSra- 
Top Kovfia dvapaiPoiHri t»v ndkirSiP ol fVi(^ayf ororoi koI rats ^Xuciats wcfid^op- 
T€s, (Pt(»afjJpoi icfiodm rpinoica Kcuvd. 

^ Near Smyrna, C. I. Gr. 3146 ck toO ttaaxBtPros vbarot M top Aia 
t6p ^AKpdiop ttri Ovkiriov Tpdiapov rov dpBvirarov, 

*** Zeus *EirdKpios : worshipped on Hymettus and Fames, JEt. Mag. 
s.v. €vdKpios' quoting fragment of Polyzelus, Up6p yap hv rrrvxfiKas 

tnoKpiov Am^p. 

^ Hesych. s.v. *EnaKpios Zcvr* 6 en\ r»v aicp»p t»p 6p&p IdpVfUPOt, €n\ 
yap T»v op&p rovr ptafAovs avrf Idpvop »s cirl t6 ttoXv. 

^^ Zeus Kopvfpalos : in late inscription from Philadelphia, JBuIt. de 
Corr. Hell. i. 308. 

^ C /. Gr. 4458, inscription from Seleucia in time of Seleucus 

Philopator, Upils Aa^? *0\viimov koX Aior ILnpvffHuov. 

^ Zeus KapaiMi : Hesych. S. v. Ztvs naph BoMDTOif ovrn trpoaayoptveraif 

" Zeus "YTraTOff : * in Boeotia : Paus. 9. 19, 3 vntp dc rXio-Swc^s cWtv 

opov *Y9rarof icakovfupop, cirl dc avr^ Aidr 'Yndrov pa6s koI ayaXfta. 

^ In Athens, Paus. i. 26, 5 irpA Tfjs f<r6tov (tow •Eptx^ciov) AmJp €ot4 

Pcapos 'Ynarov, tpBa tfiyfrvxov Ovovo'ip ovhtVy ntfificnxi dc Bivrti ovdiv tri ou^ 

Xpriaao'dai pofii(ovai. Cf. id. 8. 2, 2 ; C. LA. 3. 170 (late period). Vide 

oracle quoted in Demosth. nphf Mojcdproroy 1072 frvp<f>ipfi 'A$rjvaioisn«p\ 
rov arifulov rov cV rf ovpav^ yfpofupov Ovopras KoX^ifpcTv Ail 'Yiror^, *A6fiv^ 
vnarjj 'HpaieXci, *AYr($XXo»n crwr^pi xai dnoirtfinttp dpfJH 3y^(rci. 

<^ In Sparta, Paus. 3. 179 6 rrjs xoXkio/kov cV dcfc^ Ai6s 3yakpa 'YnuTov 
ircfToii^rac, froXaM^rarov nopr^^p iv6aa c'crn ;(aXKOt;. 

*• Zeus "Y^turros : » at Corinth : vide " ». 

l> At Corcyra, C /. Gr, 1869 Att v^urry 'vx^"- 

^^ At Olympia, Paus. 5. 15, 5 dvo 0<ofiol c^f^r Aa^? 'Y^urrov. 

^ At Thebes, /</. 9. 8, 5 ^p^^ ^ ^^ 'Y^ionuf (irvXour) Ai^r Irp6y ciri- 
ickriaip ifFTW 'Y^urrov. 


• In Athens, C. /. A, 3. 146, 148-155 (of late period). Cf. inscrip- 
tion at Miletus : and Aihtn. Mittheil, 1893, p. 267. 

^ In Mylasa, C. /. Gr. 2693 e iVpcW AiAr v^mttov : at Stratonicea, 
vide ". 

% Pindar, Nem, 1 1. 2 '£<rrui, ZiyvAr 'Y^iWov Kaaiyvrfra, 

■• Zeus 'OXufttrios: »at Athens, C. I. A. i. 196, 198 (fifth century 

inscr.); Pans. I. 18, 6 'Adpiap6s 6 'PoifuiiW ^triXivs t6v rt va6v aPf$rjK€ 
Koi r6 ayaXfjta Bias afwy, o^ jitytBti ficV, ori fi^ 'PofUois Koi 'Po»fuiiotf cio'li' ol 
jroXoo'onoi, r^ Xoiir^ ayaX|iara ofioias OTroXrurfrai, ireiroirjrcu dc Ik re cXf^irof 
ml xpwrov, icai r;(<i T€)(yrjs d npos rd fir/fOos opiafny, § 8 rov ^ OXtz/Lifriov 
^i^f AcvfcoXiuya oiKodo/Li^o-ai Xryovat r6 ap;(aiov Icpoy : cf. Thuc. 2. 1 6. 
^. 71 A, 3. 291 ^cudvvrot) Ai^r 'OXvfiiriov cV aorci : f^. 243 ltp€»s A169 

*0\vfjartov on seat in theatre. 

^ At Megara: Paus. I. 40, 4 McrA ravra (s t6 row A*Af Tffitpos cVfX- 
^tHTi jcoXov/ifvoi^ 'OXvfiirif lov vodr cori Bias a^sl cf Lebas, .^:/l^ar. 26-34. 

c In Naxos : C. /. Gr, 2417 At^f *o\vfimov ' terminus sacri fundi.' 
d At Miletus : C, 7. Gn 2867 Axis 'oXv^iTriov nct<rai(ow), late period. 

• At Chalcis : C. I, A. 4. 27a, oath of alliance between Athens 
and Chalcis, ? end of fifth century b. c, ts dt hyL yai 6yi6<rji, Stniiov avrhv 

CCMU , • , KCLi rov Ai^f Tov 'OXvftTTiov TO cVidcicarov Upiof cortt r&v ;|fpi7fuiro>y. 

^ At Sparta: Paus. 3. 14, 5 Aiir cVixXijo-iv 'GXwfiTriov If/K^v: cf. id, 3. 
12, II. 

S At Corinth : Paus. 3. 9, 2 YLopivBua fUv oZv . . . KaraKavOtyros at^iVir 

i(ai<l)tnis vaov At^r tnucKrja'iv *o\vfimov (just before the Asiatic campaign 
of Agesilaus). 

h At Olympia: Paus. 5. 10 and 11 temple and statue: td, 5. 13, 8 

i At Patrae : Paus. 7. 20, 3 €<m dc cV r^ oyop^ Ai6s va6s 'oXvfinlov, 

avr6s rv tnl 6p6vov kqi iarwra *A$r]va napa rdr 6p6vov, 

^ At Aegira : Paus. 7. 26, 4 Uaptix^TO hi ^ hXyapa it avyypatprfv Uphp 
Ai6s cm ^aXfui KaBrffitvov \i6ov rov ncvrcXi^criov, *A^vaiov dc cpyoy EvicXccdot;. 

1 At Syracuse: Paus. 10. 28, 6 ^ABrjvatoi, ^vwca elXov 'OXvfiiriot; Ai^F cV 

Svpacovo-aif irfxJi^. C. /. Gr, 5367, formula of public oath, *Opvv» tw 

'Itrriop Koi rh^ Zava rhy 'OXvpinov^ end of third centUry B. C. Ib» 5369 Aior 

*OXv/i9r(ov, inscribed on a seat in the theatre, of same period. 

™ At Agrigentum: Diod. Sic. 13. 82 rhb* oZv 'OXjifuriop /icXXoy Xafi- 

pa»€t» Tfjv 6po<l}fiP 6 n^ktfios cKfoXvcrcr . . . fuyurrot d* &r (6 y€m) rmy iv 
2MCfXlf jcal rocf cjcr^f ovic ak6iy9o9 Av ovyKpiPOiTO koto, t6 fuyiBos ttjs {moardo'tns. 


n Near Nacoleia in Phrygia : C /. Gr, 3847 b, late inscription 
mentioning to *OXv/i9r(C(or. 

o In Seleucia : C. /. Gr, 4458, vide ". 

p Zeus 'OXufwrios inscribed on coins of — 

Hipponium Head, HisL Num. p. 85, fourth century. 

Prusa ad Olympum „ 

M > 


Imperial I 


Ephesus y, 

ff > 


Antiochia ad Maeandrum „ 

♦ > J 


Briula ,, 

>» J 


Maeonia „ 

» ) 


Alexandria ,, 

» > 

, 719 

^ Zeus norp^oc ^^ Plato, Euihyd, 392 d Zcvv ^/mv narp^s fUv ov 
icaXfirai, ipKtlot di koi <t>paTpios Koi *A$r]vaia <f>parpia. 

^ ApoUod. 2. 8, 4 nrcid^ fKparrnrcuf HfXofrovtnja'ov (pi 'Hpakktldat) rptis 
idpvaavTO p€s>povs irarpt^ Aior, koi cyti tovt^v tfOvaop. 

c At Tegea: Bull, de Corr. Hell. 1893, p. 24, inscription of late 

d At Chios : Mitt, d, d. Inst. Ath, 3. 203 (fourth century b.c.) W<r^ 

KXuridaif xikla% ipaxpas It pas rov Aid; rov Uarprntv. 

• Aesch.yr^. A^ode 155: vide ^. 
f Arist. iV«^. 1468 

vol yai KaTmb4ar$TfTi irarp^u Aia. 
EpictetUS, Luerpifi. 3* ch. II 00 poi 6€fus Trarcp* ar(/bi$<rai, irpof y^ Au^ 
cc<riv ^avrcr roO irarptfov. 

•*a Zeus norpioF in Italy : C. /. Gr. 5936 at Rome, Au Uar/H^ ex 
oraculo, very late: cf. 6014b Ait narpi^ kcu 'Apripnaaa in reign of 
Trajan. In Caria, late inscription from Laodicea, Au nar/x^ Aft'tt. d. d. 
Inst. Ath. 1890, p. 258. 

^ Diod. Sic. 4. 14, Olympian games dedicated by Heracles, rf Au 

r^ noTpi^, 

•* Zeus Uanias in Phrygia : C. /. Gr. 3817 Aijfiop koI Taios imip /3o«ir 
{diW Tlanla Ait (ra>r^pi cv^^v. In Scythia: Herod. 4. 59 Ztvt 6pB6raTa 
Kara yviip^v yt rriv tp^v K(iKt6ptvos Uairaios. 

^ Zeus *\yapApv<ov\ Athenag. Leg. I 6 dc haK€^p6vto£ 'Ayaptptfopa 
Ata . . . <r€/3ci : Schol. Lycophr. 1 369 Aanipvai, drjpos r^s 'Arruajs (leg. 
Aaicmviiajs) Ma Ai^r *Ayap§fUfovos lfp6v ccrri. 

•* Zeus AoKtdaipMP : vide *• ^. 

^^ Zeus '0/u$yvior : EpictetUS, Atarpip. 3. ch. II icoi ydp ab€Xfpoi wp^ Am^v 


€co-fV Sfuyviov : PlatO, Laws 729 c avYY€P€uuf di km Sfioyvi^av Bt&v Kotv^via» 
Swaaaif . . . rifiStv ris koi a€P6ii(uos €i!vovs &v y9V€0kiovi Btovs (It nmimv avrov 
airopap taxoil !Eur. Andr, 921 aXX' &vroiial at Aia koXovo'* Sfidyviovi cf. 
PluL 679 D. 

••» Zeus Ttkiios : Plut. Rom, Quaes/, 2, p. 264 b ttcWc dtlaBai $€&v 

row yoftoOKrar otoirai, ^i6s rcXctov Kal *Hpar rfXciur Koi *A(l>pobiTTjs icai Ilri- 
^oOs ^t Tratri dc *Aprc/Aidor. 

^ At Tegea : Paus. 8. 48, 6 weiroifjrai ti Ka\ Ai^s TcXciov i3a>/i^ff Kal 
Syakiia rrrpayiovov, 

« At Athens: C /. -^. 3. 294 icpcW Aiop TrXciW Bovfvyov. 

d Aesch. Eum, 213, 214: 

^ KapT cirifia koi nap* ovdcv (Ipydaoa 
^Hpas TiXfias icai Ai^r nurrafiara, 

® Aristoph. Thesm, 973 Schol. *Hpa rcXcia koi Zfup rcXcior cVcfittvro fV 
rolf ydfioiSf &5 irpvrdvtis ovrts t&v ydpav, 

' Aesch. /rag'. 52 : 

Aol^av Aidr fify npSrrov apaiov ydpov 
^Hpas re 

r^y devTc/xiy ^c Kpdaw {jpci<ruf Pt/jM, 
rpirrjv Aior Scor^por tvKTcdaif X//3a. 

Cf. " *. 

"^ Zeus Acxcon/ff at Aliphera in Arcadia : Paus. 8. 26, 6 Ai6s l^pvaavro 

Aex^drov P»p6v Srt tvravBa rrjv ^kBrivav rtudvTOi, 

•• Zeus Ttviffktot', Dio Chrys. Or, 7: Dind. i, p. 139 alaxvp6fuvoi 

oSrt Aia ytvtffKuiv oCre *Hpay yaprjiktov oCn Moipas Tf\ta<l)6povs fj Aoxiav 
"Aprtpiv 9 pfjripa 'Pcav oudc ras npotar^a'as dvBpawiwris ycyctrcoiff "EiktiBvias 
audi *A(PpodlTrjv : Plut. A ma/, p> 7^5 yovcW dpas 6 Tfpeffkios dioiKti, 

••• Zeus 'Epjcciof at Athens : Philochorus, Frag, 146 b Kwui^ tU riy 

r^s Uoktddos vfav citrfX^ovcra koI dt/cra cir r6 UavfipoaioVy iirl t6v p<op6p dva^ 
fiaaa rov 'EpK€iov Aic^r, r^y vyto r^ c*Xa/a, learcicciro. ndrpioy d* corl roir 
*AOri¥atois Kvpa pf^ dvaPalvtw tU dicpdnokiv, C, I, A. 2. 1 664, altar Aibt 

^ At Olympia : Paus. 5. 14, 7 Ma ti rrjs otxlas rii $€pi\td €<m Tijs 
Oipopdov, dvo ivravBd ci<ri Ptopoi, Aids re 'Epxc/ov. . . . 

^^ At ArgOS : Paus. 8. 46, 2 *lX/ov ciXovoi^s xai ptpupivtop rd Xdcfntpa 
'"EXkrfPmM 2^<ycX^ rf Kavavttos ro ^davov rov Aior cdo^ rov *EpKtiov. 

d At Sparta : Herod. 6. 67, 68 {Afipdprjros) ZOv€ ry Acl /Sow* ^o-of dc 
r^y pjfTfpa cxoXccre. *AniKop€¥ji dc rg ^^/>i ^cB^is ^s rds ;(cipaff o2 r»y 


fnfkarfXJiHdVy Koervurrtv^^ Xcyc»v roiodc* *0 f^^rp, 6wif a€ Twr re aXXw¥ KaAnr- 
T6fjLtvoSf Utrtv^y Koi rov 'Epictlov Ai^r rovdc, if>paa'<u fioi r^y aXiy^uyr, r& /«f u 
c*OT( woTfip 6p$^ Xdy^. 

e Horn. O^. 22. 334: 

^ cVdi^r fitydpoio Aid^ fuyakov vorl ficafi^v 
ipK€iov ijfoiro rervyiupoMj Zvff apa iroXX& 
AtupTTjs ^Odvatvs T€ poStv ciri ^i^pT Ikiyay. 

^ Harpocrat. ipimos Zevs, ^ fimp^ fprhs ipKow Iv t§ aUkj ttpvrai, 
Hesych. s, V, iittrtpicioir Ai6s iniBtrov, 

K Soph. An/. 486 : 

dXX* ctr' ridcX^^r cii^ Spaipovtaripa 
rov irairros ^pS» Zrivbs ipKtiov Kvptl. 

'^ Zeus *E<f)€(mos : Herod. I. 44 {Kpoiaos) fVoXce ^ *EirlaTi6v Tf /cal 
'Eraip^ioy (Am), roi^ avr^i^ rovrov ovopd^tav $t6p, 

^*** For the religious conception of family duties cf. Euripides in 
S/o5. Floril. 3, pp. 78 and 83 (Meineke) : quotation from Perictione, 
ih. p. 90 : from Musonius, ib. p. 74 : Plato's Laws 930 e, 7 1 7 b, 92 7 a-b. 

"'* Zeus ^parpioi'. Meineke, Frag. Com. Poet. 3. p. 377 from the 
younger Cratinus, Zcvr cor/ fioi tpictlSs cori (ppdrpios . . . ra rfXrj rcXtf. 
Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 146 c^y Aii f^parplif koi 'A^y$ (at the festival 

of Apaturia). Dem. irphs Mcucapr. 1078. I ol f^partptt . . . \cfi6vT€i r^iv 
^nj<l>oVy Kaiofuimv tS>v l«pci<oy, ano rov /So^oO <f>€povT€S rov Ai6s rod tfiparpinv, 

Eph. Arch. 1883, ?• 73 > '^' 1888, p. i : C. /. -<4. 2. 841 b (b. c. 396-5) 

Ai6f <f>paTpiav i€p€vs . . . aviypct^ Koi ioTrjai r^v OTtikrjv. 

^ Zeus 'Oparpios in Crete : ? a dialect-variant for <l}pdTpiof, C. /. Gr, 

2555 O/LtiOMD rov 'Ecrriar kqI Tava 'Opdrpiov koi Taya Aucrcuov . . . oath Gff 

alliance between the Hieropytnii and their cleruchs: cf. Cauer, 
Delec/us, 2. 117. 

^^^ Zeus Kr^o-ioff : Harpocr. p. 115, j.z;. 'Ynfplifjs €v ry np6s 'AirrX- 

Xaior. Kr^criov Ai'a iv rois rapMiois Uipwvro. 

^ At Athens : C. I. A. 3. 3854 (late period) : cf. decree in Demosth. 

21. 53 ^^ xn/o-c^ ^ovv \tVK6v. 

^ At Phlya : Paus. I. 31, 4 yao^ dc enpos tx^i /3a)/M>w Afiprirpos 'Amyiri- 

dapas Ktu Aiof xn/criov in the Peiraeeus. 

<1 Isaeus, 8. 16 r^ Aii ^ua>v r^ KTrjai<f ntpi Ijv fiakurr tKthfos Bwrta» 
t<movda(€ . . . rjCxgro rffth vyUiav didSvM Koi KTrjaw dya^r. Cf. Antiph. 
p. 612. 

e At Anaphe: C. L Gr. 2477, doubtful inscription. 


^ At TeOS : C /. Gr, 3074 ^i^ KHfaiov Ai6s Kaircr»Xiov *Fafiris ^AyaBov 

S Plut. Sioic, Rep. 30. p. 1048 6 Ztv^ ytXolos ci irr^<ru>ff xcLip€i Koi 
^EntKopwiot Kox Xa/urodc^r npo<rayopat6fi€Pos (if all fortune is worthless). 

^ Aesch. Ag, 1036 : 

cirrc (T* Ii0i;ice Z€vs Qfirfvirms d6fiois 
Koiv»v6v fumi )(€pvip»if^ woKKav firra 
dovXciv araB€i(ra» KTrj(riov fionfiov nfKas. 

^ Athenae. p. 473 h Kadiaicos dyyiUv iamv iv ^ rovs KTrfa-iovs Alas 
fyKoBiipvovaiVf o>r 'AyrixXridf^r (fifjaXv cV r^ *E^rjyririK^ . . . cV^civai art &jf 
tvpjjs Koi elaxtai d/x/Spoo'/av. ^ dc dpppoiria vdmp dKpai<f>v€Sj tfXaiov., irayKapnia, 

'•** Zeus nXovo-toff near Sparta, Paus. 3. 19, 7 Trpli^ dc ^ iia^S^i^ai rAr 

^ Zeus nXovroX<$>i;ff on coins of the Lydian Nysa of Imperial period, 
Head, Hi's/. Num. p. 552. 

^^ Zeus "OXfiiof in Cilicia, inscription circ. 200 b.c. HelL Journ. 

1 89 1, p. 226 Aii *0Xi9(^ Uptvi TfVKpoff TapmMipioff. C. L Gr. 201 7 in 

Thracian Chersonese KaXXcoror (?) vircp roO viov *AXr(avdpov Au 'oX/Si^ 
**• Zeus 'opiof : Demosth. Halonnes. p. 86 X€ppovfi(rov ol Spoi utrlv, 

ovK *Ayopd, dXXa pa fibs rod Aios rov 6piov. PlatO, Laws 842 E Aihs 6piov 
np&Tos f*€v p6ftos odt €lpfi<rOa — fifj kip€ito» yrjs opta firjMs — . . . rod fup yap 
{rov iroXirov) 6fi6<f>vkos Ztvs fiaprvs. 

^ Zeus KXapioff at Tegea: Paus. 8. 53, 9 r6 dc x^P^ov t6 v^X<5v,« 

c<^' oZ KM ol fifOfioX Teytdrais €la\v oi iroXXoi, KoXccrat fiiv Atos KXapiov, ^fjXa 
di as iyfPtro fj tTrUXfjais r^ ^c^ rod ick^pov t&p naitav tptica rot) ^Apicdios, 
? At ArgOS, Aesch. Suppl. 359 tdoiro d^r Svarop <^vyav Utaia Otfus Ai6s 

^^ ^ Zeus UoKuvs on the Acropolis of Athens : Paus. i. 24, '4 koi Atdf 

roTty SyaXfia t6 rr Atmxdpovs koi 6 6pofia{6fi€pos HokuvSf y rii KaOtfmjKi&ra 
fs T^P OvfricLV ypd<(>»p rriP cW avrols Xryo/Lici^y alrlay ov ypntfxa* rov Ams rov 
Udkuois KpiBas KoraBivrts iirX r6p ^phv fi€fnyfifpas irvpois ovdtfuap Zxova^ 
^vXcun^y. 6 ^ovs dc hp ts r^p Bvtridp iroipdaavrts ^vXdtraxnxTip SarrrrM rSof 
(nrtpfidrittP ^ir»y cVi rhp fitapdv. KtikowTi dc ripa rSaip ifptoup fiovff^dvov^ nai 
ravrji r6p irlXtKVP pi^aSy ovra yap ioriv ol pdpos, olx^oi ^tvymp' ol dc 
&r€ r6p avdpa, ts Hdpatrf r6 tpyou ovk ciddrcr, €s dUrjp imdyovtri r^v ircXcjcvv. 
Cf. id, I. 28, 10 *A6rjpaioiP fiaaiKcvovros *Epc;(^<o»ff, rorr np&rov fiovp liicrriycr 
6 ^v<f>dpos cVc rov Patpov rov JJoXUas Aids. 

^ Schol. Ar. Nud. 981 ra dt PovtfidpUL vaktuh toprrf ijp <f}atriP SyttrBai 


Iirrh rh iixMrr^puif ore Koi fiovp Bvovaiv tit V7r6fjunia'ip rov irponw f^vtvBiwrot 
/3o6f cV oKponSktij d^afifvov rov ircXavov cV rj ioprjj r&v AuiroXcoir . • . Qav- 
XttMx dc TivOf as €ixf T^ TTcXcKci diTOKrtuKU t6v Povv, 

c Porph. De Ads/, 2. 29, 30 from Theophrastus : avptra^v ovno rijv 

Yrpo^iv, ^iTffp Kol vvv diaficyci Trap' auroir. v^po<f>6povs nap6€P0vs mrrcXr^ov* 
a2 dc v^op KOpLi(owriv, oir^is r^i^ vrcXcirvr koi t^v fiax<upo» aKoinjaovtriv. aKovrj- 
aavrmv dc iiribiaMV fiiv t6» vrcXcirvy Irtpot, 6 hi iirdra^t rhv jSovv, SXkos dc 
Za<f>a(tv* tS>v dc ficra raOra dccpayr»ir, tytvaavro rov po6f iravrcr. rotrrooy 
dc irpaxOivT<up rfjv ftiv bopav rov fioos pd^avT€S Koi X^P^*f inoyK&arcatrti 
i^avtiTTTja'av txoyra ravrbv 6n€p koi {&v taxtv ax^pOy koli vpoatC^v^tuf aporpov 
wf (pya(op*v<l^, , • KCLi yivrj r&v tovto dpoDvrtav tfari tniv oi piv cM rov irord* 
(a>rro9 fiovrvnot KoXovp^voi iravrcff, ol t* diro rov YrcpicXdo'avror Kcvrpiddai' roi*r 
d* dir6 roD imo^^vros dcurpoiti opopd^ovariv ^la rrfv tK r^s Kptavoiuas yiyvofuvfjv 
dcura. n\fjpwrcan'§s tt rffv fivptrcuf^ orav irp6s rrfv icpiaiu dxBSxruf, Kar€n6imt»<ra» 
rriv pdx<upav, ovras o(rrc ro iraXai6v 2oiov ^v ra avvtpya rots fiiois ^pStu (wi, 
pvif bi rovrcov ^vXam-fuy corl irpdrrttv, 

d Varro, ^. /?. 2. 5 ab hoc (bove) antiqui manus ita absdneri 
voluerunt ut capite sanxerint si qub occidisset. 

C. /. Gr, 140, 141, 150 mentioning sacrificial utensils of Zeus 
Polieus in the Parthenon-treasury. 

f Bovnjr : Hesych. s. v, 6 roU AiXnoXlots rh pov<l>6via dp&v : cf. inscription 
on stone found by the Erechtheum, Uptm povrov, C. I, A. 2. 1656. 

8 Boimjs : Suidas S, V, olrot rrjv Upwrvvrfv to'X'iy <to< ol an avrov fiovrd^ai 

^ C. /. A, 3. 71 UptifS Ai6s cVl IlaXXadiOV koi fiov(vyrjs: cf. 273 
pov{^vyov i€p€o»s Aior cV IlaXXadt^. 

i Hesych. Ai^r BSucoi, . . . <f}aa'\ dc, . . . ore t^pxfiUTpifrovv *A0fiva ical 
Iloocidtty, rriv ^Affijvdv Ac^r t€riBrjvai virip avrrjs rffv ^rj<f)ov cWyKCiv, Ka\ 
Vfroo';(co'^ai ovrl rovrov r6 rov IloXfc&x ifpoi^ O^fi^* ^'P'^oi') irpwrov 6v€a0at hri 

^ Plato, Laws 782 C r^ . . . ^ly dv6pwiro%tt aKKijKovi Irt kqc torv irapa» 
pivov 6pS>p€v iroXXois* koi rovvavriov dKovop€v cr flfXXoir ^€ ovdi (ioos croX/u^ftry 
yfvca^ai Bvpard re ovk ^y roir ^oioi {^cm, ircXoyoi dc mi /LicXiri jcapiroi dcdtv- 
^'yot leal rotaCra SKXa dyya Svpara, 

1 Luc. De Dea Syr* § 58 aT€ylrarras ra IpfpOf (ma €K r&v vpOTnikainv 
diricUri, ra dc KartvuxOivra ^i/iJo'Kouo'i, cviot dc Kal iraider iavrSiv €vrtv6fv diridai 
. . . f r nriprjv iv&ipAvoi X'H^ KordyovaWf &pa di avrioiuiv inuupropiovrfs 
\fyovai ori ov iraldcr dXX^ /Socr cccru'. 

™ Hesych. Ac^r /Sous* 6 r^ Ait dvcrof )3ovr 6 Irpor* ccrri dc ^opr^ MtXi;* 


B At Paphos : C /. Gr. 2640 ^Aif^fjodirtis xai ^i^ DoXicttf Koi 'Upat. 
^ At Sardis : C /. Gr, 3461 Atviciop'lovXiov Bowarov . . . Upia fuyicrrov 

noXicwff Ai^ in time of Tiberius. 

P At Ilium : C /. Gr, 3599 vpoBykaBai rf ^'^ ^^ noXifi ra nffifwra: 

second century b. c. 

Q In los with Athena Polias{?) : Aft//, d, d. Ins/, A/h, 1891, p. 172 Atl 
ry noXici MA Tg *ABrip^ rj . . . decree concerning alliance with Rhodes. 

' In Rhodes with Athena Polias: Rev, Arch. 1866, p. 354. Cf. 
Athena **. 

• At Physcos in Caria: Bull, de Corr, Hell. 1894, p. 31 UpcW t« 
*KB6mn ra^ /iufiias rov Aior rov no\u»s, 

^^ Zeus UoiKtovxos : Plato, Z^TU/X 92 I C Ato iroX(ot;;(oy ical *A^i^r kmm*- 

iw£ iroXiT«/a£ ari/Aafa>v : cf. Theogn. 757 : 

Ztvs flip r^crdr nSkrjos vndptxoi alBipi vai^v 

'••• Zeus UoKuLpxn^ at Olbia in Scythia : C. I, Gr, 2081 cirl dpxAprap 

rmp W€p\ Zmainarpov Niin^parot; *ApeL(ifjLiyrit noo-id^ov ptra tS>v dd€\<l>ap ciroii/ac y 

tAt wvpyop All woKidpxo «ai ry d^ft^ *V curvx*?, (?) third cenlury B. c. 

^ Zeus AaoiTfjs in £lis : Pans. 5. 24, I iraph 6i rov Aaoira Ai^ff Koi noaii" 
tmpot /iaoira t6p /3a)/M$F. 

« Zeus apxryirfis : late inscription from Prymnessos, Mi//, d, d. Ins/, 
A/h. 7, p. 135 (Ramsay) efy apxvy^rn tlxh^. 

"•• Zeus BovXaior at Athens, with Athena BouXa/a : Aniiph. 6, p. 789 

cV a^T^ r^ PovktvTTjpic^ Atos BovXaiov koi 'ABijvas BovXaias Up6p irrrij mi 
clo-MSrrcf ol Povktvrai vpoatvxoprai, Paus. I. 3* 5 BovXniov dc <V a^^ (r^ 
povKfVTffpi^) Kflrai (6ayov Aaop icul *Air<SXXa>v rc;(yi; IlfKriov Ka\ Afjpos Ipyop 
hwrwpos. C, I. A, 3. 683 rhv Upta Aioc /SovXa/ov xai *ABrjpas fiovkalas, 

Cf. tdid, 272, 1025. 

*> In Laconia: C /. Gr, 1245 Aia jSovXalov frn(T^pia ?). C, I, Gr. 1392 

^ Xafiirp<k r»v Fv^coTttv frciXir MdpKov AvpffXtop KaXojcXca . . . top Upta r«r 
OFUffaptaraTVP $€&p Ai6s /SovXacov icul 'HXiov koI 2cXi^vi;r. 

<> In Caria: C. I Gr, 2909 iio$t» *l<av»vTJ BovX^. . . . ntpk rrjs Upartlris 
rov Ai^f rov BovXcuov Kai r^r ^Hpi^r. 

^ At Mitylene : on coins of Imperial period, Head, Ht's/. Num. 
p. 488. 

* Plut. 819 K r& fiffiM . . , t6 Kotvhp Upop AiOff jSovXoiov leal DoXifioK icol 
VOL. I. M 


^" Zeus 'EiriiSijfMos : Hes. s, v. cV 2i^y^, the god of the orator's plat- 

"** Zeus •A/*/3ovXior at Sparta: Paus. 3. 13,6 irph% rovr^ Ai^r *A/J^ovXAov 

Koi *A6ffvds tarlv *Afi0ovXiat fiwfios Jcm AunrKovp^v kou rovroiy *Af«i3ovXi«»v. 

^ Zeus Mi;;(avcvr at Argos : Paus. 2. 23, 2 Aviccas /xcV o^v cV rot? tfmo'iv 

itroirjat Mrjxavims t6 ayaXfxa tivai Ai6s, Koi 'Apytiav €<Pfj tovs tnl ^'iXioi^ arpa- 
Tfvaairras ivraxiOa opoaai itapayJvuv rroKifiovvraiy tar tiv ^ rh "VKiop wkt^triv 
5 fxaxofitvovs rtXtvTTi a<l)as (nika&rj: cf. CollitZ, DiakcL Ittsckr. 3. 3052 •, 

the month Maxavcfof at Chalcedon, ? sacred to Zeus yiaxoamts, 

"'* Zeus ^Ayopaioi at Athens: C. LA, i. 23 : Hesych. s.v.*Ayopaiov 

Aioff fii^fA^s *ABriPifai, 

^ In the Agora at Sparta: Paus. 3. 11, 9 roCr^p dc ov n6pp» Tijs Upw 

Koi Ai6t iaruf 'Ayopaiov, 

^ At Olympia : iV/. 5. 15, 4, near the altar of Artemis 'Ayopma, 2LP»tios 

'Ayopaiov Atos. 

^ At Selinus : Herod. 5. 46 ol yap fup 2t\ipov<rioi tnopairrayTts awtKTttpap, 
Kara<l>vy6pTa cVi Aios ayopaiov ^fu&v, 

® At Thebes : Paus. 9. 25, 4 Kara rriP i^6p an6 r&p irvXwr T«v ffffiirT»v 
t6 pip Ofpid6s €<rrip Upbp kcu aya\pa Xcvicot; XlBtnf ro dc <<^c^ff Mnip&p^ r6 bi 
* Ayopaiov Aios, 

' In Crete : Cauer, Delect, 2. 121 op»viA rap 'Etrriap . . , xal rhv A^ra 

rhp 'AyopaTop . . . : alliance between Dreros, Cnossos and Lyctos, third 
century b.c. 

R Zeus ^Ayopmos : on coins of Nicaea of Imperial period, Head, 
His/. Num, p. 443. 

^ Theophrastus n-cpt avppo\ai<oPf Stobaeus, FloriL 44. 22 (vol. 2, 

p. 167 Meineke) (eV rolr Atpiap p6poit) . . . dfi . . . ^vciv r6p opKOP ciri rov 
At6s rov ayopaiov, 

» Eur. HeracL 70 : 

iKtrai d* ovrts * Ayopaiov AUts pui(6iua6a Ka\ ar€<f>ri fuaivtrai, 

k Aesch. Eumen, 973 : 

oXX' (Kparritrt Ztvs ayopaios, 

^ Plutarch 7S9 C {pi ytpoprts) vtr^pcrat rov fiovkaiov * Ayopaiov JloKu»9 

"* Zeus 'AywwoF : Soph. Track, 26 : 

TfXor d* I^A^Kf Zcvf ay^putt Kokm, 

£ust. //. o», I ay»Pj rf dyopa, 66€P koi dyttpiovs Btoifs Alvxykos rovs cryo- 


'"* Zeus ^rpartoi in Caria: Herod. 5. 119 o2 hMffnry^vrti {tS^p ILapStv) 
mrfcXij^o'av cs AafipopdOf €s £u6s Srporiov ip6v /Mya re icat ^yiov Sktros 
irXaravcoTo»r, /Aouvoi dc, £y ^/mi; td/Mi^, Kapis ci<riy 01 Au STparlc^ Bvaias 
dwdyauai. Cf. '»• *. 

^ /</. I. 171 asrvdiucyvai dc cr MuXacroicrt Aios Kaplov ipbw ap\au>v, roO 
Mvoourt /Mv KOI Avdoi<ri fiirttrrty car Koo'iyv^oio'i coOci rouri Kapcri. 

^ 7(/. 5* 66, at Athens, *Ja'ay6pTis 6 Tco-dvdpou, OMCifjff /zcv €itv boKifiOVy Mip 
r& ojfiKaBw ovk Z^o^ <f}pa<rai' Bvov<ri dc ol crvyy€V€is avrov Ati Kapt!^. Zeus 

Srpdriof in Athens, C, L A, 3. 141, 143, 201, of late period, 
d In Pontos: Appian, Miihrad, p. 215 (ed. Steph.). 

* Plut. Eumen, 1 7 v/Mir dc irp^r Ac^r ^rparlov Koi $€&v Spicimu ivravBa fu 
dft* avT&v KTuvart, 

'^ Zeus irpanryos ■ at Syracuse : inscription on coin of Syracuse, 
Annali dell. Inst, 1839, p. 62 Jupiter Imperator: Cic. In Verr. 4. 
58 Tria ferebantur in orbe terrarum signa lovis Imperatoris uno in 
genere pulcherrime facta ; unum illud Macedonicum quod in Capitolio 
vidimus; alterum in Ponti ore et angustiis, tertium quod Syracusis 
ante Verrem praetorem fuit : ^ on coins of Amastris, Head, HisL Num, 

P- 433- 

^" Zeus ''Apcioj «at Olympia: Paus. 5. 14, 6 tqv hk 'li<f>ai(rrov r6v 

fimpj&v ficriv *HXf(Ci>i' 01 ovofia^ovaw *Apc(ov ^i6s' \tyovat di ol avrol oUrog 
Km ttf OMfiaos nri rov j9o»/aov tovtov Bvot r^ *Apc(^ Ait. 

^ In Epirus : Plut. Pyrrh, 5 €iu>B€ta'au ol PaaikiU iv UcuraapSivi x^P^V 
rijs MoXorrcdoff *Ap(l^ Ait BtKravrts 6pK<aporu9 rois *lijrfipwT<us icai 6pKl{0Uf 
avrol fiiv Hp^tw koto rovs vofiovs, cicciVovr dc rrjv paaiKtltw diatfniKd^np koto 
rovs pSfuws. 

o On coins of lasos of Caria, Imperial period. Head, fft's/. Num. 
p. 528. 

"• Zeus *OtrXAr/MOff ^vd Arcadia: inscription of Achaean league in 
Rev, Arch. 1876', p. 96. 

^ At Methydrion : Lebas, M/gar. 353 ntp\\ bi ras rpofrc(a]s ras 

Xpvatas TQV Ai6r rov 'drXoa/uov dy KaraBfVTts ivixypa ol Mc^v[dpic«£ ol 
fMTaaT^](ravrcr tU *OpxofA€if6v ditCKovro r6 dpyvptov, 

c In Caria: Arist. Par/. Anim. p. 673 a. 18 ircpl dc Kaplap ovr« r6 

ToiovTOP difiriaTrv<rav* rov yap Uptas rov 'Otrkoo'piov At6s caro$av6yrog, , . . 

"• » Zeus 'Ay^Twp in Laconia: Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 2, 3 ^w« (6 /Soo-iXr^) 

fiMw yiip npStrov oucoi &V Ait 'Ayrfropi icaX vols avv air^' fjv dc ivrav$a 
KoKktMpi^aif, Xa/3«y 6 nvpff)6pos vvp air6 rov P»fiov irpoi/ytlnu M rii Spui rrjs 

M 2 


^ At Argos: Schol. Theocr. 5. 83 rAr aMv ku\ Aia mi *HyijTo^ 

KoXowrtP ol *ApycAOi. 

*^® Zeus KwTfjujrat at Sparta: Paus. 3. 17, 4 <V dc r^r irp^ /itofjii' 

fipiav OToiuf KjoafjajTa rt inUkifo-uf At6t pa6t Kai Tvvdapt» np6 avrov lunjfta 

*" Zeus iBtPMt: Paus. 2. 32, 7, between Troezene and Hermione, 

(cf. Athena s^fytar in Troezen, Athena R. 17 ^). 

>*>a 2eus Tpontuos at Sparta: Paus. 3. 12, 9 roO dc Tpomuov AiAr 

ro Icp^y inolrjaap ol Ampuls iroXc/ui^ rov; rf SKkovt 'A;(ciiov£ • • . Ka\ rovt 
*A/AVJcXaiCLr Kpor^cravrf r. 

^ At Salamis: C, I. A, 2. 471 dWirXcvcray dc ical M rp6wmo» «al 
tBwroM T^ Au r^ Tpotroi^. 

'«• Zeus Tptmatovxot at Attalia in Pamphjlia: C. /. Gr. add. 
4340 f. g. 2ffp<«»f Acdff rpoYrafov;(ov, early Roman period. 

'** Zeus Xapfuov at Mantineia : Paus. 8. 12, i rov rd^ov dc rov 

*£ira^iya>i'dci fjtakiard irov orodiov fi^ieor AiAr a<l>4aTrjKtP Itp^p cirueXi^iF 

"" Arist. Equit, 1253 Zfv, <ror to viicTr^/uor. 

^^ Zeus 'O/xayvpcoff at Aegium : Paus. 7. 24, 2 Upitp 'Opayvpif Au* 

. . . 'Opayvpiot 5c ryc'ycro r^ Ait eirtfcX^air, ori 'AyafM/iva>v HBpoiOMP it rovro 
TO ;(*iptor rov; Xdyov fidXiora cv r^ 'EXXddi d^tovr. 

'*^ Bacchylides, frag. 9, Bergk : 

Ntm yXviCt;d«»pos 
fV no\vxpva'<if d* 'OXi/fin'^ Ziyvl napurraiupa xpiv^i riXot 
*A6apaTourl rt Ka\ Bpotois aptrat, 

**•• Zeus SmtTTip: Plut. Arts/. 11 T«r nXaraic»v 6 trrpaniy^t 'Ap/- 
fiptjaTos ISo^ KOT^ rovr triryovff V9r6 rov AiAr rov Son^/xx €irtptaiT»fi€POP avrdr, 
o re d^ nparrttP dc^oxrai rotr 'EXXiycriv. Xen. Anab, I. 8, 1 6 Zcvi 

2«r4p mil N/io;, watchword at the battle of Cynaza. Cf. Diod. Sic. 

14, 30 at Trapezus airoi M {ol Kvpcioi) rf rf 'H/KUcXfi jko! Ai2 a-mrnipif 
BviTiop iwoltiaap. 

^ In the Peiraeeus : Strabo, 395, 396 ol 6i iroXXol noKtfUH , , , t6p 
nttpam ovMorffiXay tls okgyfjp KoroiKiap rijp vcpl ro^r Xi^yor jcal rA Ifp^ 
rov Aioff rov Imr^pot, PaUS. I. I» 3 Bias df d^ioi^ rmp ip TLtipaul ft/Skurra 
*kBfpm$ icrl aoI Ai^ Wj^fpot* xoiKm /ur dfif^^pa nk ilydX^uini, l^t » M 4 


nip ira/WTpop ffa2 Nui^, ^ dc ^AOrjva ddpv. *E¥Tav6a AtnoBtniP tf *ABrpnuois 
Mxu roi( vaat9 ^EXXtfauf ^yovfitwos Maxt^^pas tfv rt Bouarois tKpaniat fi^X!! '^"'^ 
€sv£lts t^ OtpiionvX&p . • . rovTOP t6p AtturBipijp xal rovs naUkif typw^w 

c In Athens: Aristoph. P/u/. 1174: 

mr6kmX awh Xiftov . . . 
mil ravra rov "^tnijpot Itptifs &y Ai6s . . . 
Ov€tp tr ovdfir aftoi 
. • . Koiroi rifrf, 

or* tlx^'^ ovl^p, 6 fAtp ^p iJKo^p tfiwopot 
tOvaiP up§i6p Tt frmOtiif 6 dc rir ^ 
hiKtiP ano<l>vy»Pf 6 K hp iKdX\ifpiiT6 rir 
itdfit y cVdXfi r6v Up€a, 
Plut. Dem. 27 €i»MTtt y6p fV r^ 6viri^ rov Ai6t rov 2c»Trjpo£ apyvpiop rfXfiy 

rotr KaraoK.tvaCovo'i xai Koapowri r6p fi»p6p, . . • Cf. inscription referring 
to the Lamian war, DelL Arch. 1892, pp. 57-59 r^v p*p (or^Xiyv) cV 'Aic/jo- 

ir<(Xct r^r dc iraph t^v A^ rov 2«>r^pa. Cf. Isocr. 9. 57 ^^^ tMpas €iVT»p 
(Kdmamf Koi Evay6pov) iariifraptPy oZ ircp ro tov At^r aycikpa rov frorrfjpos, 

C/.^. 3. 28 1 (on a seat in the theatre) 'If pca>f Ai^r (Ac^r) Soir^por naX *A6ijpat 
2wTupas (Momms. HeorloU p. 453). C /. ^. 2. 741 €« r^r ^o-tW ry 
Au r^ 2«or$pi: /3. 446^ ravpop r^ Ati r^ Zonijpn id. 469^^ roir Auoa>- 
rrtpUnt r« Aii r^ Z«M^pi kol rfj *AOrjp^ rfj Icartipif : J(5. 471^ mpitnXtvattp dc 
icol rotr Movptxioi£ tU r&v Xificiv r5v //i Movi^t;^/^ d/uXXa>/icyoi, 6powt di xai 
Auo-fvn/piOff : 1(5. 326 cirred^ dc 6 Ifprvr t$v<r€ rii cto'cr^pca . . • r^ Au 
r^ ^wrrjpi kqI rj *ABrfp^ t§ 2o»rfiJp9 : t'd. 3. 1 67 i<l>Tfpot dp€&t<mp Au lonifpt 

i^fiwp. Rev. Arch. 1865, p. 499 Zeus Soter, worshipped by tpamarok. 

d At Sicyon : Plut Arat. 53 Ovovaip ovry (^Apar^) Bvtriap Ttjp pip j 
r^y irdXiv dsr^XXo^ r^r rvpaypidov rfptpif . . . r^v dc cV g ytwivBai r6» &»hpti 
dutppfipop^vovai. Trjs pip oZp wportpas rov At/6s rov 29iTrjpot KaTrfp)(tTo dm/- 
inSXof. , 

« At Messene: Pans. 4. 31, 6 Mco-ot/wW W cV rj ayop{» AmJp fVnr 
^yoX/m 2a»r$/70ff. At Corone in Messene, 4. 34, 6 At^r 2»Trjpoi X^^^koOv 

^PyoXfia f jrl r^r ayopas ntnoiriTai, 

' At Argos (by an Argive cenotaph) : Pans. 2. 20, 6 koL A»or tWiy 

€PTav6a Up6p 2MTripoi. 

« AtTroezen : id. 2. 31, 10 fori dc icat Ai^r IffjAv fniKkfiaip Itorrjpos. 

^ At Aegium : /(f. 7. 23, 9 fori W icaJ Aios eniKktia-iP 2vTrjpot iv rj 
ayop^ Ttptpos. 

^ At Man tinea : id, 8. 9, 2 McaniPtvat dc cWi koi Skka Up& r6 fifV 
Ztfr^por Am((, r^ dc '£ir*d«brov Kokovpipav, 


^ At Megalopolis in the agora : Paus. 8. 30, 10 Up6v Iwnjpos inUkfi<ri^ 

^tof. KtKdaiufTai dc n€pi( icioo'i, KaBt{ofuv^ di r^ ^2 ^v Bp6w^ waptartiKaot 
rff flip tf MfyciXi; inSX*r, iv dpurrtpq, M *Afynfudos Swrrt/xiff eryaX/ui. ravra 
ficv \i6ov rov Il€yrt\riariov *ABrjvdioi Kji<f>nr6lhro£ mil SCrvo^«>y ci^yyacnivro. 

Cf. C. I. Crr. 1536, second century b.c. 

' At Acraephiae: C, /. Gr, 1587 UpartvoimH rov Ai^ tow Z«»T$po£, 
time of Sulla. 

™ At Agrigentum: inscription on coins of third century, b. c, 
Head, Hist, Num. p. 108. 

^ At Galaria, a Sikel town, on coin of fifth century, ib, p. 121. 

o At Ambracia: C, I. Gr. 1798 dedication Swt^/h Ait 

P At Aetolia: C /. ^. 2. 323 rnttX^ r6 leoii^y r& r»r A2r«X»r • . . 
h^jY^Mrrok r6v oyMiti roy r»v ^oarripMP TiB4wai rf A<t rf 2«r$pc Koi r^ 
'Airc^ttM r^) lively {m6funjiia rrjt /idxrjt r^ff y€PO/u¥rfS irp6ff rovr fiapfidpovtf 
circ. 276 B.C. 

4 At Pharsalos : Cauer, DeUct\ 396 [♦opaoXeJoi ap€$€iKauf [€v£a/i]cMM 

Au Sovrf ipi. 

' Rhodes: C. /. Gr. 2526 Z^M0y Naovfiov *Apd^tot irp<((fyoff Act ZcAT^pi. 

» At Lesbos : -5«//. ^<f C(?rr. Hell. 1880, p. 435. 

* At Pergamon, vide Conze, Siizungsber. d, BerL Akad. 1884, s. la 

u At Miletus : C /. Gr. 2852 Kc^mv imyrypamUvop Act o-or^pc cv, in 

a letter of Seleucus to the Milesians. 

▼ At Eumenia in Phrygia : C, L Gr, 3886 r&v oir& irpoyoWy Xa^a- 

^iipXtfaawTcitP At^r Ztfr^por leal *AYn$XXfii»vof. 

w Soph. /Vtf^. 375 : 

Zev frotMriXvirc xol Ai^r acnrfpiov 
(nropd^ TpiTov Kparfjpos, 

Cf. Athenae. 692 K vktiarap r»v ficv aya^O dalfiopot alrovpntp nor^piop 

rwv dc Ac^f (r«»r9poff, ^[XX»v dc vytccas: see Other passages collected 
there, 692 e and 693 a-c. 

^'*A Zeus lanrris : PaUS. 9. 26, 7 ecovcfOin dc cV r^ inSXcc Sad»roi; Acor 
€*<rrf )(akKovp SyaKfia, 

^ Zeus SttacfToXcff : at Magnesia on the Maeander, ^*. 

'** Zeus *AwoTpdiratoti Erythrae, Rev, Arch, 1877, p. 115, inscription 

concerning sale of priesthoods, Ai^r atrtrrponmm) ml *AOrfvag ttnoTpowaias, 


>*^ Zeus *£Xcv^ffpcof : Simonides, Bergk 1 40 

TLtpaas f^tXaaavrts tXtv^tpov 'EXXadi K6<rfiov 
idpvaayro ^loi ^fiop tXtvBtptov, 

• At Syracuse : Diod. Sic. 11. 71 (after the overthrow of the tyranny 

of Thrasybulus) v^rjft>i(ravTo A(or fuv tXtvBtpiov Kokorrimov avdpidpra Kara' 
(TKCVfurai, KOT anavrhv dc 6v€iv i\€v6ipia kcH ayStpas cVc^Mivctr nouiv. 

^ At Plataea: Strabo, 412 a ldpwrairr6 re iXwBtpiov Ai^ Up6v kqI 

ayAtfa yvfuniebv crrc^ay/n^r (nrcdct^av, *E\€vBfpia irpofrayopfvaavrts. Cf. 
Plut. Arisi, 20 ir€p\ dc dvtrias €pop€voi9 airols ovctXry 6 Jlvdios Aios ff*Xcv- 
Otpiov fi»p6v lipvadaBaif Bvaat dc prj npdrtpov ^ ro Kara r^y x^pav irvp 
ttnoap€<ravTas »s V7r6 tS>v pap^patv p^fjua<rp€vop ivavaatrQai KoBaphv ck 
A<X<^«ov air& r^r Koiv^r t<rrias, Paus. 9. 2, 5 ^^ Plataea, ov ir6pp» anb 
rov KotPov Tttv 'EXXi^vosv Aioc foriv *EXft;^€p(ov ^fi6s . . • rov A*5ff dc t6v rt 
P«»fjA» Koi r6 SyaXpa crrocr^crap Xcv/coO \i6ov' ayovtri dc irm yvy Iri ay«0Mi dt' 
Irovr ntfiimVf rii 'EXcv^rpui, cV ^ /leyiora ycpa trpoKfiTnt dp6fiov' 0€ovai dc 

^XiiTfi/yoc ir/>6 rov fitapov. C. /. Gr. 1 624, inscription at Thebes of 

Roman period, vaphL r^ *EXfv^rpc^ Ait koi rjj '0/iuvo(9 r«v 'EXX^vwy nXa- 
raUotP nSkis r^y ^avrfr f v€/7ycn;v. 

<' Zeus 'EXfv^cpioff at Samos : Herod. 3. 142 midq yap ol t^yy€XOtj 6 

UoXvKpartos Boporot . . . Atc^r *EXtv6iplov ptofxop Idpvaaro xal riptvos mpl 
avT6p oCpurt tovto to vvy ip r^ npwianjim tori, 

d At Larissa : Lebas^ M/gar, 42 b *£Xcv^pca ra cV Aapiajj. 

® At Athens, near the crroa (iaaiXnot in the Ceramicus: Paus. i. 3, 2 

fPTovOa SanjKt Ztvs 6vopa{^6ptPos fX€vBtpuit koI fiaaiKtvt *fidpiap6s (cf. 
C, I. A. 3. 9) : Paus. 10. 21, 5 anoBapovros di imb rap TiikaT&p (in the 
battle at Thermopylae) r^y dairlba ot frpo(TrjKOPTfs dp€d€<rap T^ 'EXrv^cpio) 
Au . . . TOVTO pip d^ ifrtyeyparrro irp\p fj tov^ 6pov SvXX^ koi SKka tS>p *A6^' 
Bn/cri KOI T^s €P TJ OToq, Tov ^EXivdtpiov A(5ff lea^cXctv otrTTtdar. Harpocrat. 
S.V. *FXfv6tptos Z«vff* 6 d< Aidi/fuSf <f>rf<rip dpaprdpt tp t5v p^Topa (^Ympidripy 
iicK^Orj yap ikivStpiot dm r5 rcai' M7diic^v aTToXXay^ycu roup *A$rfpaiovs' ort dc 
iirtyrypanTM pip ^aTrjpj 6popd((TM di koi fXtvBtpios, difkoi Kal Mcvavdpor. 
Hesych. S. V, *E\€v6€ptos Zcvp* t«v Mrfi<ap fK(l>vy6pTt£ (?) If^pva-aPTO t6p 'EXf v- 
$€ptop Am* rovroy dc Hpioi koi ^dT^pd <f>a(ri' ripartu df koi (p ^upoKovaxus xaX 
waph TapayTipots Ka\ tp HXaTfiaU koi ip ¥iaptats (1. Kapvais) : cf. Schol. 

Plato in Eryx, 392 a (who quotes from the same source as Hesychius, 
reading cV Kapt^). Schol. Aristoph. PluL 11 76 ip A<TTft Aia aarrfpa 

npStatP, tfp6a Kat a'torrjpos Aids iarip Updp' t6p avT6p di ipioi Ktii iXtvBipidp 

^ocri. C. I. A. 2. 17 (containing the terms of alliance of the second 

Attic confederacy), 1. 63 t6 ^^<^i<rfui rd^t 6 ypafipartvt 6 rrjt fiovkrjs 
opaypai^tdra ip frrrfkn \iBipfj Kat KaraBfTa wapa t6p Aia r6v *EXtv6iptov I 

cf. /3. 1. 9 and 26. 


' In Laconia : Roc hi, Inscr. Grate, Ani. 49 a add. Aiolc^ AmdXcv- 
Btp'iif', Le Bas-Foucart, 189 Zav\ *EXivStpi^ 'Ayr»y«cW S«M^fM (vide Wide, 
Lakanische Kulie, 5. 4 and 17). 

s At Olymus in Caria : Upta A(6r *£Xf v^piov, inscription in Mitt, d. d, 
Inst. Ath, 1889, P- 375* 

*^^ <^ Zeus 'EXXaytoff : Herod. 9. 7, 4 4/icif dc Aux re 'EXX^mov aldttrBims 
Koi riip 'EXXoda dctvov nouvfuvot npodovvai olt Karau^o'afup, 

^ In Aegina : Find. Ntm. 5. 15 rav iror* 9ficafbp6v rt lun pavauckvrap 
B^a-amrro nap fi<aphv fraripos 'EXkaviov ardirrts, Aeginetan inscription, 

C. /. Gr. 2138 b Alt UavfXkTjvitp (? first century b. c). 

c At Athens: Paus. I. 18, 9 *A^piap6s dc KaTtaKtvdaaro ml SXXa *A^ 
wiicMv va^y'Hpa; leal Ai6s Ilaif€\kr)vwv, 

^ At Syracuse: Gardner, Types of Crreek Coins, 11. 25. 

''* Zeus 'OfioXcoioff : Suidas, S, V, iv Bfjpais cat fV oXXcur n-Aco-* BoiMTC- 
xatf icai cV 6f (ftroX/f . . • "larpos d^ cV r^ 1/^ r^ff SuMiytty^r dm t6 trap* 
Alokfvai TO hpovotjfTiKhv Koi tlprjvucbv SpoXop \iy€tr6ai, *£cm dc Koi ^iirjfnip 

'OfioXcDta fV eijiSaiff : cf. inscription from Assos, C. /. (?r. 3569 KaiV<^ 
Ztfiaar^ ... 6 Upivs tov Ai6ff rov 'O/uov^Mn;. 

^'^ Zeus Jltipdijfiosy at Athens: C, I. A. 3. 7, mutilated inscription of 
the time of Hadrian, mentioning a Ato^ navd^/Lu>v ic/x^v. At Synnada 
in Phrygia : ZEYC nANAHMOC on coin of the Imperial period, Head, 
Hist. Num. p. 569. 

"* Zeus *Ejr«*coiVioff : Hesych. s. v. z*v£ cV ZaXa/uvi. 

Local titles from cities or districts. 

"* » Zeus 'AfipirTtiv6s : from Abrettene, a district of Mysia, Strabo, 

*> Zeus "Aaiot : Steph. Byz. J. ». *A<ro5, irokixviop KprfTris , , . 6 Ztvs cVfi 
Tifiarai ical *Aoiov Ai6s l€p6v dpxcu&raTov, 

^ Zeus BacriMcacxf v(, from Bactocaece, a village near Apamea in Syria : 
C. /. Gr. 4474 : in letter of King Antiochus, irpoctptx^ivroi fioi ircpi 

r^r cW/)7Ct[a]( ^c[ou 6yiov A ihi Bairoieaiic(ca>() cicf>t[^]i7 (rvy;(fi>p}7^i'ai avr^ 
f t( ^ayra r6y XP^^^^t \J^ 4 '^ '^''^ 4 duKi[/iJi( roO 6€ov «C(xrrclp;(frai, iCMfuyr 
r^v Bairoicai[iei7iwyj. 

d Zeus BcWioff, ? from Benna, a city in Thrace : C. J. Gr. 3157 1 

vircp rijff AvroKparopot Htpova TpoZovoG KaiVapoff Zc/Socrrov vcici;; Au Bcmy 
M^iM^ovi^r . . . fimpav Mtmja'av vwip Btyp€urorfPi»v, 

« Zeus AoXix^iw : inscription of Roman period in Comm. Areh. Com. 
d. Roma^ 1885, p. 135 : cf. Steph. Byz. s. v. 


' Zeu8*E«aXoff, at the deme Hekale near Marathon : Plut. Thes. 14 

ffiAwr yap 'ExaX^iov ol n(pi( drj/wt wvtoPTfs *EieaX^ Aii. 
S Zeus 'EXcvo'ftMOff : Hesych. X. v. Zcvr 'EX. nap ^^loxr*. 

^ Zeus Ev/M»fieus : on coins of Euromus near Mylasa, Head, Ifisi. 
Num. p. 525. 

' Zeus *ldatoff *i\u»v : on coins of Ilium and Scepsis of Imperial 
period, Head, Hist, Num, pp. 473, 474. 

^ Zeus KcXoiyffvr at Apamea : BulL de Corr, Hell. 1893, P* 3^9 ^7 Povkh 

Kok 6 dfjfios irtlfirja'ay Tifitpiov KXavdiov . . . Upia di^ 0(ov Aiht Kfkaipias : 

of. Head, Htsl. Num. p. 558. 

J Zeus Kpaix'iltrjv6t : on inscription from Mysia, Mt'll. d. d. Inst. Alh. 
1889, p. 90. 

» Zeus Kdpioff : vide "• ^ and "' . 

'^ Zeus K^xMCffon/r : Paus. 3. 21,4 *£iri Bakavaaaf col cV TvOiov Kora^ivoyri 
ion AoKtdtufiopiois ^ Kwfuj • . . (Kpoxcoi) . . . 6t»v dc avr^t vp6 piw r^r 
KmfUf£ At^r K^xfdra Xt^v ficv nfirouifxtvop ayaXpa tanfKt. 

o Zeus KvMu^cvr, from Cynaetha in Arcadia : Schol. Lycophr. 400 : 
Paus. 5. 22, I. 

P Zeus Kapvpos, ? from district near Halicarnassus : Tzetz. Lycophr. 
459 K^pvpos 6 Ztvs €v* KKiKapvavfT^ rtparai : vide Bull, de Corr. Hell. 1891, 
p. 174: 1887, p. 385. 

<1 Zeus Xapiaaw^ or Aapt<r€vs at ArgOS: Paus. 2. 24, I r^v dc OKp^nokiP 
Aapuraw pip icakovo'ip • • . § 3 'Eir* Sxp^ dc cVri r^ Aapiajj Aids cir/ffXi/o-iy 
Aapuraiov pa6s, ovk ^x^^ SpfX^op, rb dc Sydkpa (v\ov vtnoifjpiPOP. Strabo, 
440 mxl €P T.7 *Amicjj dc can Aapuru* icai rtap TpaX\t»p duxovaa K^iprf 
TpioKOpra aradiovs . . . ttras di Ka\ 6 Aapiaiot Ziifs tKtWfp in^p6paaTai, 
Steph. Byz. Adpurai irSktts *' . . • kcX 6 iroXirtft Aapuraios Ka\ Aapurtits 

Z€V£. Cf. Zeus Aapdaios at Tralles : vide "*• K 

' Zeus Aaoiuc€vs on coins of Imperial period of the Phrygian Lao- 
dicea, and other cities of Phrygia, Head, Htsl. Num. p. 566, &c. 

* Zeus Av^ios on coins of Sardes and Cidramus of Imperial period : 
i(*. pp. 523, 553. 

^ Zeus MoXctaioff at Malea : Steph. Byz. s. v, MaX/a. 

^ Zeus MiyioTos of lasos : C. I. Gr. 2671 : cf. Zeus''Ap€tos on coins 
of lasos, Head, Hisl, Num. p. 528: inscription on altar in Oxford, 
Ai6f AafipaMov icai At^r /^cytVrot;, from Aphrodisias in Caria, C. I, Gr. 


^ Zeus MiaaanttCs : Steph. Byz. Mtaa'antai' x**/nov AaK^PUCfjs' f6 iBpix^p 


M«r<rairc€vs* ovt» yap 6 Zttft ck(i rcftorai. Qt&irofinos mrniKoarf ifih6iuf, 

cf. Paus. 3. 20, 3. 

^ Zeus Nffjitios: Paus. 2. 15, 2 cV d^ avrj (r$ Ncfic^) Nf/Miov re At^r 
yo((9 c'oTi Bias a(iot . . . Ovovai dc *Apyctbc r^ Ait Ka\ cV r.9 Nf/xcf leal fitfuiov 
Ai6r Ifp/a olfMvi^ai, ko^ d^ ical dp6fiov nportBtaaiv ieyS>»a avdpdatp iaurXur/Aepoit 
Ntfuleiv trtuniyvpfi tS>v ;^ftficp*y£y. Id. 2. 20, 3 in ArgOS : Nc/miov Ai6t 
ifTTW Up6v, Syakfia 6p66v ;(aXKOVi/y ^^X*^ fivtrinirov. Id. 4. 27) 6 *\pyuoi di 

Tfi rt "Hp^ tJ *Kpytiq. Koi Nffic ty Au tBvov (at the restoration of Messene) : 
cf. C. I. Gr. 1 1 23. In Locris: Thuc. 3. 96 Uphv tow Ai^r toC Ncfifcov. 
In Caria: inscr. il//'//. ^. ^. /ivx/. ^M. 1890, p. 261 Up€»t Ator 


X Zeus '0(royQ>ff Aappavv^v6t at Mylasa in Caria : Strabo, 659 tx"^^'^ 

d* ol MvXaatU Irp^ dvo roO Aidr, roO rt *0<rtoyS>a Kokovfuvov Kn\ Aa3p<ivi^yov, 
t6 ficv cV r j froXre, ra dc Adfipavvda Kclifirj eWiy cV r^ opci . • . (vravOa 9€»t 
tariv apxmot kcX (6avov Ai6£ Zrpartov. rt/iarai imo tS>v Kvxk^ Ka\ vrrb tcdv 
BlvXacrcMr, 6d((r rf Hcrrpcarai frx^^^v ri «cal c^xorra oradtttv M'X/^ ^7^ nxSXfttff 
Icpcli Kokovfiivij, di* j^ff fTOfurooToXctra* rc^ Upd . . . ravra pip oZv (dia r^r 
fr($Xf»ff, rpiTOP dc cVriv lfp6v roO Knpiov Ai6s, Kotp^v AiravrtiP Kap»r, o£ 
p£T€<rTi Koi Avdolff Kal Mv(rotr car adcX^tf. C /. Gr. 269 1 X, inscription 

in the time of Mausolus, mentioning the Up6v rod Aior rot) AapppaMov 
at Mylasa. C. I. Gr. 2693, inscription from Mylasa first century 
B. c? Aioff 'Oo-oyflo: cf. 2700. Zcus Aappavpdrjt : inscription from 
Olymos in Caria, AfiU. d. d. Inst. Ath. 1889, p. 375. Zeus Aafipavdtvt^ 
Thiasos and temple in the Peiraeus : inscription beginning of third 
century b.c. Rfv. Arch. 1864, p. 399. C.I.A. ii. 613. 

y Zeus neXnywJr : from Peltae in Phrygia, on coins of first century 
B. c, Head, Hi's/. Num. p. 567 : cf. C. I. Gr. 3568 f, ? third century s. c, 

fV r^ Up^ Tov Ai^r roO ntkrrjvov. 

« Zeus Xpya-dap or Xpwraoptvs : Strabo, 660 SrparowVfia d* cWl «aTOi- 
KUi Nlcuctd6p»p . . . ryyvff d^ rrjt ir<$Xctt>r r& roO Xpva-aop^tos Ai^ koiv6p &trayr»p 
Kap&p, tls t <nfpiaa-i $va-opT€t koi fiovktvadptpoi w€p\ tup Kwvmr leaXftroi bi 
r& awmjfta avrap Xpvfraopimp avpt<rnjK6s (ic Ktop»p • . . ical Srporoyueriff dc 
TOV avirrrifiaTOf p€T€\ov<np^ ovk SpTts rov Kapucov yipovt, C. I. Gr, 272O, 

inscription from Stratonicea of Roman period, mentioning the Uptvs 

Ai6s Xpvaaopiov, Paus. 5. 21, lO ra dc na\(u6T€pa rj re x^P^ '^''^ 4 irAir 

cicaXctro Xpvaaopiv. In lasos .* Rev. d. Etudes Grecques^ i893> P* i^7> 
inscription mentioning a irr€<f>tanf(fi6pot rov Xpvaaopos, 

»a Zeus Uiravtos: from Pitane in Aeolis, inscription in Smyrna, 

BifiKtoB. KM Movo-. 1873, p. 142. 


^^ Zeus lakofumos: on Cypriot coins of Imperial period, Head, 
Hisf, Num. p. 627. 

«5 Zeus 2oXvfi€V( : on late coins of the Pisidian Termessus, td. p. 
594 : cf. C /. Gr, 4366 k. 

^ Zeus Tapcrios =» Baaltars on coins of Tarsus of Imperial period, 
Head, id, p. 617. 

^ Zeus 'Er Ovrivd<rois at Venasae in Cappadocia : Strabo, 537 cV dc 

r;5 Mopifnji^ r& Icpor rot) cv Ovriva<rot£ Ai6s Upodovkav KoroiKiay ^x^^ rpi^xi- 
Xmiv (TX'dctr re ical x^P*"' ^^P^'^ tvKapnov, 

*" Zeus BaaiK€vt «at Lebadea : Pans. 9. 39, 4-5 (tV ry 3k<rti Tpo^- 

nov) Ai^r Ba<riXc«»ff va6£ . • . ^vci . , , 6 Koriav avr^ rt r^ 'Tpo(t>»vU^ • . . xat 
AU iitiKkiftrw BaiTiXcr, ical ''Hp^ re *Hi'u$;(27* 

^ At Erythrae : Rev. Arch. 1877, p. 107 Soxr^cwyr ... 4 Upfw tow 

Aioff rov /SacrcXccDf ical 'HpcucXcovff KoXXmicov, Aa jcat 'HpacXcc. 

« At Paros : C /. Gr, 2385 ^ Up€vs rov A«As rov Paaikwt Koi 'Hpa- 
cXffovs, third century b. c. 

d Arrian, 3. 5, Alexander at Memphis, Bv^t t^ Ai\ rf fia<rik€l Dio 

Chr}'S. I, p* 9 (Dind.) Ztvs fi6»os BtS>v narfip xal jSao-iXrvs iiropofid(rnu Ka\ 

"• ZeUSMriXixtoff «at Athens : Thuc. I. 126 corl nai 'ABrivalois Aid<ria 
Si Kaktlraij Ai^v copr^ MccXi;(cov fxryioTij c^o) r^ff irdXrcor, cV 1; nopdrffxtl Bvovai 
iroXXd ovx Itpfui oKkh BCfuna €irixoi>pia. Schol. Lucian, *JKapofttp. 24 Aidaia, 
ioprij ^r cfrfrcXow ftrra Tiwr crTvyw5Ti;T0f, Bvoms tv avrfj Ait fic<Xi;(i^. 
Schol. Aristoph. Nud. 408 fopnj M«Xi;^iov Aidf oycTOi dc piyi^ff *ApBt<mj' 
pi&vos fj <f>BiyovTos, 'AfroKXmvios dc 6 *Axapvt\fs ra Aidaia buucpiwti €m6 t^s rov 
MfiXixiov iopTijt. Xen. Anab. 7. 8, 3 6 dc €?irfv, 'E/iTrodior ydp aoi 6 Ztiif 
6 Mfiklxt^s *<rri, leai iirfiptro ci ^diy Bvafuv, &an€p oikm, t<fnjf tla>Btiv rya> 
vfuy BvfoBm Ka\ SKoKcnfTtiv . . . rg dc vtrrtpaiff. 6 Sfvo<l>a>v . . . iBvrro Koi 
mkotcavrti ;(oipovff r» frarpi^ v6iuf Ka\ iKaK\Up€i. Lucian, Xapi^fi. I 
'AydpoxXciovf TO imvUta rtBvK6Tot '£pp.7, on d^ fiiffkiop ayaywovf ipUtfirtv iv 
Auiaiois. Luc. 'Uapo/itv. 24 $p»ra (6 Ztvs) . . . di* i)r oItuiv AXttVoccy 


*ABriPaioi TO Auio-ia TO(Tovr«»' rr&P. C. I. A. I. 4 UlXlOI. Id. 2. 

1578 'H^icrrtor Ail MiXix«w, * in parte inferiore lapidis imago ser- 
pentis sculpta fuit.' Cf 2. 1 579-1583. Id. 1585 'HX/y koI Ait 

MffiXtxtV Wapfiia. Eph. Arch. 1 886, p. 49 Kp»]To/3<JXiy Au MciXiXi^. 
PaUS. I. 37, 4 Aio/Socri dc r6v Yii^ahp fic»p6s tarip dpxaios MriXix^ov 
AM$f * M Tovr^ Gi;(rcv( vir6 t»v oTToyf^vcdr T»y ^vtoXov KoBapaitop 2rvx' ^?7<^^f 
KOi SXXovff oiroKTfcW KOI 2tViy tc^ vrp^r Ilir^co); irvyytptj, Plutarch, De 


Cohlb, Ira 9. p. 458 Aid mc r&v $f&y t6p fiaatkta fifcXi\car, 'A^muoi dc 
luuiMKTfjv, olfjMiy Kakovat : cf. Hesych. S, v. MatfmKTris' MciXi\tos jcal Ka^op- 
(Tior. Suidas, I. I, p. 1404 Ai6s k^^ioV ot t6 Up€lov Ad rtOvrai' Ovcwn dc 
n^ M(iXi;i^t(|» «cai r^ Kn^iri^ (? *Ik(o'/y), xpSiVTM d* aurocr ot re ^ippo(f>opitw 
r^r nofjor^v oTfXXorrcff, leol 6 Af dov^or cV 'EXfueriy* ical aXXoc riPcr irpdr rovf 
KoBapfAOvt^ vnwrTOprvvTif avrk rots irotrl tS>¥ iraynp, Eustath. p. I935> 8 
Acov c'fcdXour x^dioy Itptiov rvOtvros Au McfXt;^/^ cV roip KoffapfAols ([^BufotfTot 
MtufuucTfipiStpof ore ^ycro ra iro/iiroiia ml KoBapfiw tK^Xai cr rovr rpiiSdow 
iyivovTo, C. I, A, 3. 77 Mai/Aaien|pc«yo( A<t Fccapy^ k ir<(irayor. £uU. 

de Corr, Hell. 1889, p. 392 Ati M(tXixi<p«eal *£yod^i taxi iroXfi. Harpocrat 

X. r. MaifiaKTTipiOiV, 6 c' /i^v irop* *A^va(W . . . wv6fuurrai cM At6s ft a ifiaierot;, 
fiaifuuerrjs d^ cWlv 6 tpBova-w^qt Koi TapaKTiK6s, 

ecoi Mc<Xi;(ioc at Myonia in Locris : Paus. 10. 38, 8 aktros iui\ /3m/«^ 

^^v M€iXi;(io)y cori* ia;«errp(yac dc al BxMrini Biois vols MffiX*;(UM( cl<rt, koi 
opaXoNrai ra x^a avrtf^i irpiy ) tXcov tnurx^iv vofju^oixn. 

^ In Sicyon : Paus. 2. 9, 6 tart Zdfs MtiXlxios Ka\''Apr€fU£ 6vofia{ofi€nj 
Uarpt^^ av¥ Ttx^n vtnoitipMva ovd€fu^' nvpapiti dc 6 MciXij^cor, f dc Wovi 
COTtV tlKQcptrfi, 

® At ArgOS : Paus. 2. 20^ I Syakfid cWi KaBfuitvow Am£ MciXt^iot;, Xc^ 
XrvKov, noXvcXcirov dc l/v^v . . . v<rT€pov dc Sk\a rt trniyayovro KoBapata mt 
fire aifxaTi ifi<f>v\i<f koL ISyakfM aviBriKOP MffcX(;((ot; AuSp. 

d At Orchomenos: C. /. Gr. 1568, Inscr. Graec. Septentr. vol. i. 
3169 d iroXiff Am M€iXi;(iv (third century b. c). 

• At Chalcis : C /. Or, 2 1 50, doubtful inscr. 

f At Andros : Mill, d, d, Inst, Ath, 1893, p. 9 votive inscription, 

Athi McXc;^iov. 

K In Chios : inscr. Aiir MiX«x^ov ifc//*//. </. </. Inst. Ath. 1888, p. 223. 

^ (?) At Alaesa in Sicily : C, /. Gr. 5594, inscription of pre-Roman 
period mentioning ro MciXixcctoy. 

"• a Zeus Tifu»p6s in Cyprus : Clem. Alex. Protrept, P. 33 ovxi fitvrw 

Z*vs ificiKaKphf cV 'Apyti ripttphs di SXXos cV Kvnptf TtTi/uiaBoy ; 

i«Oa Pollux I. 24 6to\ Xwrioi Kaffdptrioi dyymu ^v^i . . . iroXofiMiibi 

^ Pherecydes : Mtill. Frag. Hist. 114x6 Zivs di ^Imoios kcX ^AXaaropos 

leaXccrat : cf. 1 03 Awrtra dc ivtntat r^ 'l^iovi dui tovto (the murder of his 
father-in-law) kqI ovd«U avrov rjdtktp iyyiatu oijTt Btatv olht dpBpwrmp' 
IIpSfTOf yap ip/^vkiov Spdpa antKTiu^v. *£Xf ^<rcw dc avrov 6 Z€vs dyycfrc. 

® Aesch. £um, 441 atfi»6s wpoaUcr^p cV rpdnoif *l$ioyos: Id. 7'0 



^ Ap)oIlod. 2. I, 5 leat avra^ (ras ^Mifaov Bvyartpai) ixaOgpav *A6qva re Koi 
'EpiiTfs Aibv mXffvcrayror. 

>*^ Zeus *u^os * at ArgOS : PaUS. 2. 21, 2 irp6 di avrov ntiroifjToi £u6t 
#v^tov pt^fios, ml frXi^ior 'YvfpfAyfiarpas fu^fjfMa *Afi<lnapdov fujTp6sf t6 di 
mpop 'YvtpfuniaTpat r^s Aawaov, Id, 3. 1 7> 9 ipi^ iraida r^ oKwdicg naiti) . . . 
rovTo t6 ^^f ovie i^tyivrro cmo(fmy€iv ISavaapiqiy KaBapvia iramola col Uta-ias 

d€(afUv^ Aior ♦vfiov (? at Sparta or in North Greece). 

^ In Thessalj : Schol. Ap. Rhod. 2. 1 147 <i»v(tov dc r6v Am ot eco-o-oXoi 

fXryor, ifroc crri «ri rov AfvicaXio>voff «caTaKXi/(rfiot) Kart<f)vyop tls avrbv 7 dc^ ro 
r&r i^pi(op mro^wyciv f{( avriSy. 73. 4. 699 <^(eo9 ficy Zcvr 6 fioffii^v roic 

® On Parnassus : Apollod. I. 7, 5 AfvicaXtW dc . . . r^ napMuro-f tr/Kxr- 
ifrx^^t KfJCf i r»v Hfippmv iraOXav Xa/3dKr*>v, c«c/3cks ^c* Ait ^vf t^ : iV/. 1 . 9, 6 <$ dc 
(^p*^) r6v x/'<^<^f^^°*' «cp«^y Au ^«e ^v(cy. Cf. Apoll. Rhod. 2. II50. 

'^* Zeus KaBapatos at Olympia : PaUS. 5. 14, 8 KaBapaiov Aids iKol 
Nuc^ff (/3»/AOff)y «cal a^^iff At6ff tnarvplay XOoyiov, 

^ Herod. I. 44 6 df Kpolcr^ff, r^ ^i^Y f^ iraid^ff (rwrtrapaypivoty pSKk6v 
n /ftfivoXoyerro, ort fur aniicTuwi t6p avT6s <f)6pov tKaBfipf frtpirjptKTtctP dc rff 
avfufiopj dupms, cVoXcc pip Aia Ka^dpaiov. 

c Apoll. Rhod. 4. 698 : 

r^ Kal oni{opMPri Ztjp6s Bipuf 'iKtaioto, 

ts piyo. pip KOTftif ptya d* apbpti^6ptMri» apijfyti^ 

piC* BinprokiffPf otfj r arrokvpaivoprm 

pflkrifU UfTaiy or* c^Wioi aPTt6wrtw 

vputra pip arpivroio Xvr^ptup ^r ifiopoio 

TtipaptPfl Ka6Cirtp$€ (rv6f TtKOs, Ijs Sfrt paCoi 

vXripvpop 'Ko\iTfs cVc pffivos . . . 

KoBapviop ayKokfovcra 
Zfjva frakapvaidP Tiprjopop UtO'UMP, 

d PolluX; 8. 142 TptU Bioifs opvvvm «ccX(vci 2<SX«y, Uto'top KoBdpatop 

*^<^ Zeus 'LccVcoc at Sparta : Paus. 3. 17, 9 Atuu^ipopioi . . . baipopo 

TtpSHTiP ^Efrtdconjv, r^ c'irt EEavaavt^ rov 'Ikcctiov fu^i^i/ia osrorpcfrciv r^f 'Eiri- 

d^i^v XtyoiTfr roOrov. Roehl, /. G. A. 49 A : inscription at Sparta 

AT3^IBolA = Aitiic«ra. 

*> Od. 13. 213 : 

Z§vs a<l>€a£ ruroAro Utr^atotf ot re mi SKkow 
dpBpmnovs ^<Popq, Ka\ runrrai, St rir Apaprjf, 


Cohih» Ira 9. p. 458 Li^ mi rwv Om&v t6p /SacriX/a fifcXc^car, ^ABtfvtuoi dc 
ItaifidienjVf olfuUy Kcikovat : cf. Hesych. S, V. MaifMicrrjf MciXi;(to( ml KaSap- 
atos. Suidas, I. I, p. 1404 At&r K<jfdioV oZ t6 Up€lov AU riBwair Bvown dc 
rf M(iXi;(ci|» Koi rf Kn^iri^ (? 'iKfcrt^), ;(p«Avrai d* avroir ot re ^tppoff>opit»p 
r^v trofifTTlv ariXXoPTttf xal 6 Aifiovxos cV 'EXcvcrm icai aXXoc river irp^ ro^ 
Kofiapfxovtf xmooTOpinnrrts alrra roi£ troaX rStv tray&p, £ustath. p. I935y ^ 
Aiov tKokovv K^dior Uptiov rvOivrot Act MfffXt;^/^ cV roir KoBappolf ([iBunwrot 
MtupoKTfjpi&pof oTt ijyrro rk iropnaSa koi KoBapp&p ck/SoXoI (s rovt Tpt6dovs 
iyipovTo, C» L A, 3. 77 Maifuiicn|p(«yoff Ait FfCiipy^ x' ir<(irayor. £uU. 

de Corr. Bell. 1889, p. 392 Ait MftXex^'^o^ ^'E.vohiq, «al iroXce. Harpocrat 

X. V, MMfiaKTripimv, 6 t prfv trap* ^ABripaioif . . . »v6paarai air6 Aios paifiaKTov, 
paipwcnjs y c'orrly 6 €v6ov(rw^qs km TapaKTiK6s, 

eeot M€tkixioi at Myonia in Locris : Paus. 10. 38, 8 Skaos koI ff^pht 

Btap M(tkt\itii>p €ari' wxTtpival dc al Binriai 6tois rois MciX*;((bftff c^O'i, Km 
thfdk&atu TO Kpia alr6$i irpcy ) rfkiop itrurxtip vopi(oviri. 

^ In Sicyon : Paus. 2.9,6 tan Ztvs Mtikixios kqI "Aprtpts 6vopaCopivfi 
TLarpwiy avp ri^^ ntnottfptpa ovdcfii^* nvpapi^i di 6 MciXc;(coff, 9 dc kIopi 
forty tlKacptPfi, 

^ At Argos : Paus. 2. 20^ i SyaKpd cWi KoBtip^vop ^6t MfiXcxiov, Xci^ 

Xffvxov, EloXvcXcirov dc l/tryoy . . . vaT€pov dc t(K\a re imjyayovro KoBapata ms 
ciri a^an fp<f>vXi<if ical Sycikpa dpeBrjKoy M€iXi;(iov Aidr. 

d At Orchomenos: C. /. Gr. 1568, Inscr. Graec. Septentr. vol. i. 
3169 d wokis Ait MciXcj^ct; (third century b. c). 

• At Chalcis : C /. Or, 2 1 50, doubtful inscr. 

^ At Andros : Mt'/l. d. d, Inst, Alh. 1893, P* 9 votive inscription, 

Ai^ff McXc;(iov. 

K In Chios : inscr. Aiir MiXix/ou ^///. </. i/. Insl. Alh. 1888, p. 223. 

^ (?) At Alaesa in Sicily : C /. Gr. 5594, inscription of pre-Roman 
period mentioning to MfiXixtciov. 

"• a Zeus Tip»p6s in Cyprus : Clem. Alex. ProtrepL P. 33 ovx* ficww 
Zcvc <lMKaKp6t iv "Apy^i ripmphs dc oXXor cv JLxmpt^ TtripTjaBov ; 

>«oa Pollux I. 24 Btoi Xurioi KoBapaun dyyircu <f>v^i . . . iroXofiMiibi 

^ Pherecydes : MUll. Frag. HisU 114x6 Zcvs dc 'UcVior xal 'AXdoropor 

icaXccrai : cf. 103 Avo'cra dc ivtnto'f r^ 'I^toi^i dia roOro (the murder of his 
father-in-law) kqI ovd€U avrop rjBtXtp dypiaiu odrt Bt&p odrt dpBpwrmp' 
Hp&ns yap tpx/ivkiov Spdpa dntKTiu^v, *EX€ri{ras di oMp 6 Zevr dyy/jft. 

^ Aesch. £um, 441 afpp6s frpo<rucT»p ip rpmrott *l((orof : lb, 7^0 
wp^aTOKTQPOiVi wpoorpowvSs 'l^ioiw. 


^ Ap)ollod. 2. I, 5 Koi airat {ra^ Aavaov Bvyartpas) ixadrfpaif *A6qpa re Koi 
'Kpfijft At^f iCfXcvcrayroff. 

^*^ Zeus ♦u^ioff A at ArgOS : PaUS. 2. 21, 2 irpd d^ ovroD wtnoiTjrm £u6t 
^v(lov /3o»fior, Kat irXi^u>v 'Yirt pfunjaTpiis fu^f^ *Afi<f>iapdov fifjTp6s, t6 dc 
mpop 'Yiffpfiiniarf}<is Trjs Aavaov, Id, 3. 1 7> 9 {''V'^ naida r^ aKtpaKij iraici) . . . 
rovTO t6 ayos ovk i^eytiftTO diro^vytw Ilavo-ayia, KaBdpata fravroia koi Utcias 

df^ofMi^ Aior ♦vfiov (? at Sparta or in North Greece). 

^ In Thessaly : Schol. Ap. Rhod. 2. 1 147 <l»v£iov dc r^ Am ol OfaaaXol 

fXryor, ifroc ori firc rov Afv/coAittvor KoratrXvcrfiot) KaT€if>vyop ils avT6v fj dc^ ro 
r&r 4pc(or jcora^vyctv c^s avriSy. 73. 4. 699 ^vfiof ficv Zfvr 6 fiotfO&p toU 

^ On Parnassus : Apollod. I. 7, 5 ArvicaXtMV dc . . . r^ nopraa-a-f fT/XNT- 
iVj^ct, fcfjcci r»v Hfifipmp nav\ap Xafioprap, ixfiiit Bvti Ait ^vf t*i : id. l.g, 6 6 di 
(^pi^f) rov xpv<''<^f^^^°'' Kpt^y Am Bvti ^v(t^. Cf. Apoll. Rhod. 2. II50. 

'^^ Zeus KaBdpaios at Olympia: PauS. 5. 14, 8 KaOapaiov At&s Kol 

^ Herod. I. 44 6 dc KpoUrmSy r^ Btawrtf rtni iraid^r (rvprrrapayfjjposj fiSKkdp 
n fdcftM>XoyeVro, ore fup dtrcicrcivf riv avr^r <I>6pov txaBfipt' fr9pirifxtKT€ctP di Tff 
trvfufiopj dtip»ff cVaXcc /icr Aia Ka^d^crtov. 

c Apoll. Rhod. 4. 698 : 

rf Kai diriCofUPij Zripbs BtfUP 'licfo'toio, 

&r fuya ficv Korcci, ficya d* dpdpa^dpourip dpriyft, 

piC* BwprokiTiPf oifi r dirokvpaivovrat 

pffkfjfit UiTaiy or* {(JHtrrioi dpTidtMrtp 

npurra pip drpcfrroio Xvr^ptup ffyt ^dvoco 

rtipapipfi KaBvirtpBt av6s rcKor, fjs cri /la^oi 

irX^fivpoy Xo;(i7£ ck i^dvor . . . 

KfiBdpaiop dyKakfOvo'a 
Zrjpa frakap»ai»p ripriopov huauMP, 

d Pollux^ 8. 142 Tptls Btovs dpvvpai iccXcvci SdXttr, Uiatop KoBdpatop 

i^a Zeus 'Wo-ioc at Sparta : Paus. 3. 17, 9 AoKt^ipdptot . . . baipopa 

rtfiwriP 'Entdoyrfjp, t6 cirl Ilavaaplif, tov 'iKta-iov piivipa dtrorptrrftp top *£iri- 

dvrrjp \tyopTts toutop. Roehl, /. G, A, 49 A : inscription at Sparta 

AT3^IBolA = A4tiiC€ra. 

b Od, 13. 213: 

Zcvff atfttas TtaaiTo UtrrffrtoSf of re ml SKkcvs 
dpBpmnovs €if>op^ Ka\ ruwrtu, St ric dpdprjj. 


« Aesch. SuppL 385 : 

fiffVcft roe Zfivhi Iktiov kotos 
dwnrapd6t\KTos voBovros ouerois. 

Id, 413: f^* <y BtS>v tdpaiaip &d* ldpvfi€va£ 

cfcdovrcf vfiar r6v wav»\€0pov Stop 
ptipvp avvoiKOP $iftr6fuaff akaaropOy 
ts ovd* €P 'Acdov r^ir 6ap6pT iktv6€poi, 

Jb, 479 I oyoyiei; ZiTV^r oidcia-^ai k&top 

iKTfjpOS* V^UTTOS J^p €P fipOTols (f>6^£, 

"* Zeus 'Anorp^jraios with Athene arrorpowaia at Erythrae : inscription 
of third century b.c. at Smyrna Rof, Arch, 1877, p. 115. Epidaunis: 
Cavvadias Epidaure 119. 

>** Zeus nauiy, Hesych. S. V, Ztvs' Tipartu «p *?6d^. 

^** Zeus 'En-ucovpios : on coins of Alabanda, Imperial period : Head, 
I/tsL Num. p. 519. 

"^ Zeus *op«toff • at Olympia : Paus. 5. 24, 9 6 dt iv r^ povk€VTffpl<if 

vayrvp 6n^a ayakftara Ato( /idXurra tg €icn\rj^p ddUnp apdp&p ircTrotiTToiy 
iniKkfjo'is pip "OpKi^t €<mv aur^), ?x'' ^ *^ iKoripq. lupavp^p x^'P^' 

^ At Tyana : Aristot. p. 845 X/ycrai irrpt rck Tvopa vb»p tipai 'Opidov Aci^. 

^ Soph. 0^^. C^/. 1767 X^ irdvT ditop At&r opKOS. 

**• /<J. 1382 Awn; avpf^pos Zijphs apxaiois p6pois. Aesch. Chotph, 950 
Alio; Aior icdpa. Arist. De Mundo sub fin. r^ dc (Zi;yl) acl (rvvcirrrcu 
diiciy. Soph. Frag, 7^7 XP^^d paKtWfj Ztjubs ffayaarpc^ (^^)* 
Archilochus, Frag, 88 Bergk & Zcv, irdrcp Zcv, a^v /mv ovpopov KpJros, 

ail d* Cjpy* or* opBpwriop 6p^Sy XfcapyA leat Btpurrd, ao\ di Oripiap vffpit 
Tf «al diKrf ficXd. Plut. ad princ, inerud, p. 781 o Zcvr ovie f^fi r^v Auc7r 
vdptbpop aXX* avr&t Aixi; koi 6cfUff cWi. Soph. O^d. Col, 1268 : 

aXX* ccrri y^p kcu ZtjpX (tvpBokos 6p6poip 
Aidtfff fir* tlpyots froo'i, Ka\ np6f crof, ndrtp^ 

Aesch. Suppl, 191 : 

IxTfipiat^ dyakpar alfioitnt Ai((ff, 
a€pp&t txpvaai dia x*P^^ tvt^PvpMP, 

^^' ^ Zeus ScVfor : Plut. 7?^ Exti. 1 3 (p. 605) xal Scyiov Ai^f riftal iroXXoi 
Koi fifyaXai. O^. 1 4. 283 : 

oXX* oir^ «cf Ivor lpv«cc, Ai^r d^ (ufrtjcro fi^Mir 
^u'iov, £f Tf /idXurra Ptpxaaaroi Ktuch tfpya. 


^ At Athens: C. I. A, 2. 475 ^t^yvrjms rofiiat pavxkfipwv koI tfiir6p»p 
rmp <l>€p^¥rmp rrfp <rvPodop tov Ai6f rov StPiov (first century B.C.). C» f* A. 

3. 199 inscription of late period on altar found on Acropolis: t6p^ 

Ambos Koi . . . KOT Spipop r^ ^ivfop (<f>6p<j^ /3a)/i^v ZBtPTo Au. 

^ At Epidaurus : Cavvadias Epidaure 99 nvpo<popri<ras At6£ Smov. 

c At Sparta: Pans. 3. II, 11 com koi Ztvs S€Pio£ lem 'A^va Sci^ui. Cf. 
Philostr. Kl'/. Apoil, 4. 3 1 ircptorayrcr dc avr^i^ ('ATroXXoivcov) o2 AaKtdaifi6puH 
^pop Tf traph r» Au ^ocoOyro. 

d In Rhodes: Awf ((puurrai, Foucart, Assoc, Reiig. pp. 108, 230, 
No. 48. Roman period. 

• In Cyprus: Ov. Me/, 10. 224 Ante fores horum stabat lovis 
hospitis ara. 

^ Plut. Ara/. 54 AiKas yc prjp 6 ^tXimros ov pifxtrras Au (tpi^ koi ^iX(^ 
rijs apoatovpyias ravnj^ tipc^p ditrikiat, 

8 Plato, ZtOWS, p. 729 £ fpfjfJLOs yap iiP 6 ^ivos rrtuptop rt km (rvyycvuv 
ikui»6T€po9 apBpWTOi^ Koi 6tois, 6 bvvaptpos ovp riptopitv paWop fioifBti 
wpoBvp&rtpoP' bvparat di i^ia<f)tp6pT»s 6 ((plos ^KaoTOiP baip«iP ical Btht rm 
(*pU^ avptndptpot Au. 

^ Charondas npoolpta popiop : Stobaeus, 44. c. 40 (vol. 2, p. 1 8 1 Meineke) 

(tpop . . . tv<l)fipo»£ Koi oiKiioiS irpoa^i\€ir6at, km aTroarcXXctv, pMppriptPovs At/6s 
(npitw a»ff frapa rrairtp Idpvpdvov koivov 6*ov km ^ptos ijna'K6itov ^iXo^cvuK re 
ical KaKo(€Pias, 

"• Zeus McToucioy: Bekk. Anecd, I. 51 6 imh rS>p /icrouccop Tip^ptpot. 
'" • Zeus ♦iXioff at Athens : C /. -<4. 2. 1330 'Epapun-ai Au ♦iXt^ dp€$€(rap 

i4> '^yn<rtov &pxopTo% (b.c. 324-3), on a seat in the theatre at Athens: 
C, LA, 3. 285 If /Max Aihi ^Cklav \ private dedications at Athens C,I,A, 
2. 1330, 1572, 1572 B (of fourth century B.C.). 

*> At Megalopolis: Paus. 8. 31, 4 toC ntpifiokov d€ iariP €Pr6t ^iklov 
Aidr Pa6Sf IloXvieXf /tov piP tov *Apyiiov to ayakpa, Atopvatf^ dc ipif>€p€t* K66opPoi 
rt yhp imMipaTCL iarip avrf , km I^^ci r^ X*^P^ tKntapa, r§ dc irtpi^ Ovpaop, 
Ki&BtfTai dc d«r^s cirl r^ Bvpa^, 

« At Epidaurus : EpA, Arch, 1883, p. 31 Ait *i\i^ llvpoiot kot Upap 
(late period). 

d On coins of Pergamum of Imperial period : Head, Jits/. Num, 
p. 464. 

• Pherecrates, Mein. Frag. Com, Pot/, 2, p. 293 1^ top «iXtoy : cf. 
Menander, td, 4. 85. Diodorus, t'd, 3. 543 tA yAp trapaatrtip tlp€P 6 Zt^t 


i ^iXiOff 6 T&v Btw fuyiaros 6fiok»tyoviMPc»9, Dio Chrys. Or, 12 (Dind. i, 

p. 237) ^iXior dc cat 'Eraiptlot (Zcvr cirovo/idfrroi) ori irdvrat dpBp^wovt 
avvayti koi fiovktrat <f>ikovf tivai aXX^Xoer. 

"* Zeus 'Eraipflos : • Hesych. j. v, 'Ermpitos* 6 Zths fV KpfiTff : Athenae. 

p. 572 D from Hegesandros r^y r«v rniipidciMV iofnifv avmXowri MdyptfTttr 
iirropovai dc irpS>Tov ^laaova Th¥ Aurovos frvpayayovra rovg *Kpyo¥avTas croipct^ 
Att Bvirai jcai r^v iopTfjP crcupidria vpoaayoptwrai' Bvovai dc mi o2 Moxf d<$v«ir 
jSaiTiXm r^ h-Mplitia. 

^ Herod, i. 40: Diphilos, Mein. I^rag, Com. Poet. 4. p. 384*Eyx*oir 
fiforfiPj r6 Bvrjfvhv ntpucakynrt r^ 6i^* frl6t* ravra yap nap* rjpw Aior rnuptioVf 

'•^ Zeus Moipoyrnys • at Olympia : PaUS.5. 15, 5 *\6vti M tVi r^r fll^(riir 
r«y iTTTTCDy cor* /3ci>fior, iniypapfui df cV* aur^ Mocpaycr^* d^Xa o^v co'riv cVi- 

^ Near Akakesion in Arcadia : Paus. 8. 37, i rV r^ ro«x? ^^^ XcvkoC 

rviroi nuroaifuvotf Koi rf /mv f to-ir ivtipyaafiivai Mdtpai leal Z«vr hriickriartp 

c At Delphi : Paus. 10. 24. 4 cV dc r^ vof • . . con^icf . . . dydX^ra 
Moi/jo>v dvo' oPTi dc auTMv r^f rpirrif Ztvs rt Motpayrnjs mu *A7rdXX»y affiiai 
vapiarriKt Moipaycn/r. 

<l At Athens : C.I, A, i. 93 Ail Moipay€Tji (fragmentary inscription of 
fifth century b. c). 

^^ Zeus *Epaiaipot : Hesych. s, v, *Ev KopttVfif. 

*** 'a/>oXvro( : epithet of Zeus and Hera at Camirus : Foucart in Rev. 
Arch, 1867, p. 31 I'pcvff A*off fcot "Hpas *fipoXvra>v cV Uovraptl^, inscription 
of Roman period. 

iMa Titles of doubtful meaning: Zeus *AaPanaio£: Strabo, 537 l*p«- 
cvprf Ai^ff ^Ktrfianaiav (in Cappadocia). 

*> Zeus Bidaroff: C, I. A, 2. 549, inscription belonging to Cretan 
city of Lyctus (? second century, b.c.) iftpvta , . , T^pa bMtqp. 

<5 Zeus Boftoff : on coins of Phrygian Hierapolis, Head, His/. Num. 

p. 565. 

^ Zeus reXxaM$c or ft\xap6s in Crete: Hesych. s.v, Ztvt naph mpurl^ 
(? nap^ 'Airpcai^ Or irapa Kpijcn), on coins of Phaestos, Ov. Kumt- 
Myihol, I. p. 197, MUnztaf, 3. 3. 

« Zeus 'EXiwo/icror : Hesych. x.r. z«m tV Kvp^i^; (Preferring to the 
festival holidays). 


' Zeus *£mpirvnof : Hesych. s,v. z^vt w KprfTfj. 

« Zeus ^Epi^fuos: Hesych. s.v. z«w cV Pddy (?) referring to Zeus of 
the popular assembly ; cf. Ilw^^ifws. 

*> Zeus Aapaatos I on coins of Tralles, perhaps from a place called 
Larasa in the vicinity, Head, His/, Num. p. 555 Up€vs roO Ai^ rod 
Aapaaiou, inscription from Tralles, Mi//, d. d. Ins/. A/h. 1886, p. 204. 

* Zeus Miur^oXan^M^ff in Lydia : C, I. Gr. 3438, 3439. 

k Zeus Momrtof in Crete: Cauer, Delec/} 117 •Opwc 'if/NnrvrvMN^ 
*0/mM» . . . Zj\wa Mopvmop Koi "Hpav. At Olymos in Caria, inscription 
in Afi//. d. d. Ins/. A/h, 1889, p. 375. 

1 Zeus 'OpKOfioiftinit : Inscr. BtpKio3. km Move, Ifivpmffs 1 873, p. 71, 
23 'EwiKTriTos Au 6pKaiiamiTfi tvxh^' 

™ Zeus Uariiot : on coins of Dionysopolis in Phrygia of Imperial 
period, Head, His/, Num, p. 562. 

o Zeus 7,rQiyftvt at Sicyon: Bekk. Anted, 2. 790 Swrv^yfoi Kori 
o Zeus SvXXawoff at Sparta: Plut. Lycurg, 6 pdmuuf <V AcX^^r 

KOfiiaai (AvKovpyov) . . . j)v prp'pav KoXovaiP' *£;t<i dc our»r* Acor Si/XXay/ov 
jcal '/iSrpfos 2vXXapias upiuf lipvo'diifyoy ifnikas ifnt\d(avTa Koi »)3ar »/3a^ 
ayra. . . . 

P 2^us Ivpydtmjt : on coins of Tium on the Euxine of Imperial 
period. Head, His/. Num. p. 444. 

Q Zeus ToXXaiiir at Olus in Crete: Cauer, Delec/^. 120 (inscription 
about arbitration between Latus Olus and Cnossus) Bifitv orciXoy . . . 

iv dff *OXdiTi eV r^ lap^ ra> Zrivh^ ra> TaXXatov : cf. 121 '0/avuo» rav 'Eariav 
. . . jcol roy A^Mi rov *Ayopaio» Ktu tuv Arjva rov TaXXalov. Cf. TdXtTirrjs at 

Sparta, Wide, Lakonische Kulle, p. 4. 

>»7 a Worship of the twelve gods at Athens : Thuc. 6. 54 UniritrrpaTot 

6 'Imrlov Tov TvpafvtvaavTos vios . . . Sv t&v doidfica 6tu>v finfioy r&i' eV r^ 
Jyop9 f^px^^ dytBrjKt. Xen. Hipparch. 3, 2 kqc fV ruts A(oia;a(occ df 01 
;(0/>'>f vpoafnixapiCorrai nXXois rt Otms kqi rois da»dcira x^P^^*^*^» Herod* 
6. 108 *K6fivai»¥ Ipa nouvvrtov roitri ba^Ka Btoiai^ Utrai «(6fiftKH in\ tov 
fimfidWf ihiboamf atfitas avrovt (ol flXaraiccr). PauS. I* 3* 3 ^roa dc SnurBtp 
YKodofUjrm ypa<f>ds txovaa ^«otrr rovt ^bfxa xakovfuvovv, Val. Max. 8. 1 3 

cum Athenis duodecim Deos pingeret (Euphranor). C /. ^. 2. 57 ^ 

€€(atr6ai rov KripvKa . . . r^ Ait ra *OXvf»ri^ icai rj *A3ijv^ rf/ UoKidHi icdi rj 

^^iiffrpi Koi rj Kdpif koi roir doidfica Otois ( just before the battle of Man- 
tinea). Id, 3. 284 /epcMf datdfKa 6t»v OH a seat in the theatre. Archaic 
VOL. I. N 


inscription from Salamis, C. /. ^. i. 420 rmr ^«^Ka 6901s. Cf. C. I. 

Gr. 452 ^akaiiivioi Ttixps (?) rcis ta^fKa Btois ^6\»pos. 

^ In Megara, in the temple of Artemis Soteira: Paus. i. 40, 3 r«r 

dotdiKa 6vofMa(oiif¥€av 6*S>u tarlv ayaXfwraf tpya ciku Xcyd/iCKi Il/xi^irfXovr. 
« At Delos, BulL de Corr. Hell, 1882, p. 28. 
d At Thelpusa in Arcadia : Paus. 8. 25, 3 ^«»v Upiiv r&w biabtKa. 
• At Olympia: Pind. 01. 2. ^o 6 If ap eV ultnf, . . . Aior aX«rcfu>r vlU 

OToBfiaTO (affioif ak<ros warpi fAtyia^'tf . . . rifidaais n6pop *AX0eoO fitra 
da>dfic* ciyaicrflov Biav, Cf. O/. 5* 5* 

f In Aeolis near M}Tina: Strabo, 622 *AxaiS»v Xifi^y, on-ov ol p»fio\ 
ra>y daidcica ^wi^ : on Cape Lecton, Strabo, 605 P»fi6s t»v d»d<ica ^wr 
diiKwraij Kokowri d* * Ayafitfivovos Ibpvfia, 

K Near Ephesus : C. /. Gr. 3037 ifpcvr ^»d*Ka Bt&v (late period). 
*» In Xanthos: C. L Gr, 4269, (?) early fourth century B.C., ov^U 

ira> AvKUDy 0x17X171^ roiapS' dv€3rjK€u d<&dfica ^otr ayopat «V KoBap^ rtfuvti. 

1 On the Bosporus : Apoll. Rhod. 2. 534 <V dc r<$^cr fAwcdptatn dv»- 

deica do>fi^(ravrcr P<ofi6if SKos prfyfuvi ntprjif Ka\ e<^' 2rpa Bivrts ', HellanicUS, 
Frag, 15 dttdcKQ ^ctti' fi€ifi6v Idpvararo (^fVKakii»v\ 

^ In Crete, at Hierapytna: Aft'//, d, d, Inst, Ath, 1893, p. 275 *AiroX- 

Xfi>yi A€KaTa<l)6p<f^ Koi rois ^B€ica Btois Koi *hBa»aiq, IloXiadt. 

1 At Leontini : Polyaen. 5* 5« ^ ^^^ Kparfiatofuif r^r fnSXcMC d(r^aXa*ff 

^^ Lucian, 'Ixapoptv. c, 24 Ijv yap YTorc XP^^^^t ^* '^^^ pavrit idoKOw 
avrois Koi carper icac nayra oXo>r i^i' cya> (Zcvr) . . . e( o^ dc cV AeX^ir /ify 
'AvrdXXttv r6 fiavreiov Karcor^a-aro, fV Iltpydptd dc t& uirpcloy 6 'Ao-fcXTfrcor, 
icoi t6 Btifditfiov tytPtTo iv Qp^Kjj, km t6 *Avovffi^ioif cV Atyunry «cac r& 
*ApT€fjLurioif cV *E<t>€<r<iif cVi ravra /acv Sfrayrcr Oiovin , , , ipi dc Unrntp wapfi' 
tif)K6fTa iKavSis TtTifirjK€V<u pofAi^ovarif ^ but itivrt o\<av irw Bimaw <V 



The cult of Hera is less manifold and less spiritual than 
many other Greek cults, but possesses great historic interest. 
It can be traced in most parts of ancient Greece, and had the 
strongest hold upon the sites of the oldest civilization, Argos, 
Mycenae, and Sparta; we can find no trace of its impor- 
tation from without, no route along which it travelled into 
Greece; for in the islands, with the exception of Euboea 
and Samos where the legend connected the worship with 
Argos, it is nowhere prominent, nor does it appear to have hacj 
such vogue in Thessaly and along the northern shores as it had 
in Boeotia, Euboea, Attica, Sicyon, Corinth, and the Pelopon- 
nese**^^. We may regard the cult then as a primeval heritage 
of the Greek peoples, or at least of the Achaean and Ionic 
tribes ; for its early and deep influence over these is attested 
by the antiquity and peculiar sanctity of the Argive and 
Samian worship. Whether it was alien to the Dorians in their 
primitive home, wherever that was, is impossible to decide ; 
in the Peloponnese no doubt they found and adopted it, 
but they may have brought it with them to Cos and Crete, 
where we find traces of it. The Hera T^Xx^vCa of Rhodes, 
like the Spartan and Argive Hera, was probably pre-Doriaa 
And while her worship shows scarcely any hint of foreign 
or Oriental influence, it is also comparatively pure of savage 
rites and ideas — containing, for instance, certain allusions 
to primitive customs of marriage, but no native tradition of 
human sacrifice*. 

* Among the divinities to whom Hera, bnt the Egyptian goddess whom 
hnman sacrifioe was or had been offered, he chooses to call Hera; De Abstin, 
Porphyry nowhere mentions the Greek a. 55. 

N % 

i8o . GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

In the earliest period to which by record or monument 
wc can get back Hera was worshipped as the wife of Zeus, 
and the goddess who protected the institution of marriage 
among men*. No doubt in her favourite sites her religion 
was so predominant that it cast other cults, even that 
of Zeus, into the shade ; but in the myth and most ancient 
ritual of Plataea, Samos, and Argos, we can discover the 
recognition of the husband-god by her side. The antiquity 
of the U/&09 yiyios in many parts of Greece ^'^ would by itself 
be sufficient proof of the very primitive conjunction of the 
two divinities ; and there is no reason to say that the fairly 
frequent union of their cults of which we have record belongs 
in all cases to a later period. On Mount Arachnaion altars 
were erected to Zeus and Hera*, at which men prayed for rain; 
and sacrifice was offered in Argos to Zeus Nemeios and Hera 
the Argive together ^ At Lebadea^ Pausanias found the joint 
worship of * King-Zeus * and Hera the * holder of the reins,' 
a curious title that will be referred to later. In Crete the 
name of Hera is coupled with that of Zeus * the Cretan-born "'* 
in the formula of the public oath, at Cyprus she was wor- 
shipped with Zeus Polieus and Aphrodite^, and in Caria she 
is united in the inscriptions with Zeus Panamaros and Zeus 
Bot;Aai09 ^. 

The worship of Hera, as it is presented to us in Homer 
and in the cults, has become divested of the physical meaning 
or symbolism, whatever that was, that may have formed the 
original groundwork of it. We have seen how various were the 
physical functions of Zeus, and we may in some sense call him 
a god of the sky ; but we cannot award to Hera any par- 
ticular province of nature. Of course many departments have 
been claimed for her : for Dr. Schliemann and Herr Roscher 
she is obviously the moon — for M. Ploix *the double one,' 
that is the twilight — for Empedocles and Welcker the earth ^*. 
What she may have been at the beginning of time is not our 
present concern : we have only to ask whether for historical 
Greece she was ever worshipped as the moon, or the air, 
or the earth, or some other physical element, function, or 

* See Appendix A at the end of the chapter and R. i-ii. 

vn.] HERA. i8i 

power. Now a review of the evidence leads to the conviction 
that the ordinary Greek did not think — although certain 
philosophers may have said — that Hera was the moon. She 
is not necessarily the moon because Homer calls her cow- 
faced or ox-eyed, and because Dr. Schliemann found some 
little cow-shaped ivaOijfxaTa at Mycenae ; nor because she 
protected marriage and aided or retarded childbirth, or 
because at Nemea she was on friendly terms with Selene*, 
or because occasionally she rode in a chariot. All this might 
have happened merely because she was the lawful wife of 
Zeus, and the cow was a prominent animal among her earliest 
tribe of worshippers. The torch, which in some doubtful 
representations a figure supposed to be Hera is carrying, 
might be the marriage-torch, and is not necessarily the symbol 
of the moon's light ^ ; the crown of rays about her head on 
late coins of Chalcis®^* is a rare and doubtful sign, proper 
to her as a celestial divinity; the goat sacrificed to her at 
Sparta and Corinth need have had no celestial significance % 
but was probably the earthly food of a tribe who imputed 
to the goddess tastes like their own, and naively called her 
alyo(f>ayo%^'^^y *^^. The only arguments for the theory that 
she was the air are the false etymology ^* and the tradition 
that she was often angry with Zeus, and the air seems often 
angry in Greece as elsewhere. 

But more serious and real is Welckers theory* that 
she was originally an earth-goddess and that the Greeks 
themselves were at times aware of this **. It is well to 
notice the arguments that might be urged for this, 
apart from any attempt to give the etymology of the 
name. If she were an earth -goddess, we should suppose that 
she would be regarded at times as the giver of fruits and 
especially of corn. Now there is an interesting Argive legend 
which told of the king of the country who first yoked oxen 
to the plough and dedicated a temple to Hera * the goddess 
of the yoke,' and who called the ears of corn * the flowers 
of Hera^^*'. From whatever source the legend was taken, 

• Miiller, Fra^. Hist. Grace . 2. p. 30. • Cf. Hesych. s. v. O^/xiyia djf. 

^ Vide p. an. ** Gricch, GoUerl, i. pp. 363-370. 

i82 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

part of it seems genuine — namely, the statements that Hera 
was called ZevftSfa in Argos, and that the ears of corn 
were called *the flowers of Hera.' We gather also that in 
Argolis the cult-title of * Euboea/ the * goddess rich in oxen,' 
was attached to her ; for Pausanias declares that Euboea, 
Prosymna, and Acraea were nurses of Hera, and we know how 
apt was Greek legend to create new and separate personages 
out of mere epithets of a divinity detached from the proper 
name and then misunderstood. We know also that ' Prosymna,' 

* the goddess to whom the hymn was raised,' and ' Acraea,' 

* the goddess worshipped on the heights,' were actually cult- 
titles of Hera in Argolis, and the latter was in vogue also in 
Corinth ^"j^^*^. We may conclude then that *Euboea' also 
designated Hera, and that the island itself, which was full of 
the legend of Zeus and Hera's marriage and of lo her other 
form, received its name from the goddess worshipped there •^^ 
But this is not by itself sufficient proof that the goddess was 
worshipped as earth-goddess at Argos: these cults and legends 
allude to the beginnings of civilization and the introduction 
of corn-growing. Now Athene revealed the use of the olive 
to the Athenians and Zeus himself is called /mopto;, but 
neither Athene nor Zeus are personifications of the earth, 
although the olive grows from the earth. It is an important 
principle to bear in mind for the interpretation of Greek or 
other myths, that all which a divinity does for its worshippers 
cannot always or need not be explained by reference to some 
single idea, physical or other, of that divinity : as a tribe 
advances in civilization it will impute its own discoveries to 
its patron god or goddess. And Hera was the tutelary 
deity of Argos. 

Again, we need not conclude that she was an earth-goddess 
because she had the epithet *Av$€Ca, nor because flowers were 
especially used in her religious ceremonies at Sparta and 
we hear of female flower-bearers in her great temple near 
Argos. The flower was an occasional symbol of other god- 
desses and might be appropriate to a spring feast or marriage- 
rite : and certain flowers were sacred to her that possessed 
medicinal virtue with a view to offJspring^* *'»**. 

VII.] HERA. 183 

We have to deal also with the myth that Hera was the mother 
of the earth-bom Typhoeus, the last enemy that threatened 
Olympus, a monster who seems to have had some connexion 
with volcanoes and subterranean forces ^* •. Now if this myth 
were ancient and genuine we should say that Hera was here 
regarded as the earth-goddess or chthonian power. But it does 
not seem at least to have been known to Hesiod, who makes 
the earth-goddess, Ge, the parent of Typhoeus : it is only 
recorded by the author of the Homeric hymn to Apollo*, and 
by Stesichorus : in the former we hear that Hera, being jealous 
of the birth of Athene, resolved to emulate Zeus by producing 
a child independently, and after praying to the heaven and 
earth and the Titans to grant her an offspring that might be 
stronger than Zeus, she gave birth to Typhoeus — a creature 
*Iike neither to the immortal gods nor to men.' It may well 
be that Stesichorus borrowed this strange legend and brought 
it also into connexion with the birth of Athene, a theme 
which we know was celebrated in one of his poems. But can 
wc account for the version in the Homeric hymn — a version 
which seems altogether inconsistent with the Olympian charac- 
ter of Hera — by saying that the poet supposes her to be the 
same as mother-earth? If so, it is a very inexplicable fact 
that this conception of Hera, which according even to Welcker 
had faded away from the religious consciousness, and of which 
Hesiod, who makes Ge the mother of the monster, seems 
ignorant, should have been rediscovered by the author of 
the hymn and by Stesichorus. 

But is there no other explanation ? We cannot reject the 
eccentric myth simply because it is an obvious interpolation 
in the text where it occurs — for it is a genuine though a mis- 
placed fragment, and we have also the authority of Stesichorus. 
Now we see at once that the author of this passage in the 
hymn, so far from confusing Ge with Hera, is explicit in 
distinguishing them, for Hera herself makes appeal to the 
Earth. In their genealogies the poets sometimes seem capri- 
ciously to depart from the popular tradition, and we need 
not always suppose that they are in such cases putting on 

• 11. 350-354- 

i84 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

record some primeval and half-buried idea or some foreign 

It may be in this case that the poet g^ives this strange 
account of Typhoeus' birth simply because of the part that 
Hera plays in the epic drama, because in fact of her hostility 
to Zeus which appears also in the singular l^end of Briareus 
Aegaeon. We may compare with this the legend given by 
Hesiod that Hera cherished the Lernaean Hydra and the 
Nemean lion ; to explain this we need not go back to any 
prehistoric conception of Hera the earth-goddess, the mother 
of monsters : the explanation may suffice that as Hera was 
hostile to Heracles, and these animals were destined to give 
him trouble, she was naturally thought to have been answer- 
able for their breeding. A slight touch of affinity between 
two ideas is enough for the constructiveness of the Greek 
mythic fancy. Again, in one of Sophron*s mimes Hera was 
made the mother of Hekate, who there appeared as a nether 
goddess under the name of "AyycAos* ; but the whole version 
is a naive burlesque, and proves nothing about Hera's 
original character as an earth-goddess. In Pausanias' 
account of Boeotia we hear of an archaic statue at Coronea, 
carved by Pythodorus of Thebes, showing Hera with the 
Sirens in her hand**. Now the Sirens are most commonly 
sepulchral symbols, emblems of the lower world, and called 
'daughters of the earth' by Euripides^; and if Hera were an 
earth-goddess, the Sirens would be thus naturally explained. 
But they also were regarded as the personifications of charm 
and attractiveness, and on the hand of Hera they may simply 
denote the fascination of married life. In the same sense, in 
later mythology ® Hera is called the mother of the Charites, 
which is not a physical, but an ideal genealogy. 

Again, it is said by Welcker, and not without some show of 
probability, that in certain cults her primeval character as 
earth-goddess was vaguely remembered; especially in the 
solemn festival of the Upos yiixos, prevalent from the most 
ancient times in very many parts of Greece. We have record 

• SchoL Theocr, 2, la. «> HeL 167. 

« Camutus 15. 

vn.] HERA. 185 

direct or indirect of the ceremony, or of a myth that points to it, 
in Plataea^ Euboea, Athens, Hermione, Ai^os, Arcadia, Samos, 
Crete, and in the Italian Falisci, and we may believe that it 
existed in other sites of the Hera-worship than these^**** ", "•. 
This Uphs yiyLos of Zeus and Hera is supposed to be the personal 
expression of the marriage of earth and heaven in spring, 
* when the tilth rejoices in the travail of the corn-ear.* The 
Homeric description of the union of Zeus and Hera on Mount 
Ida is often interpreted as an echo of some ancient hymn that 
celebrated the mystery ; and the cloud in which he shrouds him- 
self and the goddess, and the flowers that spring up beneath 
them, are regarded as obvious symbols of the spring ; while at 
Argos we have the legend of Zeus pursuing Hera in the form 
of a cuckoo, and the name of the mountain, KoKxvytoi;, on 
which they were first united, to suggest that the bridal was in 
this land associated with the spring-time. It may well have 
been associated with it ; but must we therefore say that the 
Argive Upos ycf/xo? was a mere impersonation of the spring 
union of earth and heaven ? The cloud on the mountain-top 
might be a sign of the presence of the god, and the flowers 
on the mountain-side might be thought to betoken his nuptial 
rites; but did the people of Argos therefore of necessity 
believe that their Zeus and Hera were personal forms of the 
fertilizing cloud and the spring-earth, or was Jehovah a per- 
sonification of the cloud for the Jews, because 'clouds and 
darkness were round about Him * ? If this were the complete 
meaning of the Uphs yaixos at Argos it could scarcely have 
been so in Attica if the Attic month Gamelion, our January, 
took its name from the marriage of Zeus and Hera, as there are 
some grounds for supposing. Besides, in whatever countries 
the rites of the Upbs yaixos are described for us, we see no 
reference to the fertile growths of the year, but rather to the 
customs of human nuptials. In Samos ®^ the custom was 
sanctioned — as it has been in many parts of Europe — of the 
betrothed pair having intercourse before marriage ; therefore 
the Samians boldly declared that Zeus had similar intercourse 
with Hera before wedlock : the Samian priestess at a yearly 
ceremony secretly made off with the idol of Hera and hid it 

i86 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

in a lonely place in the woods by the shore*, in the midst 
of a withy brake, where it was then re-discovered and cakes 
were set by its side, possibly as bridal offerings ®^ • : in all this 
we have an allusion to the secret abduction of the bride, and 
we see the anthropomorphism of a people who made the life 
of their god the mirror of their own. The whole island was 
consecrated to Hera, and, as far as we have record of the 
ritual, to Hera the bride of Zeus. * Bring wine and the 
Muses' charmful lyre,* sings a Samian poet, *that we may 
sing of the far-famed bride of Zeus, the mistress of our island/ 
Its ancient name, indeed, had been Parthenia, but this was in 
the Carian period ^ and was derived not from Hera Parthenos, 
but from the Parthenos or unmarried goddess, whose cult can 
be traced along the coast of Asia Minor to the Black Sea. 
After the Hellenic settlement, the legends and the rites 
seem almost exclusively to point to the marriage-goddess. 
Even the legend of the birth of Hera in the island under 
a withy-bush may have been suggested by the use of the 
withies in the annual ceremonial, when the goddess's image 
was wrapped round in them as in a sort of bridal bed, and by 
the supposed medicinal value of the withy for women. After 
lying some time on its secluded osier-couch, the idol was 
purified and restored to the temple ; the sacred marriage was 
supposed to have been complete. As the married goddess 
she became, in Samos as elsewhere, the divinity who protected 
marriage and birth, as we learn from a prayer in the Antho- 
logy : * O Hera, who guardest Samos and hast Imbrasos as 
thy portion, receive these birthday offerings at our hands ^^ •.* 
The Samian worship was connected by the legend with the 
Argive^''*''^'36. ^ut in Argolis the functions of the goddess 
were more manifold, for Argos alone among the Greek com- 
munities, so far as we have record, recognized her in some sense 
as the foundress of its civilization, as the power who taught 
them to sow the land, and who for this and for other reasons 
was gratefully styled the Benefactress ; also as the goddess of 

* In the passage from Athenaeus tion d^7vifc<r^i accepted by Meineke 
given R. 65 •, the reading d^oi'ifccrtfcu misses the point, 
should certainly be retained ; the correc- ^ Vide Artemis, R. 37. 

VII.] HERA. 187 

religious song, to whom a special kind of melody was con- 
secrated^ and who took one of her titles, ITpocrv/ii/ata, from the 
hymns of praise addressed to her. The Argive festival in 
fact reflected more of the people's life than any other of which 
we hear, except perhaps the Samian. In both there seems to 
have been some allusion to her as a goddess who aided her 
people s warfare ; for as in the Samian sacrifice the people 
marched in armed procession, so in the Argive we hear of 
the armed march and of the contest for the shield of Hera. 
As regards the nature of this, Schoemann* describes it 
as a contest of spearmen, who, running at full speed, threw 
their spears at a brazen shield that was hung up, the man who 
struck it down winning and bearing it as his trophy. This is 
somewhat more than we know ; but we know that the feast of 
Hera at Argos, or ' the feast of the hundred oxen,' was also 
called the * brazen contest,' or the * feast of the shield,' and 
that the pride of the man who took down and won the shield 
passed into a proverb. The rest of the festival bore reference 
to the bride. In describing the rites of Falerii ^® °, which were 
similar to the Argive, Dionysios of Halicarnassus speaks of 
the chaste maiden with the sacrificial vessels upon her head 
who began the sacrifice, and the choruses of maidens who 
celebrated the goddess in ancient songs of their land. The 
messenger in the Electra of Euripides summons her to the 
Argive festival, where * all the maidens are about to go in 
solemn order to the presence of Hera ^.* And we have scat- 
tered indications showing that the performance of the sacred 
marriage was a necessary part of the yearly ceremony at Argos 
as at Samos ; and by a probable combination of the various 
statements we may get the following outline of the ritual. A 
car drawn by white oxen conveyed the priestess from the city 
to the temple, probably to play the part of the wix4>€VTpia or 
attendant on the goddess at her nuptials, whose image was 
possibly borne in the car by her side. The actual solemnity 
may have taken place outside the temple, where a couch of 
Hera was seen by Pausanias, and the Kexipva mentioned by 
Hesychius as a sacrifice performed by the Argives to their 

• Griechischc AlterthiifMr, 2, p. 491. 

i88 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

goddess may have referred to the strewing the couch with twigs, 
before the puppet-image which was possibly the little wooden 
idol of the seated goddess from Tiryns was placed upon it ; 
for we gather from the lines in Theocritus about the Up^f 
yayios ^' ^ that the preparation of the marriage-bed was part of 
the rite. And some allusion was conveyed in this mystery-play 
to the perpetual renewal of the virginity of Hera **. Finally, 
the cult of Hera Eileithyia in Argos arose from the prevailing 
aspect of her as the goddess of wedlock ^. In this vague record 
of the ritual there is little express reference to Zeus, but 
evidently he is implicitly associated with her, and it was pro- 
bably her union with him that gave her the title in Argos *^ of 
* Hera the queen*', as the * King-Zeus ' was worshipped at 
Lebadea in conjunction with Hera ' the charioteer,* a strange 
epithet^ that might be naturally explained if we suppose that 
there also the figure of Hera was borne in the chariot in some 
performance of the Upbs yitws ^®, *®^ 

If legend and some express statements of ancient writers 
are to be trusted, the cult and probably the ritual of Argos 
spread to other Greek communities and beyond the Greek 
world. Not only at Samos, but at Aegina also, Sparta, Locris, 
Alexandria, on the north shores of the Adriatic, on the 
south coast of Italy, and at Falerii we find traces of this 
worship ®*» *®*'' ^^» ®^' ®^' ^*. Probably the mystery-play was 
borrowed also. It is specially recorded that the Aeginetans 
brought with them from Argos the feast of the Hekatomboea, 
and the curious description preserved by Ovid of the rites 
of the Falisci suggests that there also the performance of 
the sacred marriage was part of the sacrifice ^•®. The 
festival was celebrated by games, sacrifices, and a solemn 
procession. The image of Hera was borne, probably in 
a chariot drawn by white heifers, down ways that were 
hung and strewn with drapery, while flute-players followed 

• We hear of Hera jScuriAif or fioaiXtia it is once applied to Aphrodite i^Aihenae, 

at Lebadea, Athens, Lindos and Ter- p. 510) and once to Cybele (Died, 

messns, R. 1, 60, 69; in a later period the Sic. 3. 57). 

name is merely a translation of Juno *> We may compare the title of Hera 

Regina (vide C. I. G. 4040 and 4367 f.) ; Hippia at Elis, R. 46 ^ 
the title is hers par excellence, though 

VII.] HERA. 189 

and maidens bearing the sacred vessels on their heads. An 
interesting part of the ceremony was the slaying of the female 
goat ; youths threw spears at her, and he who struck her got 
her as a prize, and the practice may have been derived from 
the competition for the shield at Ai^os. But more important 
is the story explaining why the goat was killed. The goddess 
hated her, because when Hera had fled to the woods and con- 
cealed herself the animal revealed her lurking-place, and she 
had to return to her people. * The fashion of the procession 
is Argive.' We have here a link between Argos, Samos, and 
Falerii, for the goat-story points to some ceremony of hiding 
the image of Hera in the woods and bringing it home again. 
In the other places where the Argive Hera was worshipped 
similar rites may have survived. 

We gather from Pausanias and Plutarch that ceremonies 
of the same meaning were performed at Plataea in the feast 
of Daedala. Both these authors record a humorous Plataean 
legend, which told how Hera had become irreconcilably 
angry with Zeus, had deserted him and hidden herself on 
Mount Cithaeron; but Zeus bethought himself of a ruse to 
bring her back. He gives out that he is going to marry 
again, and prepares his marriage with much ceremony: he 
gets some one to carve a puppet and dress her up as a bride, 
and her name is Daedale, and she is carried in bridal pomp 
along the roads near Cithaeron. Hera hears of it, flies to 
the spot in a furious fit of jealousy, and sets Zeus escorting 
his bride. She falls on Daedalc to demoh'sh her, and then 
discovers the joke ; whereupon she is reconciled to Zeus, and 
pays certain honours to the puppet, but in the end bums her 
through jealousy ^ ^'^ 

The interpretation of all this is easy enough, and there is no 
better instance of an aetiological myth, invented to explain 
a rite. The myth implicitly tells us that the Plataeans had 
preserved from prehistoric times the processional ceremony of 
the Uphs yaixost in which the puppet of Hera, adorned as a bride, 
was carried along, and in some way or other married to Zeus. 
Then the original religious sense of this becomes obscured, 
and the puppet is called Aai,bd\% and the naive story invented. 

igo GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

The rites of the great Daedala, celebrated by all the cities of 
Boeotia, appear to have been almost identical. A iai^e num- 
ber of haCbaXa or wooden idols were prepared ; but only one 
special image of the goddess was adorned as a bride and taken 
to the banks of the Asopus, washed, and thence escorted to 
the top of Cithaeron in a chariot, with a priestess attending on 
it as wiJL(f>€VTpia, and the Boeotian people following with the 
bridal song and the music of the flute. A vast altar had been 
erected on the summit and strewn with brushwood, and at 
the close of the ceremony all the idols, together with the 
sacrifices, were burnt upon it. It is possible that the altar, 
which according to Plutarch was built in the style of a stone 
dwelling, had already played its part in the mystery as 
a nuptial chamber. 

But where in all this is any allusion to the marriage of 
heaven and earth? At Olympia, the festival of Hera, of 
which the performance of the marriage drama may have 
been part, contained no allusion to the goddess of the earth or 
spring-time, so far as we hear. Young girls ran races in honour 
of Hera*, a custom instituted by Hippodameia as a thank- 
offering for her marriage and in commemoration of the race 
of Pelops and Oinomaos*^"*^. We hear of a temple of Hera 
Parthenos at Hermione, and the legend of the sacred marriage 
and probably the ritual were in vogue in the neighbourhood^ *»\ 
And at Stymphalus in Arcadia three festivals were solemnized 
that celebrated the three stages of Hera's career as UapOivoi 
or nat9, TcAefa, and X?}pa, the latter epithet denoting a married 
woman who lives apart from her husband ^^*. * Rouse thy 
comrades,' Pindar exclaims to the leader of his chorus at 
Stymphalus, * to sing the praise of Hera the maid.' Here the 
theory of physical symbolism has much to say : "Hpa xi^pa^the 
divorced goddess, is the barren earth in autumn and winter 
when there is no production, and we are reminded of the 
festival of Hera at Corinth ^*, which was a -nivOnios hpTtj, *a feast 
of lamentation,' expressing perhaps that sorrow for the fall of 
the year which was part of the rites of Adonis and the Oriental 

• A charming statue in the Vatican, of Peloponnesian style, presents us with 
one of these girl-runners. 

viL] HERA. 191 

Aphrodite. There were many foreign elements in the state- 
reh'gion of Corinth ; but the Arcadian festival must be 
genuinely Hellenic. Now if Xrjpa, the widowed goddess, is to 
be identified with the winter earth *, how are we to interpret 
UapBiros ? It would not naturally be a title of the young earth 
in spring ; for the earth is then wedded, nor are the seasons 
of sowing and ploughing naturally those in which the earth 
could be spoken of as maiden. The physical interpreta- 
tion of Xrjpa might be supported by the Homeric myth of the 
separation of Oceanos and Tethys, whom Hera wished to 
reconcile; in Homer Oceanos and Tethys are the creative 
principles of the world, and the myth of their separation may 
perhaps have been invented to give a reason why creation 
having reached a certain point seems to stop, and why new 
things are not constantly being brought forth; but the myth of 
Hera's separation from Zeus could hardly have symbolized 
the cessation of the creative principles of the universe, for the 
wedded union of Zeus and Hera was not a cosmic force of 
creation at all, nor was the marriage particularly fertile. 

One might suggest more plausibly a more human explana- 
tion. Hera was essentially the goddess of women, and the 
life of woman was reflected in her; their maidenhood and 
marriage were solemnized by the cults of Hera UapOivos and 
Hera TcAeia or Nu/LK^cvo/i^Liy \ and the very rare worship of 
Hera Xrjpa might allude to the not infrequent custom of divorce 
and separation. That the idea clashed with the highest Greek 
conceptions of Zeus and Hera need not have troubled the 
people of Arcadia, and the audacious anthropomorphism of 
such a religious conception need not make us incredulous, for 
' man never knows how anthropomorphic he is.* 

But a more special explanation is probably nearer the truth. 
A myth born from the misunderstanding of cult is a common 
phenomenon ; but a peculiar cult arising from the misunder- 
standing of another is a fact harder to prove and yet perfectly 
credible, and one that would sufficiently explain the present 
difficulty. Both at Plataea and Stymphalus we have the 

• Wclcker, Griechische GoiUf Ukre, i. getrennte Gottin ist die im Winter ab- 
p. 367: 'die von Zeus abgewandte gestorbene Erde.* 

192 GREEK REUGION. [chap. 

l^end of Hera being angry with Zeus and retiring to the 
mountain, and in the region of Cithaeron this is associated 
with the ritual of the marriage, and arose probably from the 
practice of concealing the image in some lonely place ; and we 
may suppose the same origin for the Arcadian story. If the idol 
of the Stymphalian Hera were kept apart for a time and hidden 
in the woods, this would be enough to move the naive imagina- 
tion of the Arcadians to conceive that Hera was for a season 
living apart from her lord and to invent the cult of Hera X^/^a. 

Lastly, as against the theory of physical symbolism, we 
may bring into evidence the hymeneal chant of Aristophanes 
at the end of the BirdSy which may echo an actual hymn 
sung at the Upos yiyuo^, and in which we hear nothing of the 
fertilizing heaven and the growth of spring flowers, but of the 
very personal and human marriage of Zeus and Hera escorted 
by Eros in their chariot " *. 

In the records then of the Upos yi^os we see rather the 
reflection of human life, than of the life of nature ; and at last 
it would seem to have become little more than a symbol of 
ordinary marriage, if the statement in Photius were correct, 
that this rite was performed at every wedding by the bride- 
groom and bride ^"^ \ 

These then are the chief arguments that might be adduced 
from cult and legend for the theory that the person of Hera 
was developed or detached from a goddess of the earth. No 
single one of them seems conclusive, and there is certain 
negative evidence making against the theory. If she were 
originally the mother-earth, why was her marriage so com- 
paratively unproliflc, and why has she so little connexion 
with the Titan world or the earth-bom giants? Her children, 
Hebe, Ares, Hephaestos, have nothing to do with the 
shadowy powers of the lower world, although in a l^end of 
late authority, quoted from Euphorion by the scholiast of the 
Iliad^ Hera was strangely said to be the mother of Prome- 
theus ^^^ It is not impossible that the l^end arose at 
Athens, where Prometheus enjoyed an important cult and was 
brought into close aflinity with Hephaestos, her genuine son. 
At any rate the legend itself implies a natural antagonism 

▼11.] HERA. 193 

between Hera and the Titan or giant world, for she was 
made the mother of Prometheus only through the violence 
of Eurymedon\ Nor on Welcker's theory is it easy to 
explain her strong hostility to Dionysos, who through his 
affinity with the earth became intimately associated with 
such real earth-goddesses as Cybele and Demeter. At 
Eleusis, as lacchos, he came to be united with Demeter and 
Kora — a trinity of chthonian deities ; but the religion of Hera 
was so antagonistic to the cult of Eleusis that her temple at 
Athens was closed when Demeter*s was open, and her feud 
with Dionysos was carried so far that, as it was said, the 
priestesses of the two cults at Athens did not speak when 
they met, and no ivy was allowed in the temple of Hera^*^»^^. 

On Welcker's hypothesis that she was another form of Ge, 
it becomes the more surprising that she took so little interest, 
except at Argos, in agriculture and the arts of cultivation. 
The sacrificial animals offered to her, the bull, cow, calf, pig, 
goaty are just those which a pastoral and agricultural people 
offers to its divinity. In the absence of other evidence they 
do not reveal any special view about the character and nature 
of the deity worshipped ^•. 

Again, had she been an earth-goddess we might have 
expected that she would have retained some traces of an 
oracular function ; for the earth was the mother of oracles 
and dreams, and in the person of Themis had her ancient 
seat at Delphi. But Hera had never any connexion with 
Delphi, nor had Dione (whom we may regard as a local 
form of Hera and who was identified with her by Apollo- 
dorus *) any concern with the oracle at Dodona in ancient 
times. Only once do we hear of a /utarrciov of Hera, namely, 
on the promontory sacred to Hera Acraea, some few miles 
east of Corinth ^'^*' ; but this worship stands apart from all the 
other Hellenic cults of Hera and must be separately discussed. 

Lastly, it is very rare to find Hera grouped with any of the 

* An earlier record of this legend has Prometheus, newly released, appears 

been supposed by Jahn to be given on receiving a libation from Hera. Bat 

a Volci vase (circ 450 b.c.\ published there is more than one explanation of 

in the Mon. dtW Inst. 5. 35, on which this scene. 

VOL. I. O 

194 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

divinities of the lower world. At Lebadea the man who 
wished to descend into the oracular cave of Trophonius used 
to sacrifice to Zeus Basileus and Hera the charioteer ; but not 
necessarily as chthonian powers, for he sacrificed to Apollo 
also and to Cronos. It may be easy to guess but it is difficult 
to be sure of the reason. An inscription from Paros speaks 
of a votive-offering made by a woman to Hera, Demeter 
Thesmophorus, Eubouleus, Baubo, and Core. These others 
are divinities of the lower world, but Demeter Thesmophorus 
was also a goddess of marriage, and for this reason Hera may 
have been united with her. If the dedication were a thank- 
offering for escape from the dangers of childbirth we might 
understand this grouping together of the divinities of marriage 
and death ^^ ^®. 

It does not appear then that Welcker's theory, which 
resolves Hera into an earth-goddess, explains the facts of her 
cult in the historic period, and with many of them it does not 
harmonize at all. 

The more important question is, what did the Greeks 
themselves say or think about Hera? Those who reflected 
on the myths — the early physical philosophers or the Stoics 
for instance — usually tried, as we have seen, to discover some 
physical substance into which each divinity could be resolved, 
thus gaining as they thought a real truth and meaning 
for an apparently irrational mythology^*. But these ancient 
interpreters were no more skilled in this art than we are, 
and their utterances were quite as contradictory. Thus 
Empedocles seems to have thought that Hera was the earth, 
though in his scheme of the four elements she might as 
well stand — and was supposed by some ancient critics to 
stand — for the air. Plato believed her to be the air*, 
and Plutarch the earth, as we gather from a passage in 
Eusebius who exposes Plutarch's absurdities. The connexion 
between Hera and Leto in Boeotia ^'^ **, where they shared 

* The oracle that speaks of the the false interpretation of Hera as the 

• queen- goddess who ranges o*er the air, or by her close affinity with Zeus 

earth with dewy showers * — if this indeed the sky-god. 
is Hera — may have been inspired by 

▼11.] HERA. 195 

a common altar, was used by some ancient mythologists, who 
held the physical theory, as an argument to show that Hera 
was the earth; but that connexion was too slight and local 
to be r^arded as essential, and if it were essential it would 
not help US; for the character and functions of Leto are 
themselves too indefinite for us to interpret Hera by means 
of them. But the majority of Greeks who did not reflect on 
their cults or myths knew her primarily as the wife of Zeus, 
from whom she borrowed such titles as Acraea, Ammonia *^ •, 
and probably Basilis and Olympia *^ ®, and by whose side she 
sat * sharing his throne ' and ' holding the sceptre as she gazed 
down on Olympos^^/ And they knew her secondly as the 
goddess who encouraged marriage and aided childbirth. 
Maidens offered their veils to her at the time of marriage ^^"» *. 
And the Charites belong partly to her, according to the idea 
that *Love and the Graces set up house •.' A quaint 
custom of ritual recorded by Plutarch symbolized the 
peace of married life that Hera loved : he tells us that when 
sacrifice was made to Hera ra/ut^Aios, the gall was extracted 
from the victim and not offered, so that the married life 
might be without bitterness '^^ 

There are other deities of marriage, but Hera is pre- 
eminent. * Let us sing,' says Aristophanes, * of the wedded 
Hera, as is meet, who is gay in all the bridal choirs, and 
guards the keys of wedlock ^^™'. And Apollo in the 
Eumenides upbraids the Furies who pursue Orestes with 
having no regard for the pledges of Hera TcActa and Zeus " p. 
Before the wedding, sacrifice was made to Zeus TcAcios and 
Hera TcAcia^Sand this title of hers refers always to mar- 
riage and does not acquire a larger significance as it does in 
its application to Zeus. According to the law inserted in 
a speech of Demosthenes the magistrate who neglected to 
compel the relations to provide for the marriage of orphan 
girls incurred a fine of a thousand drachmae to Hera ; and 
a fine to the goddess was to be exacted in Plato's state from 
the man who was still unmarried at the age of thirty-five^''. 

Thus we find her united with Aphrodite, receiving the 

* Plat, (ie Adulat. ch. a.p. 49 : Xnpiris re icaJt 'Ifitpos otici* IB^vro, 

O 2 


same sacrifice of goats and bulls, and worshipped at Sparta 
under the double name***^ ^^^. And it was still more natural 
that she should acquire the functions and character of 
Eileithyia ^® ®» ^^ a name which at first perhaps was nothing 
more than an epithet of Hera, as we hear of Hera ElKtl&via 
at Argos and Athens, and which then came to denote a 
separate person who was regarded sometimes as the daughter 
of Hera, but often as a goddess of the ancient world related 
in idea to Hera as well as to the Fates •. 

It is Hera who protects the newborn child, and possibly 
the Samian goddess * Kurotrophos ' was Hera, the chief 
goddess of the island ^ This function of hers appears in 
one or two rather striking myths. In spite of her feud 
with the parents she was sometimes supposed to have given 
suck to Dionysos and Heracles ®, a legend that expresses not 
only the character of Hera KovpoTp6<^o^y but probably also is 
symbolical of reconciliation and adoption ^'y. 

Perhaps it is because she protected child-birth that we 
find the Hours grouped with her in monumental represen- 
tations^, for the Hours symbolized the destiny of man's life; 
or the reason may be that like Zeus she was controller of the 
Hours, the times and seasons of the year, sharing the functions 
of Zeus and bearing like him at Camirus the title of '12poXvros •. 
In a hymn of Olen mentioned by Pausanias the Hours are said 
to be the nurses of Hera ^^ '. 

On the whole the functions of Hera were less manifold than 
those of Juno, her Latin counterpart, and scarcely ranged 
beyond the sphere already described. Though the state 
was based on the institution she protected, she was never, 
except at Argos and perhaps at Samos, pre-eminently a political 
divinity; the Argives are called her people by Pindar', and 
we have some evidence of a Samian cult that recognized 
her as *Apxvyhis, the leader of the original settlement**®. But 

• Vide Eileithyia >. « Vide Gerhard, EirusJk. SpUgel, No. 

*> Herod. Vita Horn, 30. The inter- 126. * Vide pp. 214, 217. 

pretation of the name in this passage as * Vide Zens ^ 

a title of Artemis- Hekate is rather more ' Find. Nem, 10. 36 : *H^f rhv €i6yofa 

probable. A.a^. 

VII.] HERA. 197 

such titles as ^pirpios or BovAaib; were not for her, but for 
Zeus and Athena. We have faint glimpses in cult of a war- 
like Hera^® — a doubtful Hera 'Apcfa (perhaps 'A/>y6fa or really 
the Latin goddess) worshipped near Paestum ®®, and we discern 
the form of a battle-goddess in the Hera Prodromia of 
Sicyon ^ ^ the goddess who ran before the host and showed 
Phalces the son of Temenos his way, and possibly in the 
Hera Alexandros ^^ ^» ®, *the saviour of men/ whose cult 
Adrastus founded in Sicyon •. The Hera *On\o(rixCa of Elis is 
only known to us through Lycophron and his scholiast *'^. 

Though she was the mother of Hephaestos, she did 
little, except at Argos, for the arts of life, and among the 
various festivals and agones held in her honour it is only 
the Argive that seems to have been distinguished for artistic 
display. It is characteristic of the women's goddess that the 
iydv of Hera at Lesbos included a contest of beauty. * Come, 
daughters of Lesbos,' says the poet in the AntJiologyy * come 
to the bright shrine of Hera of the gleaming countenance''^ '. 

The beauty of Hera was the theme of art, rather than 
of religion or cult : but the religion recognized it in the myth 
of Hera's perpetual rejuvenescence and in the figure of Hebe 
her daughter. While expressing her mother s immortality of 
youth, Hebe is yet a real figure of cult, being worshipped as 
Hebe Ala at Phlius and Sicyon, and being perhaps originally 
the same as Aphrodite the daughter of Zeus and Dione ^ 

Reviewing the main features of this worship we can see 
that there is much beauty and grace in it, and some strong 
expression of the lawfulness and order of life, but little 
morality of a high sort. 

The only moral law she was supposed to be careful about 
was the sanctity of her altar, but not more careful than other 
divinities were in this matter. She sanctioned marriage, and 
yet breaches of the marriage vow were not considered a 
special offence against Hera, which she was particularly 
concerned with punishing ; and though in one l^end she took 
notice of the new and exceptional sin of Laius °, it was the 

• Cf. Gazette ArchioL 1883, p. 140. • SchoL Eur. Phoat, 1760. 

^ Strabo, p. 38a. 

198 GREEK RELIGION. [chap, to 

Erinyes, according to Sophocles, who punished infidelity in 
marriage \ In fact she stands far below Athena for the part 
her idea played in Greek civilization: married life and its 
duties were not the highest Hellenic ideal, and Hera's per- 
sonality reflects the life and character of the Greek matron. 
She is also more than this — the queen of heaven, full of 
solemn dignity and nobility. *The souls who followed Hera,' 
says Plato, 'desire a love of royal quality^®.' And the 
more exalted view of her was maintained by the monuments 
of Greek art. 

• Eiecir. 114. 

APP.] HERA. 199 


The view which I have expressed, that her association 
with Zeus is a primitive factor in the Greek worship of 
Hera, is entirely opposed to a theory recently put forward 
by Miss Harrison in the Classical Review of 1893, p. 74, 
which may be briefly summarized thus — {a) the connexion 
of Zeus and Hera is late and the latter is pre- Achaean ; 
{b) Hera had a previous husband, Heracles, Argos, Helios, 
over whom she had complete control, because the primitive 
worshippers were in a state of gynaecocracy. The theory 
seems to me to rest on insufficient facts, some of which are 
erroneously stated, and on a nebulous and ineflectual article 
by Dr. Tiimpel (Philologus^ ^892, p. 607). First, there is no 
proof that Hera is pre-Achaean. The Mycenaean people, 
aitiong whom the worship of the cow-goddess prevailed, are 
not yet shown to be pre-Achaean ; nor does Miss Harrison 
bring forward any authority for her statement that the 
Heraeon was a refuge for slaves, though, if this were true, 
we might draw the probable conclusion that it was the cult 
of a conquered pre-Hellenic people, like that of the Palici in 
Sicily : she seems in the context to be referring to the temple 
of Hera at Phlius, but Pausanias speaks of the temple of 
Hebe, not Hera, as the slaves asylum there ; nor can I find in 
the cult of Hera in Argos Olympia or Cos any reference to the 
privileges of slaves ; in fact as regards Cos we have evidence 
to the contrary preserved by Athenaeus, that at the sacrifice 
to Hera in this island no slave was allowed to enter the 
temple or to taste the offerings "'^ the natural conclusion 
being that the worship was the privilege of the conquering 
race. Secondly, there is no proof that the connexion of Zeus 
and Hera is late. * At Crete we hear nothing of Hera ;' the 
evidence given in '', ^"^ » and "'^ disproves this ; * At Samos we 
hear nothing of Zeus ' : yet the rites of Samos clearly recognize 
Hera as the bride. In fact the very primitive character of the 
ritual of the Upo% yifxos makes for the belief that the union 

aoo GREEK RELIGION. [chap, vil 

of Zeus and Hera is not late but very early. And this is 
supported by the myth of lo, for we may assume, as Miss 
Harrison does, that the cowheaded lo of Argos is another 
form of Hera ; and as the myth is very ancient the period 
at which lo was really known to be Hera was still more 
ancient, and yet in the earliest form of the myth lo is the 
beloved of Zeus. But Miss Harrison holds the view that 
in a still earlier period Argus was her real husband, and 
there is no harm in this belief: only if it were true the theory 
of gynaecocracy seems to lose a point, for Argus certainly 
does not seem to have been oppressed by lo. Again, if 
it were true, why should not Argos the bull-god be an 
old name for Zeus, since the sky or the lightning is bright 
as well as the sun ? And in this case we should have only 
got back to Hera and Zeus again. It is noteworthy that 
the island Euboea, which was full of the myth of lo, also 
contained a very primitive Zeus-worship and a local legend 
about the marriage of Zeus and Hera^''**, ®^^. Thirdly, 
there is no evidence to suggest even as a valid hypothesis 
that the earliest period of Hera's cult was a period of 
gynaecocracy. Miss Harrison believes that Hera is really 
the wife of Heracles and persecutes him ; but to prove this 
she should show (i) that Hebe, his wife in the Odyssey^ is 
really Hera also ; (a) that the marriage of Hebe and Heracles 
belongs to the most primitive period of religious legend ; or (3) 
that Omphale was really Hera. There is scarcely any attempt 
to prove the first point; Hera was indeed called rials, but 
so was Persephone ; and Hebe was named Dia in Sicyon and 
Phlius, but this title would accord as well with Aphrodite 
as with Hera, and Hebes feast of the * ivy-cuttings' in Phlius 
seems more in favour of interpreting her as akin to Aphro- 
dite-Ariadne than as Hera, who elsewhere objected to ivy. 
Nor is there any attempt to prove the second point, that this 
marriage of Heracles and Hebe belongs to the primitive story 
of the hero or god, yet to prove this is essential to the theory. 
Lastly, Miss Harrison relies much on the legend about the 
effeminacy of Heracles in the story of Omphale and in the 
curious Coan ritual that Plutarch describes {Quaest. Graec. 58), 

APP.] HERA. 20I 

but nothing that she urges brings gynaecocracy any nearer 
to the cult of Hera. Plutarch tells us that the priest at the 
sacrifice to Heracles in Cos wore feminine robes, and that 
bridegrooms put on a similar costume to receive their brides 
in ; the reason being, according to the legend that he gives, 
that Heracles when hard pressed took refuge with a Thracian 
woman, and concealed himself with her in woman's dress. 
In all this there is no reference to Hera at all, for it is not 
Plutarch nor any ancient author who says * the priest wore a 
ywaiKclav ia-Orjra or a aTokrjv iLv6ivr]v for Hera of the flowers'; and 
neither ancient nor recent evidence, such as the collection of 
Coan inscriptions by Messrs. Paton and Hicks, shows a con- 
nexion between the cult of Heracles and of Hera in Cos. 
The last refuge for the theory must be Dr. Tumpers com- 
bination by which the Thracian woman becomes the * Tracki- 
nian^ Omphale-Hera. But his attempt to transplant Omphale 
from Lydia to Trachis is scarcely successful ; the fact that 
the inhabitants of Malis were under the thrall of women, 
according to Aristotle, is not relevant, unless we can put 
Omphale and Heracles there ; and the only reason for doing 
that is drawn from two passages in Stephanus in which the 
'0/Lt<^aAi^€s appear as a legendary tribe near Thresprotis, and 
Omphalion is mentioned as a place in Thessaly (Steph. s, v. 
Ylapavaioi, and 'Ofx<^dAioi;), and even if this were sufficient, the 
last and most difficult task remains, to show that Omphale is 
Hera, and for this identification Dr. Tumpel offisrs no shadow 
of proof. In this case the able writer of the article in the 
Classical Review has carried too far the always hazardous 
process of mythological combination ; and the evidence of a 
pre- Achaean period, which knew nothing of the union of Zeus 
and Hera, has still to be discovered. 


The cult of Hera Acraea at Corinth "® has been reserved 
for a separate discussion, as it stands apart from the other 
Hellenic cults of the goddess and opens some perplexing 
questions. It must be studied in connexion with the 

202 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. vii. 

legend of Medea, of which the ancient form is far other 
than that which Euripides gave to it. Towards the close 
of his play he alludes to the solemn festival and rites per- 
formed at Corinth in memory of the slaughtered children, 
and to their burial in the temple of Hera Acraea ; and 
this is explained by other records which show the tale of 
their death to be a reh'gious myth that colours the whole 
of the cult. The oldest authority for the story of Medea is 
Creophylus of Samos, quoted by the scholiast on the 
Medea, according to whom Medea did not slay her 
children, but, when she herself had to flee to Athens to 
escape the wrath of the king, she put them under the pro- 
tection of Hera Acraea : the Corinthians did not respect 
the sanctity of the altar and slew them upon it. The same 
scholiast gives us another and fuller account of the tragedy 
as recorded by Parmeniscus. The Corinthians disliking the 
rule of the barbarian queen plotted against her and her 
children, who numbered fourteen, and who took refuge in 
the temple of Hera Acraea and were slain at her altar : 
a plague fell upon the land and the oracle bade them atone 
for the pollution ; the Corinthians in consequence instituted 
a rite which survived till the fall of Corinth : each year 
seven girls and seven boys of the highest families were 
selected to serve a year in the temple in a sort of bondage 
to the goddess, and to appease the wrath of the dead with 
sacrifice. The * feast of mourning,' as the scholiast of Euri- 
pides calls the Corinthian Heraea, must refer to these rites, 
since we gather from Pausanias that the hair of the conse- 
crated children was shorn and they wore black raiment 
In another passage, the latter writer tells us that Medea 
concealed each of her children at their birth in Hera*s temple, 
wishing to make them immortal, and a stranger story is pre- 
served by the scholiast on Pindar, to the effect that Hera 
promised her children immortality, and the promise was ful- 
filled in the sense that the citizens immortalized them after 
their death with divine honours. We have also ancient and 
direct testimony to the divinity of Medea herself, given by 
Alcman, Hesiod and a later Musaeus. 

APP.] HERA. 203 

The conclusion to which these facts inevitably lead is that 
which O. Miiller and Schomann have drawn*, namely, that 
Medea is a divinity closely connected with Hera and that 
the sacrifice of children was part of her primitive sacrifice. 
We can understand thus why in some legends the people, 
and in others the goddess herself, was made responsible 
for the slaughter; in a certain sense both accounts might 
be true. If Medea then was an integral part of the cult of 
the Minyan-Corinthian Hera, as Miiller maintains, and also 
a divinity indigenous in Corinth, it could no longer be 
said that the religion of Hera in Greece was innocent of 
all traces of human sacrifice. But there are strong reasons 
against MuUer's view of her autochthonous origin. In lolchos 
itself no traces of a Hera-worship survived at all in historical 
times. Yet the Odyssey gives us an early proof of the close 
association of the goddess with Jason, and we may believe 
that she was revered by the Minyan people as well as by the 
Achaeans; but the Medea-cult belongs not to lolchos but 
to Corinth. And the record seems to make clear that a 
foreign goddess had settled there, borne up by some wave 
of Minyan migration, and had fastened upon an ancient cult 
of Hera. It would be erroneous to argue that the practice of 
human sacrifice proves a foreign origin for the cult ; for 
we find clear traces of it in undoubtedly Hellenic worships. 
The strikingly foreign trait in the service of Hera Acraea is 
the ritual of sorrow and mourning, the shaven head and the 
dark robe. There is nothing in the character of the Greek 
goddess that can explain this; but at Byblos men shaved 
their heads for Adonis, and we find grief and lamentation 
mingled with the service of the Oriental Aphrodite at Cyprus, 
Naxos and Athens. In the face of these facts, we must 
assign some weight to the legend of the foreign and barbaric 
origin of Medea. Her father, Aeetes, may be genuine Corin- 
thian, as O. Miiller maintains ; but this would prove nothing 
about the daughter, for in the confusion and syncretism of 
myths and cults, paternity is a slight matter. We have also 
more than mere legend ; the Corinthians themselves, while 

• OrchomettoSf p. 267 ; Gruch, Alterth, 2. p. 491. 


honouring the children of Medea as divinities, called them 
fAL^ofidp^apoL^ \ Medea stayed the famine in the land by 
sacrificing to the Lemnian nymphs, and, according to the 
statement of the Pseudo-Plutarch *, built the temple of the 
Oriental Aphrodite on Acro-Corinth. The scholiast on Euri- 
pides found in these Corinthian rites something that reminded 
him of Adonis ^® ** ; and it is difficult to explain his allusion, 
unless he is referring to the rites of mourning common to 
Phoenicia, Phrygia and other parts of Asia Minor. It is 
a curious fact also that the legend of Medea is haunted 
with stories of people being boiled alive in cauldrons ; some 
such practice seems actually to have occurred at Carthage in 
connexion with the rites of Baal or Moloch ; and the other 
traces of human sacrifice at Corinth are associated with the 
rites of the Graeco- Phoenician Melicertes. The cauldron- 
stories may be a legendary reminiscence of a savage Oriental 
ritual ; but be this as it may, it is notable that they are never 
told of any known Greek divinity or heroine, but only of 
Medea and the Asia-Minor goddess Rhea who boiled Pelops. 
These are reasons for believing that the Medea who was 
ingrafted upon the Hera of Corinth was one of the many forms 
of that divinity whose orgiastic worship we can trace from 
Phoenicia to the Black Sea, and from Phrygia and Caria on the 
coast far into the interior, and who appears in Greece chiefly 
in the form of Cybele and Aphrodite. The Minyan settle- 
ments in Lemnos were probably the result of the earliest 
Minyan colonization which, as O. Miiller rightly maintains, 
took the north-east of the Aegean for its route. It may 
have been from this island that they brought the Oriental 
worship to the shores of Corinth, and Lemnos seems to have 
been remembered at that city in the religious legend of Medea. 

■ De Herod. Malign. 39. 



We may believe that all the important centres of the 
worship of Hera possessed a temple-image, though this is not 
always recorded. But only very few of the ideas which we 
have found in this religion appear to have been definitely 
expressed in specially characteristic monuments. The record 
of these, so far as it is explicit, shows that she was usually 
represented as the wedded wife of Zeus, the goddess who 
cherished the lawful union of men and women ; and this 
accords with the main idea of the cults and with her 
general character in Greek legend. Her earliest dydA/utara or 
symbols were, like those of most Greek divinities, aniconic and 
wholly inexpressive. A stock cut out from the tree was her 
badge at Thespiae^** her first sacred emblem at Samos 
was a board ^^ at Argos a lofty pillar in the primitive period ^•. 
And of most of the earliest images mentioned by Pausanias 
and other writers, nothing significant is told us. The most 
interesting is the archaic image of Hera, a (oavov or wooden 
statue, carved by Smilis * for the temple in Samos, probably 
about the middle of the seventh century B.C.*^ This sup- 
planted an older idol, and retained its place in the island 
worship down to the latest period. The words of Varro, 
quoted by Lactantius, about the bridal character and ap- 
pearance of the Samian image must apply to this work of 
Smilis®***' and this must be the ^piras which, according to 

* Overbeck*s view about the historic accepted as the most probable. A'unsi- 
character of Smilis and his date may be MyihoL 2. i, p. 13. 

2o6 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Athenaeus, was taken down to the sea and hidden in a wood, 
a rite that probably has reference to primitive marriage cus- 
toms ; for both writers appear to be speaking of the chief 
image of the temple-worship, and in historical times there was 
never any other than the statue carved by Smilis. We can 
gather something about the form and character of the temple- 
statue of Samos, from a series of Samian coins that have 
come down to us, ranging from the period of Hadrian to that 
of the younger Valerian (Coin PI. A 15). The most im- 
portant of these have been published by Overbeck in his 
Kunsi'Mythologie^ and in the British Museum catalogue*. 
From an examination of these we gather that the image 
was an upright wooden figure overlaid with drapery, wear- 
ing a calathus and an ample veil on her head, and holding 
a libation cup in each hand, from which what appears to 
be a sacred fillet is hanging down. All these are natural 
emblems of the goddess of marriage and fruitfulness. On 
one of these coins the lower parts of the goddess have the 
same stiff almost aniconic appearance as the Samian statue 
of Hera in the Louvre, and as it is probable that this very 
archaic marble work preserves some reminiscence of the 
wooden temple-image, it may well be, as Overbeck suggests, 
that the wealth of drapery seen on most of the coins does not 
represent what was really carved upon the idol, but rather the 
sacred garments with which the worshippers from time to 
time may have draped it, possibly thank-offerings of married 
women ^ 

The image of Aphrodite-Hera at Sparta ^^ * must be ranked 
among the archaic monuments of the marriage-goddess, and 
the statue at Coronea of Hera bearing in her hands the 
Sirens** is the only other monument of the same significance 
which we can quote from the barren record of this earlier 
period ; for in the account of some of the most interesting 
cults, such as that of Hera the maid, wife, and widow at 
Stymphelus we have no mention of any representation at 

* Overbeck, a. i, PI. i ; Brit Mas. taining an mvcntory of the drapery that 
Cat. Ionia, pp. 370-374. PI. 37. 2. was used for the statue ; Mitt, d. deut, 

^ Wc have Samian inscriptions con- Inst, (Athens), 7. 367. 


all. The two temple-statues that explicitly represented 
her as the bride or the goddess of wedlock, belong to the 
period of perfected art : the Hera NvfA<^€vofA€rT| at Plataea 
by Callimachus, and the Hera TeAe^a in the same city by 
Praxiteles-. The first title seems to denote that the god- 
dess was represented as at the moment of her marriage; 
and TeAtta may be an epithet of the married goddess or 
the goddess who brings marriage. Both these statues are 
obviously cult-monuments of the wife of Zeus, and evidence 
has already been given that shows how ancient and how 
prevalent in the city of Plataea and the neighbourhood were 
the myth and ritual of the sacred bridal. Of the form and 
type of the figure carved by Callimachus we know nothing at 
all. The Praxitelean statue, as we are told by Pausanias, 
was of Pentelic marble, representing the goddess as erect 
and of colossal stature. An attempt has been made by 
Overbeck*, following a suggestion of Visconti, to discover the 
type of the Hera T^Acta in a small series of statues of which 
the Hera Barberini in the Vatican is the chief. But the 
attempt must share the fate of most hypotheses which try to 
establish the connexion between existing works and lost 
originals of which no description, or only the vaguest, sur- 
vives. That the Vatican statue represents the marriage- 
goddess is very probable, but only certain if we allow that 
a very close relationship exists between her and the goddess 
who appears on a Roman sarcophagus in St. Petersburg^, 
bringing a married pair to the altar, and that this is certainly 
a Juno Pronuba and in form descended from some Greek 
original of Hera T(k€Ca. But it is still somewhat doubtful 
whether the relief-figure with the half-bared breasts can be 
a Juno Pronuba : and even if we allow this, her relationship 
with the Vatican figure has been greatly exaggerated ; her 
drapery is very different, and her pose does not strikingly 
resemble that of the statue. And finally, if we can reasonably 
interpret the Barberini statue as a representation of the 
goddess of marriage, and if the not infrequent repetition of 
the type suggests a Greek original of some celebrity, there is 

• Kunst-Mythohgie, 2. 54. * lb. p. 57, fig. 6. 

2o8 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

little force in the theory that this is the Praxitelean Hera of 
Plataea ; we must wait in the hope that more may be dis- 
covered concerning both his representations of the goddess. 

The wide celebrity of the ritual of the Upbs yiiios is amply 
attested ; yet we hear of no cult-monuments in which it found 
expression. It was more naturally a theme for religious 
drama than for temple-sculpture, being performed in the 
open air more usually than in a temple, and it is probable 
that the only representations of it which were designed for 
religious ceremonial were puppet-like forms which might be 
carried in procession and used in the sacred mimes that 
commemorated the event in different parts of Greece. The 
curious Plataean story noticed above, that Zeus, to win back 
the jealous Hera, dressed up a straw figure as a bride and 
had it borne along in bridal procession, seems to show that 
the figure of Hera was actually borne through the streets in 
the celebration of the marriage, and that a misunderstanding 
of the ritual gave birth to the irrelevant story. But it is 
almost certain that no one of the art-representations of the 
Up6s yayio^ which have come down to us were designed 
originally for the purposes of the religious ceremony ; and 
the number of monuments that can be proved to refer to 
this ritual is very small, though many have been quoted as 
belonging to this group on the ground of a false or very 
doubtful interpretation. One of the most interesting is the 
small terracotta group from Samos, already mentioned, pre- 
senting Zeus and Hera seated side by side in solemn and cere- 
monious attitude and both wearing the veil (PI. V b). This has 
been quoted by Forster* as the oldest extant monument of 
the sacred nuptial rite ; but Overbeck inclines to regard it as 
a mere votive offering representing the divinities seated by each 
other in the permanent union of married life. The strongest 
argument for Forster's interpretation is the veil on the head 
of Zeus, which, as we have seen before, is very difficult to 
explain except as a symbol of the bridegroom. Also the 
* provenance * of the group is somewhat in favour of the same 
view, because the ritual of the marriage played so prominent 

• Du Hochteit des Zeus uttd dcr Hera, p. 24. 


a part in the religious service of the island. On the other 
hand it cannot be proved that any of the numerous vase- 
representations in which the two divinities are grouped 
together have any real reference to the actual sacred cere- 
mony or even to any public common cult of Zeus and Hera. 

The only monuments which, after much debate, have been 
admitted to be representations of the sacred marriage, are 
three : {a) the relief on the metope of the most recent temple 
at Selinus, {b) the Pompeian wall painting, {c) the relief in the 
Villa Albani designed for the basis of an altar or a statue. 
The chief question for the student of Greek cult is how far 
the artist and sculptor has borrowed and 'reproduced certain 
traits or motives from the religious mimes that were in vogue 
in different parts of Greece. The Selinus relief (PI. IX. a), of 
which the art displays the archaic style passing into the tran- 
sitional period, shows us the figure of Zeus on the right seated 
on a rock, with the himation flung about the middle of his body 
and lower limbs as if one end had just slipped down from his 
left shoulder. With his right hand he is grasping the left 
wrist of Hera, who stands before him arrayed most cere- 
moniously as the bride, gazing on him with a very earnest 
and solemn expression, while her whole figure and pose are 
full of shame and reserve. Her form has entirely the style 
of hieratic art, and might really stand for a cult-figure of 
Hera the bride. Above her woollen chiton she has put on 
a second robe that falls in stiff folds to her feet, and the 
ample veil which she is just lifting away from her face 
envelops her head and falls low behind. There is no move- 
ment or life in the form. The attitude and expression of the 
god is just the contrary : he is seated with an ease that is 
rarely found in the figures of this period of sculpture; his 
drapery is very freely treated and there is an expression of 
strong passion in the features which corresponds with the 
energy of his action. Such a figure could certainly not be 
derived from any ancient cult ; and it is surprising enough to 
find it on any Greek temple of the fifth century. We can 
suppose that the whole motive may have been derived from 
the religious drama, which may have been well known in the 

VOL. I. P 


neighbourhood, and which may have justified the sculptor in 
using it for the purposes of temple-sculpture. But it is more 
probable, from the slight evidence that is recorded, that these 
dramas or mimes were carried on not so much by living 
actors as by puppets that were borne in procession, and at 
last perhaps placed side by side on the bridal couch, as in the 
marriage-festival of Venus and Adonis at Alexandria; and 
certainly the Zeus on the metope does not resemble the 
figure in a religious dumb-show. 

The Pompeian painting* resembles the metope in many 
essential respects. The appearance of Zeus is very similar, 
except that here he wears the oaken crown and the veil as 
bridegroom, and his bearing is more tranquil and cool. Hera 
approaches him, wearing the same rich attire as before, and 
with the same expression of bashful hesitation. She is here 
accompanied by Iris, who may have played an actual part in 
the dramatic ritual, as she is mentioned in Theocritus' descrip- 
tion of the * sacred marriage.' Both the sculptor and the 
painter have laid the scene in the open air, and the picturesque 
landscape of the picture has been supposed by Overbeck *» to 
contain allusions to Crete, where there was at least one cele* 
bration of this ritual. In this, then, as in the former work, 
there may be some reminiscence of the ceremony as performed 
in Sicily, Cnossus, and elsewhere ; but it would be far too 
hazardous to say that they reproduce with any exactness the 
forms and movements of the personages of the religious 

The third representation, the relief in the Villa Albani**, 
takes the form of a procession of divinities, in which the chief 
personages are Zeus and Hera, he bearing the sceptre with an 
eagle on the top, and she represented as the shamefaced bride 
delicately lifting the border of her veil. The god and the 
goddess are unnaturally separated, but Welcker ^ ingeniously 
explains this as a blunder of the copyist, who had to transfer 
the scene from a round to a flat surface. Among the other 
figures can be recognized Artemis Hegemone, * the leader of 

• Overbeck, ^/Aw, Kunst-Myth. lo. 28. « Overbeck, Atlas ^ 10 29. 

^ Kunst'Myth, 2. 240. ^ A lie Dcnkmlilery 2. p. 25. 


the bride/ Poseidon, Demeter, Dionysos, and Hermes, and the 
person of whom slight traces remain in front of Artemis must 
have been none other than Apollo, who in other bridal 
representations is seen at the head of the procession with his 
lyre. All arc crowned, and there can be no doubt as to the 
meaning of the whole. But it is difficult to say that the scene 
reproduces the actual procession that was part of the per- 
formance of the Upbi yiyios in the different parts of Greece, 
for there is some reason to suppose that the image of Hera or 
the person representing her was usually borne in the bridal 
chariot *. The sculptor may in this case have availed himself 
of the usual type of the procession of the twelve divinities, 
and by altering the number and by other modifications have 
given it a special meaning. 

Besides these, there are very few direct traces in the Greek 
art that have survived of the common cult of Zeus and 
Hera ; the vase-representations cannot be regarded as cult- 
monuments, and there are very few coins ^ that present the 
two divinities together. 

The marriage-goddess is necessarily connected with the 
goddess of childbirth, and the worship of Hera-Eileithyia in 
Argos has been mentioned. But no sure representation of 
Hera under this aspect has survived. On a Berlin vase*' we 
see the figure of lo seated by a pedestal on which stands the 
image of a goddess clad in a long chiton with hair streaming 
over her shoulders and holding a torch in the right hand and 
a bow in her left ; and Overbeck* maintains that this must be 
the idol of Hera Eileithyia, as there is no other goddess to 
whom lo could appeal for pity, and Hera may bear the bow, 
because Homer speaks of the arrowy pangs of women in 
travail, the * shaft that the Eileithyiae send.' This reasoning 
has been accepted, but it will not bear criticism. A vase- 
painter might well allow lo in the distress of travail to appeal 

• The Hera 'ByiSxtt * the holder of camassus ; Overbeck, Kunsi'Mytho- 

the reins,* who was worshipped at Le- logie^ a, Miinztafel a. No. 38, and 3. 

badca by the side of Zeas Basileas, may No. 6. 

have got her name from the bridal * Overbeck, Atlas ^ 7. No. 9. 

chariot in which she drove. ' Kunst'Mythologie^ a. p. 19. 

^ £.g. the coins of Capua and Hali- 

P a 




to Artemis, especially as this goddess was even more concerned 
with childbirth than Hera. But Hera was lo's relentless 
enemy in the ordinary myth ; and though a poet might speak 
in a figurative sense of the shaft of Eileithyia, yet no 
artist would consider this sufficient reason for giving Hera 
the symbol of the bow. Moreover every Greek artist would 
know that if he drew the figure of a goddess with torch and 
bow, to whose aid a woman was appealing, every spectator 
would conclude that the goddess was Artemis; and this 
is the strongest argument for believing that it was Artemis 
whom this vase-painter intended to represent *. 

The only other special worships of Hera to which we can 
attach certain representations that survive are those of Hera 
Lacinia and Hera of Argos^ As regards the image in the 
temple at Croton, dedicated to the former, we have no 
information; but that an image existed there we can con- 
clude from the epigram in the Anthology'^^^ containing the 
prayer of the women who offer a linen garment to her, which 
was no doubt intended to be laid upon the statue; and in 
any case we could not believe that a cult of such celebrity 
lacked the temple-idol. It is undoubtedly the face of this 
goddess that is found on certain coins of Croton of the fourth 
century B.C., and the type is borrowed with slight modifi- 
cations for the coinage of Venusia Neapolis, Pandosia, Hyria, 
and Veseris Campaniae (Coin PI. A 20). In some of these 
instances the goddess wears a veil, and in most the Stephanos, 
which on the coin of Croton is richly decorated with an anthe- 
mium in front and two griffins at the sides symmetrically dis- 
posed, a peculiar symbol which appears on many of the coins. 
There can be no doubt that the head on the coin of Croton is 

• This is also Furtwangler's inter- 
pretation, Berlin. Vasen-Sammiung, No. 


* We have the vague and doubtful 
authority of Lycophron for an armed 
Hera 'OirXo<r/<ia at Argos ; but there is 
no cult-figure to which we could attach 
this name ; a seated figure of Hera 
bearing the spear on a black-figured 
vase (MUUer, D, d, A. K. i. io\ Over- 

beck, AtlaSf Taf. 9. 16), cannot be ac- 
cepted as any illustration or corrobora- 
tion of Lycophron's statement. There 
is more to be said for the belief that we 
find the cult-figure of Hera Atp^va'^o 
on a coin of Cbalcis ^ "', as the type 
evidently points to some statue and the 
rock on which she is seated would 
naturally refer to her worship oq the 
neighbouring mountain. 


that of the tutelary goddess of the state, and the celebrity of 
her worship explains and is attested by the frequent use of this 
type of the Hera Lakinia in the coinage of the other cities of 
Magna Graecia. The crown and the veil, the earnest and 
proud expression combined with the matronal forms of the 
face, are specially characteristic of Hera, but neither the litera- 
ture nor the coins attest what particular aspect of her, if any, 
was prominent in this cult. We cannot explain the griffins nor 
the very striking arrangement of the hair, which waves about her 
head almost as if tossed by a wind. It has been maintained 
that Lakinia is an epithet derived from an Oscan word Lakis, 
meaning earth, and that Hera was identified in Magna Graecia 
with a local earth- goddess*. If the Greek worshippers were 
really conscious of this we might explain this singular treatment 
of the hair as borrowed from the usual representations of Gaia, 
whose hair generally flows in long tresses about her neck. This 
trait is not found in the colossal marble bust at Venice (PL VI), 
which Overbeck rightly considers a representation of Hera 
Lakinia on the ground that the stephane above the forehead 
has the same decoration of anthemium and griflins as appears 
on the coins of South Italy. Disfigured as it is, the countenance 
has yet preserved something of the exalted type which we find 
on the marble coins, although the later copyist who wrought 
the head has brought a different expression into the face by 
giving it the rather narrow eye of Aphrodite. From the bust 
and the coins we may gather something of the character and 
form of the temple-statue, about which history is silent The 
sculptor, being the later and inferior artist, would no doubt be 
the more faithful copyist of the two as regards the external 
forms which he could reproduce ; but it is probable that he has 
falsified the sentiment, and that the coin-stamper has embodied 
in his work more of the expression of the original, although the 
wild and luxuriant hair, more difficult to render in marble and 
bronze, may have been specially designed for the coin-device. 
The place of this Lakinian head among the ideal types of 
Hera will have to be noticed afterwards. 
As the Argive was the most celebrated worship of Hera in 

• HelLJoum. 1886, p. 10. 

214 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Greece, so her image in the temple of Argos by the hand of 
Polycleitus takes precedence of all other cult-monuments of 
her, and must be regarded as the fullest and highest embodi- 
ment of the goddess as she appeared in legend and worship. 
We gather most about it from the words of Pausanias ®® : * the 
statue of Hera of colossal size is seated on a throne. It 
is of gold and ivory, the work of Polycleitus. She wears a 
crown upon which are wrought the figures of the Graces and 
Hours, and in her one hand she bears the fruit of the pome- 
granate, in the other her sceptre . . . and they say that the 
cuckoo sits on the top of her sceptre, declaring that Zeus, 
when he was in love with Hera before marriage, transformed 
himself into this bird . . . and the statue of Hebe, also of 
gold and ivory, that stands by the side of Hera, is said to have 
been wrought by the hand of Naucydes.* Most of the other 
records left by ancient writers of this great work add little to 
this description ^^-^^^ The scholiast on Theocritus corroborates 
the statement about the cuckoo on the sceptre, and Strabo in 
a very dull passage praises the technique of the work, in which 
it surpassed even the great masterpieces of Pheidias, * while 
inferior to them in expensiveness and size.* We can gather 
from the epigram of Parmenion — what would really go without 
saying — that the main part of the body was covered with 
drapery. * The Argive Polycleitus, who alone of all men saw 
the goddess with his very eyes, has revealed to us as much of 
her beauty as it is lawful for mortal eyes to see ^^**.' Of more 
interest and weight is the summary account of the form and 
character of the image, left us by Maximus Tyrius, who says 
that * Polycleitus revealed Hera to the Argives as a goddess of 
the white elbow and forearm of ivory, fair of face and clad in 
noble raiment, in queenly fashion seated on a golden throne ^®^' 
It is clear from this sentence that the arms were uncovered, 
at least from the elbows downwards, and that the artistic 
impression was mainly produced by a certain majestic treat- 
ment of the drapery combined with a striking beauty of face. 
But the artistic questions concerning this ideal representation 
of the goddess will be noticed later, as we are chiefly con- 
cerned here with the relation of this statue to Argive cult. 


In the first place we may note that the description of 
Pausanias and the others is illustrated and in some ways supple- 
mented by certain Argive coins of the Imperial period ; a coin 
of Julia Domna and one of Antoninus Pius (Coin PL A 16). 
On both of them we see the goddess seated on her throne, 
wearing the Stephanos and holding the pomegranate in her 
extended right hand and grasping the sceptre near the top with 
the left : her drapery consists of a chiton which leaves the 
arms bare and a himation which passes over the middle of her 
body and falls over her left shoulder, arranged just in the same 
way as is usual with the mantle of Zeus. She wears no veil : the 
writers mention none, and the fact is important. The pose has 
no stiffness in it, but is majestic and suitable to the solemnity 
of a great temple-statue : the left arm is held high and free of 
the body, the right foot is drawn slightly under the throne, so 
as to avoid the look of constraint There is no reason to doubt 
the general fidelity of the copy, and on one of the coins the 
figure of Hebe is given, awkwardly indeed and on far too 
large a scale. 

When we examine the attributes and symbols and what 
else is told us or shown us of the statue, wc see that Poly- 
cleitus, a true national sculptor, has given faithful and imagina- 
tive expression to the ideas contained in the cult of his land. 
She was worshipped there as Hera the queen and as the wife 
of Zeus, united to him in the ceremonial of the sacred mar- 
riage ; and it is as the queen-goddess, as Maximus Tyrius 
declares, that Polycleitus revealed her to his countrymen, 
displaying this character of her in the majesty of the pose 
and drapery, in her richly ornamented crown, and in her 
imperious grasp of the sceptre. Her union with Zeus is no 
doubt allusively expressed by the symbol of the cuckoo, and 
still more clearly by the subordinate figure of Hebe, their 
daughter, which the later sculptor added in the early part 
of the fourth century. She was worshipped also in Argos 
preeminently as the goddess of marriage and childbirth ; and 
the image of the wife of Zeus would be also naturally an image 
of the goddess of these functions. Direct allusion to this 
character of hers is probably conveyed by the symbol of the 

2i6 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

pomegranate. We can hardly determine the significance of the 
whole work, unless we can discover with some certainty the 
symbolic meaning of this fruit which she bears in her hand. 
Pausanias is piously averse to giving an explanation ; he 
regards it as a mysteiy not lightly to be revealed. Most 
modern interpreters consider the pomegranate in Hera's hand 
to be the emblem of fruitfulness in marriage, having this signi- 
ficance on account of the large number of its seeds. But 
Botticher, in an able article*, argues against this interpretation 
and proposes an entirely different one. He declares that the 
pomegranate played no part at all in the Greek marriage rite ; 
that in Greek symbolism it was no emblem of fertility, but of 
strife, and bloodshed, and death — by reason of its blood-red 
colour ; and certainly it appears to have this meaning in some 
few legends. But when Botticher maintains that the goddess 
of Argos is holding forth the pomegranate to display her 
triumph over her rival Demeter, whose daughter Persephone 
through eating the pomegranate was held a prisoner in the 
world below, he is asking us to believe a difficult thing. Greek 
temple-sculpture of the fifth century is not prone to symbolism 
so far-fetched and so quaint ; nor would the great image of 
Hera, * the benefactress of the land ' as she was called, be 
likely to embody the idea of strife and hatred. And if Poly- 
cleitus intended this meaning he must have lost his labour, 
for no Greek spectator would be likely to have understood 
his thought. 

The hand of the idol in a Greek temple is extended usually 
to dispense gifts or to display some permanent attribute of the 
power, some symbol of the functions of the divinity. The 
pomegranate is by no means the peculiar and constant token 
of Persephone ; but even if it were, the statue of Hera would 
be no more likely to hold it in its hand as an emblem of 
triumph over a rival than to wear the vine-crown or the 
grape-clusters by way of expressing her hatred of Bacchus. 
If it were desired to mark the hostility of divinities in 
ritual or representation, it would surely be by excluding the 
badge or the ministrant of the hostile divinity from the worship 

• DatkmdUrutui /''orschungtn,\%sfi,'p. 170. 


of the other : as we hear that ivy was tabooed in the service 
of Hera at Eleusis as the badge of her hated stepson. 

The Argive goddess holding forth the pomegranate must 
have been regarded as the goddess who gives that fruit to 
men, either for nourishment or for a sign of fruitfulness in 
marriage. For in spite of Botticher s arguments there are 
reasons for believing that it had this double significance in 
Greek symbolism ; it is found in the hands of the Hours, 
being there perhaps no more than a sign of the season's bless- 
ing and of the year's increase, and it is found in the hand of 
Aphrodite, surely as a sign of love and offspring. In the 
Argive cult Hera was clearly recognized not only as the 
marriage-goddess but as the beneficent power that gave the 
fruits of the earth ; and, as we see from the worship of Demeter 
in Attica, the two functions were closely connected in the 
Greek religious thought. Both may have been symbolized 
by the pomegranate in her hand, and both were beautifully 
suggested by the groups of the Hours and Graces on her 

The popular belief as shown in literature, legend, and cult 
gave the sculptor sufficient reason for associating these figures 
with Hera. They had already appeared as the ministrants of 
Zeus on the throne of the Pheidian image, and Hera as his 
consort could borrow them from him or claim them by right 
of her own nature and character. Statues of the Charites had 
already been dedicated in the archaic period in the Heraeon 
of Argos*; and in her temple at Olympia the Hours were 
represented on thrones, works of the early sculptor Smilis**; 
and a shrine was raised to them in the Argive territory °. 
Mythology also associated her with theni, a legend being 
recorded by Pausanias from Olen's poetry that the Hours were 
the nurses of Hera. Throughout Greece the Hours were 
worshipped as the powers that brought the fertilizing rain and 
wind and the blessings of fruit and corn and wine, also as 
charged with the due recurrence of the seasons, and therefore in 
some way with the destiny of man, and especially with child- 
birth and with the ceremony of marriage. Hence they were 

» Pau8. 3. 17, 3. *» Jd. 5. 17, I. * /</. a. 20, 5. 

2i8 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

frequently associated with Aphrodite and Dionysos, and in 
Argos most naturally with the chief goddess, who played the 
part there of Demeter and Eileithyia. 

The Graces are very kindred personages to the Hours, 
being nature-powers of the same significance, but having 
gained a more ethical and human character. They bring the 
flowers of the spring, and are thus joined with the Argive 
Hera the flower-goddess ; they personify besides the charm 
and beauty of life, and as the constant companions of Aphrodite 
the ideas of the sweetness of love and married life were attached 
to them. Their presence was necessary to complete the idea 
embodied in the work of Polycleitus. 

As we can discover so clear an allusion to the goddess 
of fruitfulness in this famous temple-image, we need not 
wholly reject the statement of Tertullian that her statue at 
Argos was crowned or in some way adorned with a vine- 
spray. He may be speaking of some other, but he ought natur- 
ally to be referring to the great statue of the city. We cannot, 
of course, believe that the latter was permanently decorated 
with an artificial garland of vine-leaves wrought in metal, for 
Pausanias would certainly have mentioned so very remarkable 
an emblem ; but Tertullian may be carelessly referring to 
some ritual of crowning the goddess with the vine-garland at 
the time of the wine-harvest. The explanation offered by 
him that she wore this as a proof of her dislike of Bacchus is 
of course ridiculous ; we should rather say that at Argos the 
fruit of the vine was offered her because she was there believed 
to have given man the blessing of the vine as she had given 
him the gift of com. 

One last question remains about the conception of the work. 
In the Peloponnese and elsewhere Hera was worshipped as 
the maid as well as the wife; and in Argolis a stream was 
shown where Hera bathed each year, and thus periodically 
renewed her maidenhood. The statue of Polycleitus gives 
ample indication of the bride and the wife. Can we believe 
that in the absence of the veil, and perhaps in the flowing 
maidenly locks, such as we see on the Argive coins, the 
sculptor alluded to the mysterious nature of the goddess 


who was maid as well as wife? He was a sculptor who 
loved to reconcile in one figure two different systems of 
forms— the forms of the boy and the man in his Doryphorus, 
of the female and the male in his Amazon. If by some subtle 
mode of expression he could combine in his work a touch of 
maidenliness with her character as queen and bride and 
mother, we may say that in this case at least his imagina- 
tion was equal to his marvellous power over form. It is true 
that the ideal of Hera was not so spiritual or ethical as the 
ideal of Zeus or Athene; and in the sentence of Maximus 
Tyrius the epithets refer mainly to qualities that are physical, 
formal, or external. Yet there was great beauty and worth 
in this Argive worship with its conception of a supreme god- 
dess whose power worked in the genial fresh life of the earth, 
and in the grace and peace of human life. And if the statue 
wrought by Polycleitus embodied the leading ideas of that 
cult, as we find that it did, and if the forms of the head and 
countenance were rendered in accordance with what was 
expressed in the whole figure, then his work was the most 
masterly and ideal representation of the Greek Hera, as it 
certainly was the fullest and most profound reflex of her cult. 



In searching through the religious monuments that survive 
of this worship, the inquirer has to be on his guard against 
the frequent false interpretations that confront him. There is 
no Greek divinity so difficult to recognize as Hera; for her 
figure has often been disguised by false restoration, and on the 
other hand the name has been applied to representations to 
which it cannot be proved to belong. 

This ambiguity arises chiefly from the lack of any signi- 
ficant and peculiar attribute which may at once reveal her as 
clearly as^thena is revealed by the aegis, Artemis by the bow, 
or Demcter by the corn-stalks. Of all the various symbols, 
badges, attributes, fashions of drapery that have been supposed 
to be specially characteristic of Hera, there is none that is 
invariably found ; and none that is not found with other 
divinities also, with the one exception of the peacock ; but 
this comes too late into the artistic representations to be of 
much service. The veil might be supposed to be proper to the 
matron-goddess, the bride and the wife of Zeus ; and she 
wears it sitting by his side in the terra-cotta group found 
at Samos * ; it appears in the Argive statuette of early fifth- 
century style ^ and on the Selinus metope, but rarely, if ever, 
on the archaic vases, and only occasionally in works of per- 
fected and later art ; and the veiled head of Hera is exceptional 
on coins, the devices of Capua and the Boeotian Orchomenos 
being among the few instances from the Greek period ^^' ^^. She 
is veiled in representations of the sacred marriage, yet on the 
coins of those places where this rite was regularly performed 

• PI. V. b. ^ PI. VII. a. 


in her honour, Plataea, Argos, Cnossus, Samos, she wears 
nothing but the Stephanos or smaller crown. Again, as regards 
this latter attribute on her head, we may believe that its 
earliest form was the calathos, the emblem of fruitfulness, the 
proper emblem of the Argive goddess who gave the fruits of 
the earth. And wherever Hera was the chief divinity it would 
be natural to attribute this gift and power to her. Yet the 
calathos in its proper form is by no means common in the 
representations of her ; the only coins that present her with it 
are the Samian coins that reproduce more or less freely the 
type of her ancient image. It is not unfrequently found 
in the vase-representations of the black-figured and red-figured 
style, for instance on the beautiful Munich patera that will be 
mentioned below. More usually it appears under the form of 
the Stephanos or diminished calathos, which has no other 
intention probably but to express dignity or majesty, the 
change in form being due merely to artistic reasons. It is this 
more shapely emblem that is seen on so very early a work as 
the limestone Olympian head *, which is possibly a fragment 
of the temple-statue of the Heraeum, on the Argive statuette, 
and on the coins of Argos and those other cities whose 
coinage resembles this type, and on some of the heads of 
Hera Lakinia on Croton coins ^ But the Stephanos is by no 
means so frequently found as the half-diadem or stephane, 
which is her common attribute on coins. On the other hand 
some of her most certain and most striking representations, 
such as the Parthenon relief-figure and the Famese head, 
show neither crown nor diadem. Even the sceptre which 
from the fifth century onwards designated the queen of the 
heavens is rare on the black-figured vases. 

And even if all these were constant and necessary attributes 
and emblems of Hera, they would not be peculiar to her, 
and therefore would fail in certain cases to distinguish her. 
A goddess with the veil and calathos may be Artemis or 
Aphrodite as well as Hera, and the head that wears the 
Stephanos on the coin of Zeleia Troadis, quoted and published 

* Roacher's Z«jnVtf», p. a 118. ^3; cf. Tyrtaeus (Bergk. a): K^wlant 

^ Overbeck, K.-M, Miioztaf. a. No. «aXAi9Tc^ov v^is 'U/ms. 

223 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

among the Hera-heads by Overbeck, is quite as probably 
a representation of Artemis*. Many divinities wear the 
stephane, and any one of them can carry the sceptre. Nor, 
as we have seen, was Hera so closely associated in the general 
worship with any part of the natural world or with the arts of 
life that any special flower or animal, weapon or implementi 
could be given her as a sign. The pomegranate is as natural 
to Aphrodite as to Hera, and very rarely found with either. 
The cuckoo might have been used as the obvious and peculiar 
symbol of Hera, but by some strange perversity it was not ; 
it figures only in the description of Polycleitus' statue, and 
possibly on one vase-representation ^. 

Nor is there any precisely characteristic handling of the 
drapery which alone could distinguish her from any other god- 
dess. Character is indeed sufficiently expressed in the drapery 
of the most imaginative representations of Hera, the character of 
the stately and imperial goddess, the wife of Zeus. She is essen- 
tially €viCimVf * clad in comely dress/ Certain negative rules 
might be given ; she could not be unclad like Aphrodite, nor 
draped in the short tunic of Artemis, nor is it probable that in 
her temple-images she could wear nothing more than the open 
Doric chiton of Athene. But, like other goddesses, she changes 
her fashions with time and place. The Argive terra-cotta 
statuette shows her with the double-sleeved chiton and veil, 
on the Parthenon frieze she wears an ample veil and the Doric 
double chiton without sleeves, and also, on many of the later 
sarcophagi, the veil and chiton only. The girdle seems 
indifferent to her ; sometimes she has it and sometimes not. 
In such details the artist appears to have been guided by 
artistic fashion merely, not by any fixed conception about her. 
Her standing epithet in Homer is kcvKcik^vos, the white-armed 
goddess, and one might have supposed that the constant 
association of this poetic term with her would have impelled 
the artist and sculptor to show her arms bare of drapery. And 
the greatest sculptors have represented her thus ; but here 

* Overbeck, K.-M, 3, Munztaf. a. 37. was also consecrated to her {^De Abstin, 
Vide Head, Hisi, Kum, p. 475. Bk. 3, 5\ but as far as I know it has 

^ According to Porf h3rTy the stork no place in her representations. 


also the practice varied, and we cannot deny that a particular 
statue is Hera's because the arms are draped, or affirm that 
it is simply because they are not. The best works, indeed, 
show a tendency to invest her with a peculiar wealth and 
magnificence of drapery, to place the himation above the 
chiton, and to draw the outer robe across her body with 
a view to the most imposing effect of majestic fold and line. 
But the question will arise whether this gives us a sure clue, in 
the absence of other evidence, to discover Hera in a particular 
statue^ or whether, supposing that a very effective and solemn 
arrangement of drapery had been devised originally for Hera, 
a Greek sculptor would hesitate to borrow it for his representa- 
tion of any other austere divinity, say Demeter or Themis *. 

It seems then we have no speaking emblem or symbol of 
Hera, no indubitable external mark. It is generally by means 
of the peculiar type of countenance and expression, either in 
itself or combined with becoming drapery and appropriate 
attribute, that we recognize her in various works of the per- 
fected and later art. But in the archaic period, when the face 
was expressionless and there was no separate system of forms 
for the maidenly and the maternal divinity, and the drapery 
was conventional not characteristic, we can sometimes only 
distinguish a Hera from an Aphrodite or an Artemis by the 
situation or the myth represented, or by the presence of Zeus ; 
or the provenance of the object may decide, as for instance it 
is reasonable to recognize Hera in the terra-cotta image of the 
throned and veiled goddess from Argos or Samos (PI. V. b, 
VII. a). 

It remains to mention the few surviving works in which the 
ideal form or countenance of the goddess is manifested or 
which contribute certain elements to it. What that ideal is 
we can partly gather from the Homeric poetry, and from one 
or two passages in later Greek literature. The Homeric 
account depicts her as the majestic queenly goddess, stern, 

* Perhaps the only certam instance sufficient to identify the two personages, 

of a Hera recognizable by her drapery but it is only for the representation of 

alone is the figure on the metope of Hera the bride that such drapery would 

Selinus ; the situation itself of course is be used. 

224 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

proud, and self-asserting, with certain harsh and sombre traits 
in her character. There is some force and grandeur in the 
picture, but very little moral or spiritual quality. The Argive 
cult, not to mention others, knew her as something more than 
this, and her portrait in Greek art is richer and deeper than the 
Homeric The best Greek sculptors were indebted to Homer 
for the epithets /Socairts and X^VKtik^vos and for the austerity 
of her type. But there is more in the picture of her conveyed 
by the words of Dio Chrysostom, who describes a woman * of 
shapely and lofty stature clad in white raiment and holding 
a sceptre, with a countenance radiant and at the same time 
solemn, being such as painters are wont to paint Hera **^/ It 
was long before Greek art had attained to this presentation 
of her. 

Among the monuments of the fifth century before Pheidias 
there are two works that claim special mention among the 
ideal forms of Hera. Inside a very beautiful patera in the 
Munich collection of vases we see the form of the goddess, 
painted in various tints, standing in a very solemn pose, with 
the right hand holding the sceptre, and the left hand concealed 
under the drapery of the upper garment which is drawn over 
her chiton ; the left elbow is bent in such a way as to show 
that this hand is resting on her hip \ On her head is a golden 
Stephanos, above which the top of her skull is shown, and her 
golden hair streams down from her shoulders in rich curls. 
The face is full and matronly, very calm and earnest, but 
without severity; the lips are slightly open, the under lip 
being very slightly advanced. This is a rich and bright 
representation of the goddess-queen. 

Whether the popular imagination usually conceived her as 
yellow-haired, as she here appears, is uncertain; it would 
seem so from the story preserved by the Scholiast in the Iliad^ 
that Hera, Athene, and Aphrodite bathed in the river Xanthus 
to give their hair a golden colour ; but she is dark-haired in 
the Pompeian picture of her marriage. 

One of the most important monuments of fifth-century 

• PI. VII. b. b Schol. Ilioii, ai. I. 


religious sculpture is the Famese head of Hera in Naples *. 
The theories put forward concerning its date and origin are 
very conflicting; and before a judgement can be formed con- 
cerning them the features and expression must be carefully 
analyzed and defined. It is a colossal head of severe and 
impressive style, resembling some of the heads on the Par- 
thenon frieze in its exceeding depth, and in the great breadth 
of cheek and in the rendering of the bone-structure. The 
hair is pressed with a narrow band, and is parted above the 
forehead and drawn to each side in rippling lines in more 
accordance with the style of bronze-work than marble ; above 
the band it is drawn so closely over the head that the contour 
of the skull is impressively shown, and behind it is gathered 
in a crobylos on the neck. The austere simplicity of this 
arrangement is almost archaic, but the concealment of part of 
the ear beneath the hair fs a mark of a later period of style, 
a trait that begins to be found in the heads from the temple 
at Olympia. A striking characteristic of the whole head is 
its display of straight lines and flat surfaces : the forehead 
is exceedingly broad and strong, and is only slightly modu- 
lated in the part above the eyes ; the cheeks are flat surfaces 
that do not slope much towards the centre of the face, and 
the eyebrow is almost a straight line at right angles to the nose, 
of which the bone is broad and flat. Thus the whole head 
has somewhat of a rectilinear appearance and mathematical 
quality, and yet one must say also that the bone-structure is 
not strongly marked, but only, so to speak, shadowed beneath 
the flesh, to which due attention is paid in places. The 
comers of the lips are softly treated, and the flesh about the 
mouth and nose is warmly modulated with lines that aid 
greatly the impression of character. The upper lip is beauti- 
fully carved, and the lower protrudes noticeably in the centre, 
and is slightly flattened outwards. Beneath the lips is a deep 
depression, and then a strong broad chin that springs slightly 

The question must now be considered, before any further 
analysis of the forms, as to the personality. It is evidently 

• PI. VIII. 

VOL. I. Q 

226 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

a representation of divinity, and the almost unanimous verdict 
of archaeologists pronounces it to be Hera*. There can be 
little doubt that this judgement is correct ; for though the 
head does not wear the usual crown, but only a narrow band, 
which we find indeed on the head of Hera on Elean coins, 
but which any goddess might wear, the expression is cer- 
tainly more suitable to Hera than to any other divinity. It 
resides chiefly in the eyes and the h'ps and in the parts about 
the mouth, though all the other features convey it and are 
in perfect accord with each other ; but in defining it we are 
in danger of imputing too much to the conscious intention 
of the artist and too little to the laws of plastic form- 
rendering to which his generation was devoted. We are 
struck at once with the energy and powerful will that is 
written on forehead, chin, and mouth ; with the dark and 
sombre mood revealed in the eyes that are shadowed by very 
thick eyelids, and in the drooping corners of the lips ; and the 
countenance exercises such fascination on those who look at 
it long, that one writer, who has made a special study of the 
types of Greek heads, speaks of its * elemental demoniac force, 
its untameable power V The phrase is too strong perhaps, 
but the head certainly produces something of this effect upon 
us ; only it must be borne in mind that other heads of the 
period to which this in all probability belongs are marked 
with something of the same expression. And it is very 
doubtful if the sculptor intended to represent Hera as a 
* demoniac force,' as one who * would devour Troy and Priam 
raw ' ; he is to some extent following or reproducing the style 
of the short-lived period of sculpture, the period of transition 
from the archaic to the perfected work. That generation which 
began its work shortly before the destruction of Athens by the 
Persians, and which lasted until the zenith of Pheidias, broke 
away from the older school even more in regard to the spiritual 
expression which they gave to their work than in their formal 
treatment of the features. The forms of the countenance 
become much nobler, and the expression that they convey 

* Dr. Furtwangler inclines to call it question {Meisterwefke^ P* 323, i, Ejigl. 
Artemis, but he does not discuss the £d.). ^ Kekule, Hebc^ p. 67. 


is over-serious and often sombre and dark, contrasting utterly 
with the weak aflected smile upon the later archaic faces. 
And the expression does not vary for the individual repre- 
sented ; the countenances of Apollo and Demeter would be 
stamped with the same stem severity as that of Hera. The 
strange and almost repellent look on the Farnese face is there- 
fore not necessarily due wholly to the conscious aim of the 
sculptor and his conception of the nature of the goddess, nor 
need we see in it the Homeric portrait of the stormy and 
sullen wife of Zeus. It may be sufficient to say that the 
.sculptor, to represent the severe and dignified goddess of 
marriage, has intensified a type of expression prevalent in 
his day. 

It might be thought that the slimness of the cheeks is more 
maidenly than matronly ; and it has been supposed that 
the sculptor wished to allude to the maidenly character of 
Hera in Argive and Arcadian worship. But the broad flat 
cheek is not necessarily part of the individual expression, but 
a characteristic of a style of sculpture which did not distin- 
guish between the youthful wife and the maid •. The indi- 
viduality of the head is imprinted in the middle of the face, 
especially in the lines about the mouth, which without marring 
the beauty speak of experience and mature life. It is this and 
the imperious sombre look, which is too marked to be wholly 
explained by the general tendencies of contemporary art, that 
arc the sole valid reasons for giving the name of Hera to the 
statue of which this is part. 

Much has been said indeed about the eyes, and the strange 
marking of the eyelids ; according to the view of Brunn, in 
which he has been followed by Kekule and many others, they 
have been carved so as to convey the quality expressed by 
the Homeric epithet jQowTrts; and this they regard as the 
leading trait in the * canonical ideal ' of Hera's face. No 
doubt the eyes were a striking feature of her countenance 
as the people imagined it ; for the poetic term of Homer must 

* For instance, in the Elcusinian relief period, it is hard to discern from the 
of Demeter, lacchus, and Persephone, faces which of the two is the mother 
a work perhaps of the earlier Pheidian and which the daughter. 

228 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

have had its influence, and it is said by a poet of the 
Anthology, in praise of a maiden, that * she had the eyes of 
Hera^®^/ It is a question whether each one of the typical 
heads of Hera can be called jSocaTTis; there is no question 
what the term means, and unquestionably it does not apply to 
the Farnese head. 

It certainly does not mean * bull-eyed,' as Brunn and 
others have interpreted it, finding in the word an allusion 
to the * wild terrific power* latent in the eyes of the bull and 
of the goddess •. As applied to Hera, it can only mean ox- 
eyed or cow-eyed, and the eye of the cow is not threatening, 
nor does it * cause a certain inquietude in the mind of him 
who finds himself opposite it ^' The eye of the cow is 
large, round, and somewhat prominent, and has a dark light 
in it : and this is the sense in which Homer applies it 
to more than one goddess and lady, as he had noticed 
that human eyes are often striking and beautiful through 
a certain resemblance to that animal's. The ancients inter- 
preted the word rightly as large-eyed and dark-eyed ^^ ; 
a painter would convey the impression by painting the eye 
dark and round and large, such as the eye of Hera in the 
Pompeian picture of the Holy Marriage; a sculptor would give 
the eyeball a certain size and shape. Now the eyes of the 
Farnese Hera are narrow and long, in their shape as unlike 
a cow's as any human eye can be. But they are set between 
very extraordinary eyelids, both of which are abnormally thick 
and the lower drawn away from the ball and turned down and 
outwards. It is by this curious method that the sculptor has 
been thought to indicate Hera fiod)'7rt9. If so, he was more 
ignorant of nature than most Greek sculptors and painters, if 
we may judge from the representation of cows in classic art. 
A walk through the fields will convince us that the cow's eye- 
lids do not fall away from the eyeball as those of the Farnese 
Hera ; on the contrary they form a close firm rim ; and 
anything like the lower eyelid of that goddess, if seen at all in 
human beings, is only seen in disease and old age. It is hard 

» Bninn io the Bull, del Ann. 1846, pp. 1 32-1 28 ; cf. KekuU in his Hebt^ p. 64. 

^ Bruxm, op. cit. 




to believe, then, that the sculptor carved such eyes in the hope 
that they would remind the Greek spectator of the ox-eyed 
goddess. Probably his sole aim was to give a striking ex- 
pression to the eyes by such a treatment of the eyelid as 
would cast the deepest shadow upon them, and he merely 
carried somewhat further a technical method which had 
become usual in the plastic work of the age. The thick 
lids are found in the Apolline head in the British Museum, 
a copy as is supposed of a bronze-work of Canachus ; in the 
heads from the temple of Zeus Olympius, and some of the 
Lapith heads of the Parthenon metopes. But the best 
instances to compare with the Famese are the heads of 
Harmodius in the Neapolitan group of the tyrannicides, of 
the nymph on the Olympian metope, and of Heracles on the 
relief from the same temple that represents the cleansing of 
the Augean stables. In all these cases the eyelids are not 
only tliick, but the lower one is turned slightly down and 
away from the eye. This method has been exaggerated by 
the sculptor of the Famese head, whose colossal statue raised 
on a pedestal may have towered above the spectator, and who, 
wisely reckoning with the height, may have pursued a conven- 
tional method of treating the eyelid by which the eye as seen 
from below appeared shadowy and full of warmth. This 
technical process is more natural to bronze-work than to 
marble-carving •. 

And the Farnese head is no original production ** (the bust- 
form alone, a product of Alexandrine art, would prove that), 
but a copy of a bronze original which in all probability was 
wrought about the middle of the fifth century, at the very 
close of the transitional period. The reasons of this view have 
already been given by the way ; to recapitulate, the slightly 

• Overbeck, in his Kunst-Mythologie 
(3. pp. 66, 71, 72}, has done good ser- 
vice in exposing the absurdities of the 
fiowfis theory, and in suggesting that 
much in the Farnese head may be ex- 
plained better by the general history of 
plastic style than by special reference to 
Hcia*s character. 

^ This is also the view of Overbeck, 
Kunst'Myth, 2. p. 73; and Conze, 
Beitrage zur Geschichte der griechischen 
Plastik, p. 6. Though a copy, it belongs 
probably still to the Greek period ; the 
surface is rather damaged, but the treat- 
ment of hair and mouth shows good 
Greek style. 

230 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

protruding chin and lower lip, the great breadth of cheek, the 
ear placed a little too high, the conventional treatment of the 
eyelid, and still more the dark and sombre expression, are 
the marks of an ideal style of sculpture that flourished before 
the zenith of Pheidias. 

This view is of course inconsistent with the theory of Kekule 
and Brunn and others, who maintain that the head is a copy 
more or less direct of the famous Hera of Polycleitus. Before 
the theory becomes a valuable hypothesis, there ought to be 
some direct evidence for this, derived from the resemblance of 
the Farnese head to some recognized work or copy of a work 
of Polycleitus or to the description left us of the great Argive 
image. Now the above-mentioned writers maintain that there 
is the very nearest affinity between this head and that of the 
Doryphorus • ; while others of equal authority deny that there 
is any resemblance at all. It is strange that opinions should 
so conflict about a matter of fact that can surely be decided 
by a close comparison of the works. My own conviction is 
that the resemblance is only very general, such as we might 
expect to find in any two heads representing Peloponnesian 
art from 460 to 420 B.C., and that the differences are far 
more weighty. The cheeks of the Doryphorus slope more 
towards the centre of the face, which thus becomes narrower, 
the nose is less broad in the ridge, the chin protrudes less, 
and the eyes are quite differently treated. But those who 
maintain the Polycleitean origin of the head rely most on 
the argument that this surpasses all existing representations 
of Hera in ideal conception ; and they ask, if it was not Poly- 
cleitus but some earlier sculptor who produced this type, 
what was there left for Polycleitus, to whom the voice of 
antiquity ascribes the greatest representation of Hera, to do 
further in the development of the ideal ? The answer is easy, 
that still much remained to be done. If Polycleitus produced 
the type of the Farnese Hera, then in his conception of the 
goddess he fell far below — not perhaps Homer — but the artist 
who a little later carved the head of Hera on the coins of 

* Conze, op. cit. ; Oyerbeck, IC,-M, a. p. 50. 


Argos, and the sculptor who in the fourth century wrought 
the original of the Ludovisi head. 

For the Farnese bust, effective as it is by the intensity of 
its expression, gives by no means the full ideal of Hera ; it is 
not the benign Argive goddess * of good works,* not the god- 
dess in whose face and person, according to Dio Chrysostom ^®*, 
brightness appeared by the side of majesty. The sculptor of 
this head could give us the majesty under a dark and sombre 
aspect ; neither he nor his age could represent r6 (f^aihpov. 

It was in the following period that the ideal of Hera 
received full and satisfying expression. In perfecting the type 
the work of Polycleitus was chief, but the part played by 
Pheidias and his school was not unimportant. There is no 
authority for attributing to Pheidias himself, the greatest 
creator of divine types, any free statue of Hera, and none 
has survived that can be ascribed to this school *. But her 
figure wrought by his hand appeared among the other divini- 
ties on the base of the throne of Zeus Olympios, and the 
Parthenon frieze shows us how he would probably represent 
her^ She is there seated between Zeus and the winged 
figure, who is Iris or Nike. Clad in a Doric chiton, which 
is fastened over her shoulders so as to reveal her neck and 
arms, and is drawn down over the concealed girdle to form 
the beautiful fold common in Pheidian drapery, she turns 
to Zeus and raises with both hands the veil from her face, 
as the bride might on the day of her wedding. The face 
is unfortunately much disfigured, but enough remains to show 
the full oval outline and the laurel crown on her head, which 
alludes perhaps to her nuptials as well as to the Attic festival 
she was witnessing. The treatment of the flesh shows the 

• The attempt of Petersen to discover in the development of the type. The 

the Hera of Alcamenes — a very doubt- more that head is studied the more 

fal work — in a scries of statues called suspicion it arouses, and Furtwangler*s 

DemeterbyOverbeck has led to nothing: grounds for rejecting it as a forgery are 

vide AfiU. d. d. Inst. Rom. 4. p. 68, and very strong {Arck. Zeit. 1885, p. 275). 

Overbeck, K.-M. 3. p. 461. I have If genuine, it would be of little value 

not dealt in the text with the head on account of its singular lack of 

of ' Hera of Girgenti ' in the British character. 
Museum, which Overbeck and others ^ PI. III. b. 

would place next after the Farnese 

232 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

delicacy and grandeur of the Pheidian work, and, apart from 
the formal beauty of the surface, the whole pose is perfect in 
its expression of the chastity, dignity, and g^ace of the youth- 
ful wife of Zeus. Though the attitude has some reference to 
the particular occasion, yet the figure has a permanent value 
as a monumental and characteristic type of Hera, and as the 
earliest great representation of the whole person of the god- 
dess. Nor did Pheidias forget, in his arrangement of the 
drapery, that Hera should appear as Hera XcvicciXci/os, with her 
white arms bared. 

Among the monuments of this age may be mentioned 
a very beautiful cylix of the British Museum that contains 
a representation of Hera full of character and expression •. 
Holding a sceptre and wearing a Doric chiton and veil, with 
her hair bound in a stephane, but partly falling over her fore- 
head, she is seated opposite to Zeus, who is holding out his 
hand to her, and her lips are parted and seem moving in 
speech ; her form is almost virginal. 

The fifth-century electrum coinage of Phocaea ** displays 
a striking head of Hera, wearing a diadem ornamented with 
the honeysuckle ; the face is set in thick clusters of hair, and 
the deep ty^s and half-opened lips give it a very earnest 

In the monuments that may next be quoted a great change 
is noted in the representation ; the features and expression 
become softer, more benign, and a touch of brightness, the 
^ai5^orr/9 that Dio Chrysostom speaks of, appears in them. 
The first of these that claims attention is the Argive coin 
that has been several times published and is unsurpassed in 
beauty of style®. The head of Hera upon it shows more 
grace and purity of feature and more profound and spiritual 
conception of character than any of her surviving monuments 
in stone, except perhaps the Ludovisi head. She wears no 
veil, but the Stephanos richly ornamented with floral design, 
and from beneath it the long wavy clusters of hair fall down 
her neck and over part of the cheek, which is less broad and 

• PI. IX. b. * Coin PI. A 19 {Brit, A/us. Cat. Ionia, p. 309). 

« Coin PI. A 17. 


flat than that of the Famese head. The forehead is broad 
and strong, and, rising somewhat over the eyes, bears the 
impress of power. The eyebrows are straight and noble, and 
the eyes are round and somewhat protruding, as if they would 
suggest the Homeric epithet, and are set between very thick 
lids. The nose is rather long and forms an angle with the 
forehead; the chin is firm and well rounded. The bone-struc- 
ture of the face is well marked, and yet there is no severity 
except in the clear sharp outline, and the lips that are parted 
with a smile give to the whole countenance a fascinating 
expression of brightness and benevolence. Therefore, impos- 
ing and majestic as the type certainly is, it is a very pure and 
true representation of the benign goddess of Argos, and one 
may discover in the traits some hint of the maidenliness that 
was ever renewed in the wife of Zeus, and certainly the decor 
super verunty the solemn beauty, that was seen in the works 
of Polycleitus. 

If we search for a name with which we may associate this 
new type of Hera there is no other than his. A few years ago 
this association would have been accepted without argument ; 
but it has been said more recently that, as the coin artists of 
the great age did not copy, it is doubtful whether the Argive 
coin-stamper has reproduced in his Hera head anything of 
the expression and any of the traits of the masterpiece of 
Polycleitus *. There must, of course, be some doubt where 
positive reasons are few ; and as regards these we can only 
say that the coin agrees with what is recorded or otherwise 
known about the statue in the symbol of the decorated 
Stephanos, the floral ornament being an allusion to the Hours 
and Graces, and in the absence of the veil. Also the necklace 
and earrings might be taken as pointing to the richness of 
chryselephantine technique. 

And the type that appears on this coin is found with some 
modifications on coins of Cnossus Himera and, still more 
modified, on coins of Samos ^ Now we cannot suppose that 

• Sec Gardner, Types of Greek Coins, coin ; and Ovcrbeck, K.-M, 2. p. 44, 
p. 138, who does not wholly deny Uie who hesitates. 
Polycleitean character of the Argive *• Coin of Cnossus, OverLcck, K,-M, 

234 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

the same great artist wrought all these, especially as the coins 
of these other cities are inferior in depth of expression, and 
the face on them has lost its radiancy and retained only its 
beauty and seriousness. What then is the natural explanation 
for the prevalence of this type on coins that were struck at 
various places near to the beginning of the fourth century? 
There is no political reason to explain it, and one inclines to 
believe that all these coin-devices were struck under the 
influence of some great work, well known throughout the 
Greek world. At this time this must have been the Hera of 

There are other more general reasons for this view. The 
Argive coin shows a type of head of far higher imagina- 
tion than the Farnese head, and challenges comparison with 
the Ludovisi bust itself; in fact, as regards expression it 
embodies more than the latter work the description of Dio 
Chrysostom. The coin's date is at least a generation earlier 
than the period of Praxiteles, and if such a type of Hera as 
this was in vogue towards the beginning of the fourth century, 
it is difficult to see what was left for that sculptor to do 
by way of perfecting the ideal of the goddess ; to infuse more 
mildness and soft delicacy into the face would destroy its 
power and character. Either, then, an unknown coin-stamper 
working in Polycleitus' own city a short time after the great 
temple-image of that sculptor was set up produced indepen- 
dently a rival type of Hera, perhaps the most beautiful that 
antiquity has left us of the goddess, or he worked under 
the dominating influence of the gold and ivory statue, the 
expression of which he had sufficient skill and imagination 
to reproduce. 

The latter theory is all the more probable, as there is every 
reason for saying that it was Polycleitus and no other who 

Mtinztaf. 2. No. 23; Himera, No. 22; them, stiuck towards the end of the 

5>amos, 1-4. The coins of Elis (Over- fifth century, might be the work of an 

beck, A'.-il/. Miinztaf. 2. No. 14; Gard- original artist who preserved the older 

ncr, Types of Greek Coins yVX.Vlll. 15; expression for his ideal of Hera, and 

Brit. Mus. Cat. Pelop. PI. XII. 13, 14. gave her face the severe stem look; 

and PI. XIV. 1-6) do not appear to me the lips droop at the comers, and there 

to belong to this class : the finest of is no smile npon them (Coin PI. A iS). 


perfected the ideal. Recently much has been ascribed to 
Praxiteles in this matter by Overbeck and others, who, feeling 
the superiority of the Ludovisi to the Farnese head, assign the 
former with its deeper expression to Praxiteles, and fail to 
note sufficiently what the Argive coin proves — namely, that 
the perfection of the type was achieved nearer to the end 
of the fifth century than the middle of the fourth. Now, 
as regards Praxiteles, we hear only of a Hera Teleia at 
Plataea, and a Hera in a group at Mantinea by his hand : 
we know nothing of either of these works, in spite of the 
attempt to detect x:opies of the former in a small series 
of statues * ; and the coins of Plataea that may be con- 
temporary with the eariier period of Praxiteles display 
a head of Hera far poorer in expression than that on the 
Argive coin. Nor do these works of this sculptor appear 
to have been celebrated or much commended ; and there is 
no reason a priori for supposing that the ideal of Hera, into 
which a solemnity and a certain imperiousness in pose and 
expression largely enter, would have been best dealt with by 
the genius of Praxiteles. The hypothesis that he did deal 
with it effectively and finally rests on no ancient statement 
and on no modem discovery. 

On the other hand, the ancient record, so far as it goes, is 
clear in favour of Polycleitus ; and the value of this record 
is somewhat under-estimated by Overbeck in his treatment 
of the problem. He puts a wrong question in asking, * Who 
wrought the canonical ideal of Hera?* For this implies 
that there was one, that is, that there was some accepted 
system of rules about her form and expression that might 
serve as a canon to which later works should always conform. 
Now we must not insist too much on finding a * canon ' as so 
understood for any and every Greek divinity. It is only in 
the representation of Zeus that we find anything like it, the 
Pheidian type dominating to a certain degree each succeeding 
generation ; but there is no * canon * of Athena and none of 
Aphrodite, although there were certainly representations of 
these divinities which the Greek world regarded as perfected 

* Vide sapra, p. 207. 

236 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

and ideal, and when they wished to imagine them in the form 
that best corresponded to their nature, they thought of the 
Athene Parthenos of Pheidias and the Cnidian Aphrodite of 
Praxiteles, though there were many different types wrought 
by independent artists. 

Similarly, so far as the records go, the only statue of Hera 
that appears to have been * the ideal/ in the sense that it fully 
satisfied the popular imagination about her, was the Hera of 
Polycleitus. Maximus Tyrius puts it by the side of the 
Athena Parthenos of Pheidias when he is distinguishing 
between the actual existence of the divinities and their 
traditional representation in art ; and Philostratus mentions 
it among those great works that illustrate the power in the 
artist of 4>avraala, which is something * wiser than mere 
imitation,' the power of conceiving a fitting ideal*. The 
epigrammatist '^® declares that Polycleitus * alone of all men 
contemplated Hera with his eyes,' that is, that he alone carved 
her in that perfect form which must be supposed the actual. 

In one case, then, in the great monument of his country's 
worship, the sculptor, who * gave to the human form an almost 
superhuman beauty, but did not worthily express the majesty 
of the gods,' rose above himself and created the only image 
of Hera that was extolled by the voice of antiquity, which 
is silent concerning the merits of the Hera of Praxiteles, of 
Callimachus, and of Euphranor. The late Roman coin shows 
us the full figure, and proves the queenly dignity of the pose 
(Coin PI. A, 16) ; as regards the head, if the earlier Argive coin 
gives us no evidence, then we have none at all, for the head 
recently found by the American excavations at Argos cannot 
be proved to be a Hera^ If the Argive coin be accepted 
as a free reproduction of the great temple work, it proves 
that the words of Dio Chrysostom about the ideal of Hera 
really record the qualities of the Polycleitean work, for the 

* Vit. Apoll. Tyan. vi. 19. Hera Hap$K¥Oi. Overbcck {Berichte 

*> Waldstcin, Excavations of the Sachs. Gfsei/. fViss. iSg^, p, s^) Accepts 

AmiHccui School at Argos^ 1893. The the name of Hera for it, but points ont 

bead has a marked maidenly character ; its anlikeness to the Farneie head, 
it woald be too hazardous to name it 



^/' "? 


/■' ■' 



1 / 

h0- ^. 


— ^'•te 


f \ 

-^. ■■-f ]/i 


I V 

A 1 1 




I .y - 




head on the coin displays at once 'the brightness and 
solemnity' of the countenance. 

Among the later monuments we cannot trace clearly the 
Polycleitean influence. Looking at the representations of the 
beginning of the fourth century we note a type of Hera 
prevalent on the coins of South Italy, which was used with 
some modifications of detail for the Hera Lacinia of Croton 
(Coin PI. A 20) and the Hera Areia of Posidonia and Hyria*. 
The head is presented en face, crowned, and with richly flowing 
locks ; the face is a high broad oval, the features are full and 
large, and there is a certain exuberance in the whole treatment. 
It is a striking type, but quite unlike the Argive, and has no 
very profound expression of individual character. The coins 
of Thermae also^^, and Capua®®, show a head of Hera of some 
power, with serious expression and characteristic rendering of 
the eye, but none of these preserve the Argive type or add 
anything new. i 

Near to the beginning of the fourth century must be placed 
the representation of the Judgement of Paris incised on wood 
in St. Petersburg, which contains a representation of Hera 
of great power and originality**. The drapery is arranged 
so as to display her arms, and her figure is almost as maidenly 
as Athena's, but her face is fuller. She wears the veil and 
a crown of leaves around her head : the expression of her face 
is very profound, and there is a searching gaze in her eyes 
that are fixed on Paris. The treatment of the limbs and the 
forms of the face recall the Pheidian style ; but the figure of 
Eros is too small to allow us to date the work as early as that 

Another wood-carving, in the same museum **, of approxi- 
mately the same date as the former, presents an equally 
striking type of Hera, erect and standing in very majestic pose 
with her left hand resting on her sceptre and her right on her 
hip; her arms are bare, and she wears a Doric diploidion 
without sleeves and with no girdle visible, and a himation 

• Head, Hist. Num. p. 82, Fig. 57 ; cf. coins of Phistelia and NeapoUs. 
Ovcrbcck, K,-M. MUnztaf. 3. Nos. 43, ^ PI. X. 

44; Head, ib, pp. 68 and 32, Fig. 16; « PI. XI. 

238 GREEK RELIGION. [chap, 

which is fastened on her left shoulder. The folds of drapery 
about her right leg are severe and columnar, and give the aspect 
of a temple-statue to the representation ; but the left leg is 
drawn back and the toe is lightly resting on the ground. 
She wears ear-rings and a stephane which secures the hair. It 
is the figure of Hera the queen, an independent product of 
Attic art. 

The greatest monument that has survived to show us the 
type of Hera in the later fourth-century art is the bust of the 
Ludovisi Hera*. It belonged to a colossal statue, and it pro- 
duces its best effect when it is placed high and the spectator 
meets from below the downward gaze of its eyes. The large 
proportions of the head, the crown with its rich floral design, 
the somewhat severe arrangement of the hair that is drawn 
carefully over the forehead and reveals the form of the skull, 
the straight and simple line of the eyebrow and the breadth 
of forehead and cheek, are traitf that recall the best style of 
the fifth century, and accord with the expression of solemn 
nobility in the countenance. But the hardness and gloom of 
the Farnese face is nowhere seen in this. The surface of the 
flesh is rendered with great softness, and the dignity and 
imperial character of the whole is softened with a benign 
and gentle expression. The look of brightness which we 
see in the face on the Argive coin is not quite attained 
here ; the lips do not smile but indicate serious gentle- 
ness. The religious aspect of the head is enhanced by the 
fillet that passes round the head parallel with the crown and 
falls down by the two long curls on each side of her neck ; 
for this rather curious decoration may well have been sug- 
gested by the sacred fillets with which her images were hung 
in her temple. There has been much discussion as to the 
date of this work ; most archaeologists would assign it to the 
younger Attic school ; and this is the most probable view, for 
though there is nothing specially Praxitelean in the features, 
still less any trace of Scopas' style, yet the particular 
expression, the very soft treatment of the flesh, and the 
deeply hollowed eye-socket point to that period rather than 

• PI. XU. 





to any other. It has been proposed indeed by Helbig to 
place the work in the beginning of the Alexandrine era*, 
though he allows the influence of the style of the younger 
Attic school upon it. But the head has much more of the 
grandeur of the older period of religious sculpture than the 
elegance of the later courtly age, and the severity of the 
profile and the absence of all self-consciousness in the face 
suggest a better age than the Alexandrine. The rather high 
and triangular forehead is no mark of the later period, for 
we see it in the statue of Eirene in Munich. It is the most 
expressive marble head of Hera that has been handed down, 
but it does not permit us to say that the perfection of her type 
was the achievement of the fourth century ; for the Argive 
coin shows an even more intense expression of character **. 

The later heads reveal by the side of much elegance and 
grace a falling away from the true idea of the goddess. For 
instance, the later Ludovisi head displays at once the merits 
and defects of Alexandrine sculpture. Though the forehead 

• Ann. delV Inst. 1869, p. 149, and 
Helbig, Die offeni lichen Sammlungen 
classischer Altefthiimer in Kom^ No. 

^ The strange theox7 recently ad- 
vanced by Dr. Furtw'angler {Meister- 
werke, p. 557) that the Ludovisi head 
represents a Roman lady of the Claudian 
period idealized as a goddess is not 
likely to win acceptance. As there is 
not the faintest trace of portraiture in 
the face, his theory depends on what he 
calls external evidence, namely, (i) the 
arrangement of the hair on the neck, 
(3) the sacrificial fillet. He quotes 
from Bemonilli {Romische Iconographies 
2. I, Taf. 14, 15, 21, Figs, .^o, 3a) in- 
stances of portrait-statnes of the Clau* 
dian period with a similar treatment of 
the hair. He declares that the locks 
hanging down the neck and gathered 
together with a band was a fashion 
never used for a goddess, and belongs 
merely to the Claudian era : this posi- 
tive statement is as positively refuted by 

the Fames© Hera-head, the Pallas of 
Velletri, the Giryatid of the Erech- 
theum in the British Museum, the 
Pheidian torso of Athena in Athens 
(Wolters, 472), all of which works, 
even the last-named as we can gather 
with certainty from what remains of the 
hair, had the locks gathered on the nape 
of the neck by a band and plaited or 
unplaited. The fashion comes down 
from old Attic sculpture. As regards 
the fillet, p)ortrait busts and statues 
show that ladies of the Claudian p>eriod 
affected it. But it was used in the 
Greek period without affectation for 
sacred personages : we 6nd it on 
Euboean coins of the fourth century 
{Brit. Mus. Cat. Central Greece^ pp. 
113, 113, PI. XX. 15, 16). The 'Mes- 
salina ' in Munich (Bemouilli, Fig. 33) 
tries to make herself look like Hera by 
wearing the head-gear of the Ludovisi 
goddess ; she fails and cannot be quoted 
as proving that the Ludovisi Hera is a 
Roman lady. 


and the lines about the mouth slightly recall the Famese bust, 
and the veil and polos-shaped crown and the imperial air 
make the personality certain, there is nothing more in the 
expression than a certain queenly pride, and in fact it is not 
so much the goddess as the queen that appears here. The 
features are small and delicate by comparison with the former 
heads, and the curve of the neck and the fall of the veil show 
the striving after elegance and effect. From the Pentini head 
the dignity and statcliness have almost entirely disappeared, 
and the countenance and pose are overfull of sentiment and 
tenderness ; but in the later and Graeco-Roman period somo- 
thing of the earlier <t€\iviWi]s returns, and the imperial Juno 
Regina is the only prevailing type. 


References for Chapters VII-IX. 

Common cult of Zeus and Hera. 

' * At Lebadea : Hera 'Hvioxn with Zeus Basileus, Paus. 9. 39, 4 : 
at the shrine of Trophonius, vide Zeus *" *. 

^ Cf. Paus. 9. 34, 3, near the shrine of Trophonius eV crepy va^ 

Kp6v*nf Ka\ "Hpas Km Atdp coriy dyaXfi.ira, 

c At Lebadea : Hera fiatrikU : C. I. Gr. 1 603 "Hp^ /SacriXidt Koi rj 
ndkft Atfiadwp (probably of first century a.d.). 

Cf. Plato, Phaedr. ^53^ ^^* M*^* ^Hpar cin-ovro ^trCkiwbv {rjTov(ri rh» 


In Boeotia. 

• At Plataea : Paus. 9. 2, 5 va6s iarw "H/Ktf . . . t^i* bi "Uptw 
TcXcuiy KoKown : Statue of *Hpa wfi(l)€vofi(vrj there : t'd. 9, 3, feast of 
Daedala at Plataea, commemorating the ifp6s yafAos : id. 3, 4, sacrifice 
on Cithaeron at the Daedala Megala, al fiiv d^ n6kus km rii rcXi; ^^Xctay 

Bvaams rj *Hp9 fiovp (Kaaroi koi ravpov ry Au: cf. Eus. Proep, Ev, 3. I, 

from Plutarch. 

' At Argos on the Larissa : Paus. 2. 24, 2 Ixcrat rh aratwv cV 

y r^y oyvva r^ Ncftci^ Aii iral ra 'Hpaia Syovtriv, cf. !*(/. 4. 27, 6 
*Apyuoi dc ?^oy rg re *Hp9 r^ 'Apyci^ icai Nf/if/^ Au : cf. inscription 
giving Cassandros the BtnpoboKia rov Aios rov fiifuiov Koi TTJs ^Hpas TrJ£ 
*ApyfiaSy Arch. Zeit. 1855, 39. 

^ Between Argos and Epidauros, on Mount Arachnaion, Paus. 2. 
25, 10 : vide Zeus"^. 

• Olympia : Paus. 5. 1 7, i r^^ "Hpa^ ^ cWi* eV t^ yaf Aio's . . . Ti 

hi. ^Hpoff Sydkfia Ka$rifi€v6v cotiv ciri Bp6v^, irapitmiKt dc yiptia re ^X^'' *^^ 
drructipLtvot kvv^p ciri r^ irc^aX j' cpya dc cWiy <&irXa. 

• Schol. Odyss, 3. 91 o»ff icai ^ *Hpa Aioivri »pofia<r$rf irapii Attdtfyoioif, 
•»( *AiroKk6i»po£, 

^ Crete : mentioned together in the oath of alliance between OIus 
and Latus (third century b. c), C. I. Gr. 2554 *Ofiyv« , , .r6v Zifpa r6w 


KpriToytpia Ka\ riuf "Hpav : in the similar oath taken by the men of 
Hierapytna, C, /. Gr, 2555 •0/aw« , . . Zava Aucrtuov Koi'U/Kip. 

' Cyprus : on a wall of old Paphos : C /. Gr, 2640 *A<Ppodinit m 

At6f UokUai Ktu "Upas, 

* Caria: at Stratonicea with Zeus Panamaros, CI. Gr. 2719: 

cf« 2722 imipraTois nap* ^fio>v fv)(Ti¥ "Hprj Ka\ Aii . . . mpaaas, rfjp rriycruw 

xapip (inscriptions of Roman period): cf 2820: Zeus**®: Buil. de 
Corr. Hell. 1891, p. 426 Zcu( TLavapjupoi with Hera TcXc/a. 

'° At Lebedos in Caria, common priestship of Zeus BovXcua and 
Hera, C. I. Gr. 2909 (pre- Roman period ?) : vide Zeus "• «, 

'^ Pind. Netn. 11. I 'Ecrna Zi^vor xr^lvTW KaavfVffTa Koi 6fUiBp6mv*Hpas : 

fragment quoted by Clemens, Strom. 5, p. 661 (? Pindar) mI r^ 
" Hera Pelasgis : in Iolchus(?), Apoll. Rhod. i. 14, sacrifice of 

Pelias, ^Uprjs dc IlfXaayldos ovk akiyidiP. Dionys. Perieg. 534 Kol Zafu>f 
iiupoitrtra IlfXaayidos t^pavop^Hpas. 

Physical allusions in epithets and cults of Hera. 

^' * £/. Mag. S. V. (cv£id/a. 'H "Upa ovt» Tiparai cV "hpytC i^a\ yap 
OTi "Apyos piTapaariiS an6 "Apyovt tls ASyvnroPj hrtp.y^ P6as rf ip^Apyn 
Paaikfvoprtf Koi rffp tov <nr6pov ipyatriaif ibiliafyir 6 dc C*v(as nrl rf <nr(l^ 
rhs fiovs ^Hpas lfp6p dpfOrjKt' ore dc roifs ardxyt (rvvc/Soiyc jSXcurravcur koI 
ap$€ip, SpBta^Hpas ciojXcac. 

^ Hera 'Ai^ia, vide infra ••. 

c Athenae. I5t p* 678 a nvXtap' ovr^s KoXciroi 6 or tffMPOt hm r^ *Hpf 
ntpiTt$€aaip oi AaKufpts : cf. the fragment of Alcman's Hymn to Hera^ 

Bergk, frag. 16 lun rev tijxppai <t>€p€iitra r6vlf ikixpvo'n mikiwa Kifparm 
Kvrraipv '. cf. Anthol. 9. 586 SufBta woiap €ia\ St&P' ^Hpi^ff icai 'PoiUfs 
na<piris : cf. Pollux, 4. 78 ftAoff r6 ^Apyokuchp t iv rait dp$t(r<l>6pfns tw^Hpas 

^** £us. Praep. Ev. 3. I, 4 o2 dc ^wrimm pShXop Koi np€ir6pr»f viro- 
Xafi^vovTig TOP pvBov ovrns ts t6 aifr6 rj Ariroi avpoyovo't r^p "Hpop^ y^ 

pip €aTiP 4 "Upa K.T,\. from Plutarch. 

^ Plutarch, De placit. philos. I. 3 ritrtTapa t&p vavrmw ptCnpara vp&rop 
Sicovt' Zcvf dpyfis, *Upff rt t^piafitot ffd* *Ald»P€V£ N^OTiV it, vide Frtlg., 

Phil. Graec, Mullach, i, p. 39. 

^ Porphyry, ntp\ r^r cV Xoytluy ^iXcxro^uis : "^po d* ctWXady fuiXoin} 

xvtnt ff€pos iyprjs (jJXrrat) : frag, quoted £us. Praep, Ev. 5. 7, 4. 


^ Plato, Crai, p. 404 C iirax furtapoKoyav 6 poftoBirrjs t6p aipa "Hpatf 
w6fiaatp iitucpvirr6/i«vos, 

^ Oracle in C /. Gr, 3769 *o^ ^^ vdpofiSkoto't dp6<rois ndftffMrow 
Ibfoffiraw secms to refer to Hera. 

' Paus. 2. 13, 3 *OX$M dc cV^Hpas c'oTcv vftry irnroci^/im rpacfi^vM r^y 

"Hpoir vir6 'Opwv, cf. Hera •flpo'Xvrof : Zeus '". 

^ ^/. Mdg* 77^> 49 Tv^oDcvff* 'HcTiodof avrdy y^s yrvcaXoyci, Zn;o'i;(opo£ 
di/Hpav it6vti£ Korii funjciKaKiav Aiif re Kown/r avrc^i^ : Bergk, fr. 60 Stesich. 

I' Schol. //• 14. 295 *H/Niy Tp€(l)ofUvrjtf irapa rots yovtvatv tU r&v 
ytyoyrMV Evpvfu^tiv fiuurdfuvot tynvov cVoiiya-cy* ^ dc npofirj^a tytmniiTtp 
. . . ^ luropia irapii Ev<fH»pi»vi, 

Sacrificial animals. 

*•» .^»M. Graec, 6. 243: 

^ re Sdfuw fitd€ova'a Koi fj \dx€S "ififipatrov "Hpri 

^$0 ytvfffkibiovs, noTva, BvfjndklaSy 

li6arx»P Itpa ravra rd coi nokif ifttkrara wdinttp iafi€P, 

^ Cows : vide Cic. Be Div. i. 24. Bulls: Theocr. 4. 20. Goats: 
vide Hera A2>«^<iyoff •^. Pigs : Ov. Amor, 3. 13, 16. 

Sacrifice and ritual 

« Ov. Amor, 3. 13, at Falerii : 

Casta sacerdotes lunoni festa parabant 
Per celebres ludos indigenamque bovem. 

Hinc ubi praesonuit solemni tibia cantu 

It per velatas annua pompa vias. 
Ducuntur niveae, populo plaudente, iuvencae 

Quas aluit campis herba Falisca suis ; 
Et vituli nondum metuenda fronte minaces, 

£t minor ex humili victima porous hara. 
Duxque gregis comu per tempora dura recurvo. 

Invisa est dominae sola capelia deae. 
lllius indicio silvis inventa sub altis 

Dicitur inceptam destituisse fugam. 
Nunc quoque per pueros iaculis incessitur index, 

£t pretlum auctori vulneris ipsa datur. 
Qua Ventura dea est, iuvenes timidaeque puellae 

Praeverrunt latas veste iacente vias. 

K % 


More patrum Graio velatae vestibus albis 
Tradita supposito vertice sacra fenint. 

Argiva est pompae facies. 
Cf. Pliny, Nat, Hist, 3. 5, 8 Colonia Falisca Argis orta (ut auctor est 
Cato) : cf. *». 

Hera as goddess of marriage. 

^^ * The Icp^ ya/iof : at Athens : Photius s, v. Up6s y6fto£' *A$tivatai 
iofyrrfv £ki6s Syovtrt Koi "Upav, cf. Menander " Mi$fj/' Frag, Com, Graec. 
4. p. 162 : 

KOfi^oroTOs dp^pwv Xoipc^May Up6p yufuw 
<f>avK€Av iroivivfiv btxntpav fitr tucdda 
kqB* airStff iva r^ Ttrpadi dtiinfj nap* irtpoif 
r6 Tfjs Qfov yap navTa\&s ^X*^^ Kok&s, 

^ At Plataea: Pans. 9* 3* I o^of kcXcvci r^i^ Am ayakfia £vXov frovi)traii€¥ov 
aytiv firi fio&» (ivyovs ryKHKoKvuyAvov, Xtyttp dc <0f ayocro yimuiut, Itkdraiap 
r^y *Acr(Mrov. 16, § 5 Aoidakav dc ioprfiv t&¥ fityakwv kcu ol Boiotoi oifHO'i 
tnfvtopTa(ovai • • • § 7 r6 dc iiyaXpa Koafiriaaprts , . . napii n&y "Aa-vitrop koi 
dpoBfyrts cVi dfia^p, yvvtuKa c^urrao-t rvfi<f>€VTpuiP , , , t6 If trrtvBfp rds 
6fid(as dtro rov norapov irp6s &cpop rhv Ki0tup&pa iXavPovat, tvrpimarai dc 
iriftiinv cVl r^ Kopv<fti rov lipavs fic»p6s . . . § 8 r& ltp€ia • . . Koi r^ MdaKa 
6pov KaBayiCova-i an. rov /Scd/iov : cf. Euseb. 3, ch. I (p. 104 Dind.) from 
Plutarch : rcftovrar avrovs fVKriavop irai iroyitdXi;y ^pvv poptf>wrai re avTi}v 
Kai itaracrrciXoA wp<f>iK&s AaiddXi;^ npoaayoptiKTavTas' cira ovras dpopiXntvSiu 
IMP r^i' vfUPaioPy \ovTpa dc KopiCup rag Tpirmpibas pvpjffMSf aiikoif^ dc ral 
Kotpovs rfip Boictriap napatrxtip, Cf, ib, p. I02, 3, ch. I| § 3 <l>aptp»p dc 
T&p ydpo^p y^pop€P«iP, koi ntpl t6v Ki$atpa>pa npSarop ivravBa k<u rckp 
nXarciar r$s 6piKlas dpaKakv<f>3(i<nigf "Hpap rcXcioy Koi yaprfkutp oMfP 

^ At ArgOS: Pans. 2. 17, 3 cV dc r^ vpopd^ Tjj pip Xapirts dyaXpard 
coTiy dpxaia cV dcfi^ dc icklprj Tis''Hpa£, Herod. I. 3 1 covoiyr 6pTfjs rj 
"HptJ Toiaip *Kfy€iouTiy ?dcc iravrur r^v prfripa avr&p (of Cleobis and 
Biton) C<vy<A KopurBijvai h t6 Up6p, 

d Euboea: vide infra", and cf. Schol. Arist. Pax 11 26 KaXXi- 

arparSs f^ntri rdnop Evfioias t6 ^EXvpviop. 'AvroXXuvtof dc pa6p fj^rfaip tjpai 
nXfjiriop Kvpoias' pvpifuKhp dc ru/cf avnS ff^tcip, Sri 6 Ztv£ rj^Hptf ckci 


« Hermione: vide infra ". Cf. Schol. Theocr. 15. 64 ^ApifnmXfjs 

di loTopil cV r^ ntpl 'Epptdptjs Up^, idt«r«f>oy ntpi rov Ai^r Ka\ rijs "Hpat 
ydpov • . . (Mount Thomaz) oirov pvp €Ut\p Up6p "Hpaf TcXc/df« 


' Hera Uait TrXc/is and X^pa at Stymphalos '^^ 

S CnOSSUS : Diod. Sic. 5* 7^ \tyowri dc koI rovr ydfiovs rovs Tt Alos xat 
r^ff "Hpas €¥ ^ KvcMTifldy X^f? ytvivBai Kara rcMi rvSiroi' irXi^o-iov rov Qrfprjvof 
worafiov, Koff hv vvv *\<ip&v cWtv, iv ^ BvaUts kot iwavrhv dyiovt vn6 r&p 
€yx»piw avvT€\tia'6ai icat rovs yafiovs a!irofufu1(r0ai I cf. Samos ^ ^. 

^ Posidonia: inscription on small tablet, ras ^& ras Uaid6s fffu, 
Collitz, Dialect, Imchrift,^ No. 1 648 ? Persephone. 

» hx\%\^ Birds 1731: 

*Hp9 iroT* 'OXvfivrt^ 

SpXovra $€oi£ fityajf 
Moiftat ovptKoifAiaop 
fV roc^ vfitvauj^, 
'Yfiriv, S> *Yfi€Pai &' 
6 d* cffi^tdaX^ff ^Epȣ 
XpyfTthrrtpos fivias 
ifiBvvt vakiPT6vovs 
Zfjrdff irapoxpi yafttttv 
K€vdaifAovo£ "upas, 

k Theocr. Id. 17. 131 : 

2»dc iea< ddcuwrap iMp6s yafios c^rcXca^,- 
o^ff T€Krro Kpiiottra 'Pc'a /SaaiX^s *OXi;/biirov, 
cV dc Xc^or ar6pwa'iv lavttP Zrfvi §cdi "Up^ 
X^^pos (poifiria'aa'a pvpois Iri TrapBtvos *lpis, 

1 Lex. Rhetor. Photius, vol. 2, p. 670 (Porson) 'Up6t ydpos : 01 

yapovPTts noiovai r^ Ait leal rfj *Hpg Itpovs ydpovs, 

™ Arist. Thesmoph, 973: 

*HfKW T€ T^i» rfXecW 

pi\yfr«i>p€P &<nr€p tlKbs 

^ iraari rots x'^P^^^^^ €pir€u(it re Koi 

icX^duff ydpov ^uXarrci. 

li Dion. Halic. ^rj ^^^/. 2. 2 Zcvf y^ ical 'Hpa, np&Toi (fxr/pvPTts re 
jcai ovi'dudfoiTCff* ovro) roi 6 fici' koi nar^p iraXcTrai Yravrui', 17 dc Zvyia, 

o Dio Chrysostom, Or. 7. Dind. i, p. 139 oKcikdarovs avBpwrovt ovk 

alaxypoptpovg . • • o0rc Aia ytP€0ktop oUrt "Upap yaprjkiop oSrt Moipas 
TfXfOxpSpovs ^ Xoxiav "Aprtfuv ^ prjripa 'Pciay. 

P Aesch. Eumen, 214 : 

1) KapT Sripa xai irap ovdcy f itc troi 


4 Diod. Sic. 5* 73 fipo^vovoi trpdrtpoy Arayrvs r^ Ail r^ rtXtif mt ^Hpf 
rcXcif hih, rd rovrovv apxjfyovt yryovwai Koi ndwr»v tvpmf, 

r Laws concerning marriage in the Greek w6ku connected with 
Hera, Demosth. vp6s MoKopr. 1068 and Plato, Zaws 774 a. 

■ Pollux, 3. 38 ravTjf (^Hp^) rois irporcXc/biv fr/>ovrAow rikt K6pas mi 
*ApTtfjni6i Koi Moipats' Koi Tijs K6pfjs dc t6t€ anripxprTO rah StaU at K^pat, 

^ Anth, Graec, 6, Anaihem. 133, epigram ascribed to Archilochus: 

^HpOf Kovpthmp tZr iicvpriat yapmv, 

^ Plutarch, ConJ, Praec, 141 EoIt§ yapfiXi^ Bvoin'€S*Hpq, rijir XP^i^w ov 
avyKaBayiCcvcri rois SKXois UpoU, 

▼ Hera Eileithyia at Athens and Argos : vide "« and ••. 

▼ //. II. 270: 

*H^v 6vyaT€p€Sf ntxpas tJKufos tlx'^^*^'^* 

Cr. Hesiod, Theog, 922 : Paus. I. 18, $ Kfnjfrtt tk rrjt x^P^^ ^^ Kmktuu 
€P *Apmr^ yivtoBai vopidnvtrw ElKtiBvuaf Koi muda ^Hpag fLfoi. 

X Hera Aphrodite at Sparta, vide "d : at Acrae, C, /. Gr. 5424, 
common priesthood of Hera and Aphrodite. 

J Eratosth. Kataster, 44 ovk tffjp roU AiAr vUns liji ovpavUiv riiujt 

/icriurj^ccy ci pff rif air&p Btiaaa^i top r$f *Hpar paaT6p, Cf. An/A, Graec. 
9. 589 AvTi7y pMfTpvubp rc;(y^(raro* roSfptica pafjlup tls p6Bop 6 nkaumif ov 
ifpwriBfiKM ydXa. 

^' Warlike character of Hera in cult : armed procession at Samos **«, 
feast of •Aoiriff at Argos ^^. Hera Tpoiraiu, Lycophron 1 328 r^ (nrcStraim 
^tas UviTTji Tpoiraias paarhp ti^Xop O^as (referring to Heracles, whom 
Hera was supposed to have nourished) ; cf. *'» ". 

Localities of Hera-worship. 

^* Thrace and Dacia: coins and exvoto reliefs of the Roman 
Imperial period, Imhoof-Blumer, Num. Zei/schr. 1885, 16; Head, 
Hist, Num, p. 244 ; Roscher, Lexicon^ pp. 2082, 2083. 

North Greece. 

*^ Thessalj: Minyan legend of Pelias, Apollod. i. 9, 8 libt^p^ dc 

^Baxraxra tls t6 tijs "Hpat rtfupos fearf<^vyf , UtiKias dc in* ovt&p rmp fit^kSw 
avrffp KaT€irtf>a(f, 

* Phocis, at Crissa: Roehl, /»x. Graec, An/. 314, inscription of 
sixth century b. c. on altar : rdadt y *AOaiHu^ . . . f^iec *Up^ rr, its col 

Kuvog Z^oi Kkiot &(^irop alii. 


^ Locris, at Pharygae : Strabo, 426 tdpuroi auro^c "upas ^apvyaias 


" Orchomenos: Bn/, Mus. Cat. Central Greece^ p. 56, PL 8. 18, 
head of Hera (?) with Stephanos and veil, first century b.c. 

" Plataea: vide '• "^. » Coins, Brit. Mus. Cat. Central Greece^ p. 58, 
PI. 9. 3, circ. 387-374 B.C. 
^ Eus. Praep. Ev. 3, ch. i, § 3 (p. 102 Dind.) t^ Ai/toI x*V"' 

wpoBUirBai (from Plutarch). 

•* Coronea: PaUS. 9. 34, 3 Kororf/w dc SKiyov'Upas ioTiv Uphp Koi 
Syakpa dpx<uop, nv$<Mpav rcj^vi; Gi^jScuW <l>€ptt dc ciri rfj x*^P^ ^tprjpas. 

* Thespiae : Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 40, P. r^s K(^a</>a>waff ^H^xir 
hf B€<nriif. irptpvov mtKoppivov. On Cithaeron : Eur. Phoen. 24 : 

* Thebes: Plut. 2?^ G^w't? Socrat. p. 18 *Ap* ov XXidoiya Xcyrct . . . 

rdy jccXtti ra 'H^ta yuc&vra ir€pwTty, 

^ The Perrhaebi : on coins, circ. 196-146 b.c., head of Hera veiled 
and sealed figure of Hera, Head, Ifist. Num. p. 258. 

Central Greece and Peloponnese. 

*•* Athens: C. I. A. 2. 1099. Pans. i. i, s^Etrri W icara lijv 6Wv 

T^v is *A$^vas €K ^akfjpov va6s "Hpas oiht Bvpas f;(a>y oikt 6po<f)op. Mcipdc^ 
vt6p (JHuriP avrbp ipnprjtrai • . . r6 dc ayakpa t6 yi}y d^, KaBa XryovtriP^ 'AXkq- 
pjpovs €(tt\v tpyov, 

^ Hesych. S. v. GeXftwa* "Hpa riparat nap* 'hBrpmiois (? ecXfcvoij). 

c Inscription found near Thoricus, Tiptvos'Upas ElKn&vias : Roscher, 
p. 2091 ; Philologus, 23. 619. 

d Eus. Praep. Ev. 3. 83 from Plutarch, oude dfiovo-i Koip<aplap ffwu 

trpos Aionwtrop ^Hp^' (fivXatrtrovrai dc <rvppiyvvvai ret itpii koI rhs 'ABrfPtjcrtp 
Itptias dnapTOKTas (fnunp aXXffXovs pff itpoirayoptvtw pf^ht oKtus Ktrrhp is n& 
rris ^Hpas nfrKopi(€<rBai riptpos. 

® Hesych. TapfiXM>p 6 t&p prjvap rrjs 'Upas Up6s I vide "*• 

*• At Eleusis : Serv. Virg. Aen. 4. 58 Cum Eleusine Cereri sacrum 
fit, aedes lunonis clauditur, item cum lunoni Eleusine fit, templum 
Cereris clauditur. 

■•» Corinth : Hesycll. S. v. Acf KopivBwi Bvtriap rcXovyrci *Hp27 aJya rfj ^^ 
KBvop' r«y dc KopitroPTtop purOwrSip Kpvyftmnrttp r^ir pa\aipa»^ koi trKrjnropMPt^p Ma 


airci^yro, ^ qX^ tois irocriy avao'KakBva'atra &iKtf>f)V€9 kclL rifw fup trKr/^jtip 
avT&v di^Xty^Pf iavTJ dc r^v <rff>ayij£ alria ytyomv, 

^ Zenob. 1.27 KnpUfBioi Bvalaw rcXovyrc ( "Hpq. tmavatoif r^ im6 Mffdtiat 
UipvvBntrji kclL oKpai^ KokovfUwjf olya rj 6f^ tBvov, 

^ On Acrocorinthus : Paus. 2. 4, 7 r& r^r BovKua; itFT\p*Hpai Up6p. 

d Hera Acraea: ApollocL Bibl. i. 9, 28 Xrycrat (^ Mifdcia) . . . Uiras 

KoBiaatra (roifs ndtbati) M r6y ^topov rijs *Hpas Trjf *AKpaiaf, Cf. Schol. 
Eur. Afed. 10 Sri di iSc/Sao-tXcviec rfj^ KopipOov rf Mrfitia Et/fu/Xos Urropti Keik 
IhfjMPidfjs* art dc Koi aBdvaros ^p ^ Mi^dcia Mowraios ip r^ irfpl *I<r^fMtM» 
Urroptt, Id, 273 raura (r^ rficKi Mi^dciar) leara^ vyciy cZs r^ r^f ^Axpiuat 
^Hpas Upop Ka\ M t6 Itphp KaBiaaC KopipBiovs dc avr&P oM ovrvf asr- 
c;(fo^at dXX* ciri roO p»pov napra ravra awo<rft>a(<W Xotpov dc ytpofupov cif 
r^y frdXii' iroXX^ trnpara vtrb rris p6aov b%aKftBtip€(rBai* poprevofifpois dc avrois 
Xpritrp^fjaai t6p B^hp tXAirMtrOai t6 Ttjs Mrfdtias T€KP»p SyoSy o$€P KopufSiois 
§UXP^ rwi' Kaipap tS>p Koff iipai itaff €Ka<rTOP iptavrhp inrii Kovpovs Koi iwrii 
Kovpas Tu>p fwunipoTartap dpdp&p aire i^iavrt^cii^ cV r^ ^^ ^^^ rf/icyti, Jcat fura 

Bwri&p tkd<TK((rBai rffp cVriWy prjpiv (the whole quotation from Parmen- 

iscos) . . . yryopivai dc itapankqa-iop fivBtvrrai Koi ircfM rhp "h.dwpuf I cf. 

Paus. 2. 3, 7, after the destruction of Corinth, ovKtri cVcImii KaBtarriKairtP 

avrots al Bvcicu oudc dtroictipoprai a<f>ia'ip ol ndtdtSf ovdc piXatpap ffiopowrtw 
iaBfjra, lb, § II Miydctf fratdoff ficv yiptvBai t6 dc del Tucrdptpop mra- 
KpviFTfiP ttvr^ cff r6 («/)6y (Ptpovtrap rrj^ "Upas, KaraKpvnTftP dc a^avdrovr 
tataBai popi(owrap, Athenag. Z^^. /r^ Christ, c. 14 'AX^fwir irat 
'Ho-iodoff M^dciav, . . . icai fii6firip K/Xiicff (id^rrai ^ovr). Strabo, 380 
cV r^ p€Ta(v Tov Arx^^'ov ko* Ilayui' r6 1^9 'Axpaias poPTtiop "Hpav vnrfpx^ 
t6 iroXoiov. £ur. Med, 1379 <l>fpo\Hr cV ''Hpof Tiptpos dxpaias Btov, 
Schol. ;'(J. 'H/xita de jr€pBtpos ioprrj vapa KoptpBiois, Schol. Pind. 01, 1 3. 
74 (M^dcia) cV KopivBfj^ Kor^Kti koi tirawrt KopipBiovs \i/i^ Konxof^^'ovf 
Bwraaa £kriprfTpi koi ^vp<t:ais Aripviaig, cVci dc avrrji 6 Zcvr TipatrBrj. ovk iml- 
BfTo d« Mrfbtia rii^ t^s *Hpa£ cmcXiVovcra xoXov* dto icfl* ^ "Hpa vniO'XFi'O avrj 
a^aydrovff vrot^crat rovf naibas' dnoBapdpras dc rovrovr Tip&at KopipBuHy 
KcikovpTts pi(ofiapPdpovt, 

'* Megara: Plut. Quaes/, Grace, 17 ri YroXoc^y ^ Mryopip c^itcrro 

icora Kcoftar, ituxKovpro dc 'Hpaei^. Vide S. Byzantium "•. 

" Sicyon: »PauS. 2. 11, I 'Efronrfa «€ K04 •A/)T€/udt Kal *AiroXX«M tA 
trXijo-ioy Ifp6y irot^o-oi \kyovvi^ rh di ptr avrh ^Upas "Adpaarop' dyaXpara dc 
vircXc (ircro ovdcrrp^. 

^ Z/. 2. II, 2 roOroy (rdi^ i^aoi^ r$( Upodpopias "Upas) ^akioffs IdpviraTO 
6 Trfp€P0Vf rijs 6dov oi ttjs ts 2iKV&va "Upap tfidpipos 66riy6p y€ptaBm, 

c Schol. Pind. A^em, 9. 30 Mtptuxfios 6 lucvn^ptos ovtm ypdn^i . . . 


^A^paoros • • . ^vyo>y ^Btv tt Sucvcova, . . , irai r^s "Upas Tijt *A\t(a»dpov 
KoXovfitinjs lfp6» . . . Idffvaaro, 

"» In the neighbourhood of Hermione, Pans. 2. 36, 2 UfA cV 

aKp»» r<0y opAv, cVc /xci' r^ Komcuyio) Ac($£, cv dc ry Hp&wi iariv *Hpas, 

^ Hermione : Steph. Byz. ^. v. *Epfw»p : 'Eppiav dc mr6 rov row Aia 
jKOi T^v "Hpay ivravBa anh KptfTijs affujtopMvovi 6ppifr6i]vai . . . o^y irat lfp6y 
•H/ki£ nop^yov Jjp iv ovttJ. Vide " «. 

** Epidaurus: Paus. 2. 29, i r6 dc (Icp^i^) irpor r^ X</iCM cV Mpas 

amxownii ii Odkaaa-av \fyovaiv''Hpas ctvai : cf. Thuc. 5. 75* Cavvadlas, 

Epidaure 61, dedication to Hera. 
"» Argos: Pind. JSem, 10. i : 

Aayaov irAtv aykao$p6wp rt vtwrriKOvra Kopaif XapirtSj 
"Kpyos "Wpas d&pa Btorrpfirts vpv€tT€, 

Aesch. Supp, 291: 

K\ffdov)^ov "upas <l>€url dnparmv nori 
'lo> y(V€a$ai T^d* cV *ApytU^ X^oW. 

^ Paus. 2. 15, 5 cV rJ7 vvv 'ApyoXidt dvofAa(op^vfj''l»axop paatKiVovra t6p 
re voraphp d^* avrov Xiyovtriv opopda-ai Koi dvtrai rj *Hp^ 

c Z:/. 2. 17, I, description of the Heraeum near Argos: 'AorcptWi 

yfPteSat r^ nnrap^ BvyaripaSy Eijfioiap koi TLpdavppap Koi *AKp(ua»f tJpoi dc 

oifMs Tpfxjxivs TTjs "Upos I probably cult-titles of the goddess. Cf. 
Strabo, 373 Up6<rvpva in the Argolid Up6p txovtra "Hpas, Plutarch, 

J)e Fiuv, 1 8 cV r^ Ttfifpii TTJs Upotrvpvaias *Hpar, Ka0u>s laropu Tip6Btot 
tp Tois *Apyo\iKoi£, 

••* PalaephatUS, 51 *Apyuoi Ilokiovxop avrols rfyowTo' Koi Hih tovto Ka\ 
vopffyvpaf avTJ rerayfifprjv SyovtrC 6 dc rp6not rrjs ioprrjs &pa^ fioap tA 
XpSipa XtvK&p, *Afr6 dt Tfjs dpd^rjs iivai dci njy Uptuiv, 

^ Cf. Strabo, 372 to 'Hpaiov cii'ai Koivov Uphp to vp6s raU yivxi^vaii 
dpfJHHP €P ^ rh ndkvicKfiTov (6ava rj pip rixvjj itdXXiara riav navrtav TroXvrcXct^ 

dc Kn\ ptyiBii T&p «cidiov \fiir6ptpa. Festival of Hera in Argos called 

the 'AoTTiff, C, I, Gr, 234. 1068 ; cf Hesych. ay^p x«Xiccto(' ra tP "Apyti 
*EKarop^ia. Aeneas, Tac/. I. 17 iopTrjs yhp napdfjfiov cfw rrjs iroXcoir 
*hpy€ltov ytvoptvijs, i^riyov nopmiv avu Bn\ots tS>p cV rj ^Xuct^ trvxpStu, 
Schol. Pind. 01, 7. 152 *0 t cV ^Apytt xoXiedr . . . tovtcotiv, ^ danls rg 
XO^''^ ^ Mopivtf €P "hpyti . . . mxprjyvpis cor* r^s "Upas ra 'Hpata to kclL 
'Exardpfiaia \iy6ptpa' SCovrai yap tKarop fints rfj $*^' t6 d* tiraffkov t«i» dyap»p 
XoXic^ dtnris Km or/d^avof cV pvpa-imis, Cf. Zenob. Froverd* 6. 5^ ^^ ^4*^ 

4p''Apy€i d<nrida Ka6t\ufP atppvptrai, Dionys. Halic. Aniiqu, Roman, i. 


21 6 r^c ^Hpoff vt»$ €v ^aktpi^ KaTt<rKfva<rfitPof &s cV "hpytC Zw&a nai rmp 
BwfiroKwv 6 rp&nos SfAoios ^¥ Koi yvvtuxts Itpai Btpan^vowrat rh rtfuvot^ if re 
XeyofjJvrj Kavriffiopos dyprj ydfittv ncug KnTapx<*fuvrj t&v BvyLormv X^P^^ ^ 
ftapOtvwp vfJLVOva&v rffp Othv tfiais narpiots, £ur. Elec. Ifl • 

PV¥ TpiToi- 

av Kopwraovaw Ovtrituf 

*Apycibr neural dc wttp *H- 

pap fuWovai napB^vuuii artixf^P* 

Find. A^em, lo. 24 : 

ay»p roi x<>^<<*^ 
iapop irpvvti trori povBvaiap "Hpav a46kwp re Kpiatp. 

^ PaUS. 2. 17, 5, in the Heraeum t6 dpxai^arop (^Hpat ^yakfta) 
nmoijfrai pip €*£ a;(/>adof , optriBfi cr TipvvBa vir6 ncipdtrov roi) "Apyovs^ Tlpvp&a 
dc aycXdvrcff * A/oyf uh KOfiiCovaip €f to 'Hpaiby* 6 d^ itat avr^v cI(Soy KoBfipitPOP 

SyaKpa oh ptya, Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 4 1 P. 

** PauS. 2. 22, I r^f dc^Hpar 6 vo^s r^s'Ay^iaf cot< rov Upov r^r Aiyrovr 
cV dcf i9 : cf. " o. 

•• EiXci^ia : Hesych. J. Z^. *Hpa cV*Apyci. 

*° Evcpyfcrm: Hesych. J. Z^. *Hpa ip^hpyti : cf. Hera Zcvfcdta^** 

** AfX^ppa : Hesych. J. Z^. w^ 'ApyciW ^ ^mtiq mrtkeviuPti rj *Hpf . 

*' Hera Boo-iX/r at Argos, Kaibel, Epigraph. 822. C.I. A. 3. 172 : 
inscription of second or third century a.d. avr^i, (eVApyet) yAp nXftdov- 
xoff c^u PairiXritdo£ "Hpris : cf. Clem. Alex. S/rom. p. 418 P., fragment 

from the Phoronis, KdKXifiofj Kkti^ovxos*0\vpntddos Patriktifis''\ipfis*Apy€iris. 

^ Paus. 2. 24, 1 dpi6pTt»p €i TTjp atcp<iiroktP {^Aapiaop) fori /xcy rrjs *AKpaias 
^npas r6 Icpiii'. 

** /i/. 2. 38, 2 : near Nauplia, miyfi KavaBos koKovii^pii' ipravBa rrlp 
"Hpap <f>a(rlp 'Apycibi Korii tros Xovptprjp napBtPop yiptvBai' oirot pip dfj 
affatrip tK TfXtrrjs, fjp Ayovin rj *Hpg, \oyos tS>p airopprfvoiP tcrrip. 

** Nemea: Schol. Pind. Nem., Boeckh, p. 425 Ncfwa . . . ol W tM 

r»y PoS>p T&p vn6 "Apyov Ptpopipc^p cV r^ x^P^V* "^ ^oup ''Upas Upal. 

*•» Elis: in the Altis: Paus. 5. 15, 11 Btols dc ov rois'E\krpfuco7£p6pop 

aKkb. Ka\ T^ €P A<j3v.7 oircvdovcrt Ka\ "Hptf re *ApptiPUf koI SlapdfifUiPi. 

^ Paus. 5. 15) 5 • ^ ^^^ tiriTtfi' &(f>€(ns, €P pip T^ vnaiBp^ rrjs a^ir€»t 
Korik pitrop trov pakurra noircidtf vof 'linriov Koi *H/n» ciO'ii^ 'iTnr&af /3«»fMM. 

<) /i/. 5. 14, 8 : near the altar of Olympian Zeus, thri dc tuH B§mp 

wapT»p jSoo/ioty Koi "upas ttrUkfio'iP 'Oikvpwias mnotiipipof rc^par mil otnn. 


*^ Temple of Hera 'OirXoafiia in Elis : Lycoph. Cass. 613. Cf. 

TzetZ. Lye. 858 ciri^roir ^Hpar ufiafAtvris cVHXidi. 

*• Clem. Alex. ProtrepL p. 31 P. i^*' *HpaK rT\¥ (vylay Urrop€i (to^u- 
^vai) vn6 rov avrov 'HpaicKfovs 6 avr6s navvaait cV IIvX^ rffioBStwri, 

*• Oljmpia : Paus. 5* I^> 2 dw Tre/inrov h<paivovtrw hw)£ rj *Hpf 
irfirXoy al imcaidtKa ywaiKts' ai dc avrai riOiavi km ay&va 'H^aui* 6 dc oycby 

cWiv ^fiiXXa ipofMv -napBivoit'. festival founded by Hippodameia. Vide^ 

Schol. Pind. 01. 5. 10 *OXvftYriaa-t /3a>/u>i c^criy l£ iiivftoi . . . dtvr€pos 
*•• Patrae : Paus. 7* 20, 3 rrjs rt ^Hpar to ttyakfjui Tov *OXvfiiriOV YTCjpay 

vciroti;rcu: figure of Hera on coin of Hadrian, Bn'/. Mus. Cat. 
Peloponnese^ Patrae, p. 26, PI. 5. 18. 

^ Aegae: Paus. 7. 23, 9 Afyccvo-c dc *A^par re voh^ leaKHpar SXka^ 
• . • r^ff dc *Hpa£ r6 aytikfia ort fi^ yvpm^i, fj ^ rffp ItpcHrtnniP tfxg^ SKk^ yc 
d^ olitvl loT4 B^curatrOai, 


"» In the Agora : Paus. 3. 11, 9 Up6v*Kn6Kk(a¥ot Koi^Hpas, 

^ Paus. 3. 13, 9 rov dc f)pffov (roO iXktvpSiwot) X<S^of corcv ov ir6pp«if koI 
^Kptu cirl r^ Xo^^ vaor *Apy€ias , • . '^Hpaf dc Icpoy 'Ytrtpx^ipMs Korii 
lUUfTUOP inoifi$rff rov Evpcora noXv rrji yrjs oifHtriv cirueXv^oirrof* (oavop dc 
dpx<uo¥ Kokovtnp 'A^podi'n;; *Hpaff* cVi dc ^vyarpt yapovpivfi ptPopUatri rat 
pLjfrtpas TJ Bt^ 6v€ip, 

c Horn. //. 4. 50 : 

r^i' d' vfptiPiT iTTCira Po&nis ntSrvia ^Hpi; 

i( roi €/iot r/icir ftcV iroXv fPikraral tltrt n^krjts, 

"Apyot Tt ^ndprrj t€ koX cvpvdyvia Mvin7in;. 

d Alyo<l>dyos: Hesych. S,V, ^Hpa (V IndpTjj, Paus. 3. 15, 9 MoVoif 
bi *EXkrfvnP Aaxfdai/Aoi^ioiff KaBtarTrjKtv "Hpap tnovofAd(€iv Alytxfidyop mil atyas 
TJ $t^ dvtiP . . . alyas di avr6p ('HpaieXffa) Bvtrai <paaiP Up€W¥ diropfi<rayra 

dkKouap : also at Corinth, vide supra '° *. 

'' * Arcadia: Paus. 8. 22, 2 cV r^ 2rv/ii<^^Xy r^ ^x<^ Trfptpdp <l)fia-uf 

ttUujirai t6p Tltkaayov Kai "Upau vn6 tov Trifupov Tpa<prjpat tovtov koi a{rr6p 
Itpa TJ Bf^ Tpia IdpvtraaBai koi €iruc\rj(rtts rptis cir* avrj BitrBaty napBtPip fi«p 
Irt oCtrff noidi* yrjpafxtvrip dc r^ Au iicdXta'tp aMfP TtXticar bitP€xBii(raw dc 
€<l> Srtf d^ cV r^y Aia ical inaprfKovaxiv ts rqp SrvfK^i^Xov &p6iiaa'€P 6 Tiipwos 

Xfipav. Cf. Pind. 0/. 6. 88 (ode sung at Stymphalus) : 

Hrpvvop pvp irmpovff 
Alvta, irp&rop lup "Hpap 11apB€piaw KtkaHrjo'ai, 


b At Mantinea : Paus. 8. 9, 3 Kal "Upas wp6s ry ^arp^ va^ €$uMXFAiapr 

Dpa(ir€\t)s dc ra ayaknara avTfi» re KaBtifjJvtjp €W Bp6p«p Ktu waptarm<ras 
€iroiffa'€¥ *ABtjm km "Hfirjv fraida "Hpa^, 

c At Megalopolis: Paus. 8. 31, 9 pa6t coTiF^H/Kty rcXcuif, ^/mmW *al 

ravra ip€inuu 

" Heraea: Rn/, Mus. CaL Pelop, p. 181, PI. 34. 1-5: **«ad of 
Hera on coins of Heraea, circ. 480 b.c. Paus. 8. 26, 2 t^j dc 'H/mu 

rov vfiov Kai S^a tptlwta luu 01 Kiovts frt cXctirorro. 

Asia Minor. 

** Kandara : Steph. Byz., x^P^^ Ua<l>kayovias . . . «it "Hpas Kayda^a^i 

" Amastris Paphlagoniae : on coin of Antoninus Pius, HPA 
AMACTPIANON, Hera standing with her right hand on a sceptre, her 
left hand extended, with a peacock at her feet, Overb. I!^.M. 2. p. 123, 
No. 4. 

" Lydia, Dioshieron : coin with Zeus and Nero on the obverse, on 
the reverse Hera standing with sceptre, td^ p. 124, No. 5 ; Head, His/. 
Num. p. 549. 

*• Byzantium : Dionysius Byzant. excerpta in Geogr. veter. Script. 
Graec. Minor es, Hudson, vol. 3, p. 2 Diiae aedes Plutonis et lunonis 
quarum solum nomen extat . . . lunonia acra dicitur : ubi quotannis 
victimam primo anni die mactat gens Megarica. 

" Phocaea : head of Hera on coin of fifth century, Rrii, Mm, Cat. 
PL 5. 1, p. 209. 

" Cyme: Ditt. Syll. 127, 134, 370. 

*• Halicarnassus : Hera, with phiale and sceptre, standing near 
Zeus on coin of Caracalla and Geta, Overbeck, K, M, 2, p. 124, No. 6 ; 
Mtinztafel 3. 6. Cf. • Hera and Zeus Panamaros at Stratonicea : at 
Lebedos ". 

*^ Termessos in Pisidia : priestess of Hera ^aikLsy C. I, Gr. 4367 f. 
Cf. RulL de Corr. Hell, 3, p. 336, No. 5 "Hpg €in)K6<a tvxh^ ^iofxij^s. 

** Cyrene : C. /. Gr, 5143, list of priestesses of Hera. 

•" Alexandria: Hesych. Miles. Mailer, Fragm. Hist. 4, p. 161 

XfYTidar Xpvaas cXcTrrttv rov iv * A\f^avip€iqi rrjs "Upas dyakparos i<f><apd6ii. 

Head of Hera *Apyfia on coins of Alexandria of time of Nero : Rrit. 
Mus. Co/. Alexandria^ p. 17, PI. i. 

^ » Inscription in time of Ptolemy Euergetes II, C. I. Gr. 4893 
Sarci rg icat *Hpf , found on island of the Cataracts. 


The Islands. 

•* Euboea : * Chalcis: (i) Head of Hera (?) on coins circ. b. c. 369- 
336, encircled with disk, Head, HtsL Num, p. 304. (2) Head of Hera 
veiled and wearing stephane on coins circ. 197-146 b. c. ; ib, p. 304, 
fig- ao3« (3) ^rtt. Mus, Cat, Central Greece^ PL 21. i, p. 114, circ. 
196-146 B.C., Hera with sceptre in quadriga; ib, PI. 21. 12, p. 118, 
coin of Septimius Severus, Hera seated with patera and sceptre, wearing 
small calathus : cf. Gardner Types, PI. 15. 27, p. 177. 

^ Carystus : Steph. Byz. s,v, TLSka vwo tJ "Oxjj 3p€4 r^s Evfiotas . . . 

€Kkrfifi df r^ ^poff air6 r^r . . . twv Btap fii^cor Ai6r koI "Upas, On fifth 

century coins of Carystus, the cow and the calf and the bull may 
refer to the worship of Hera on Mount Oche, Head, I/ist, Num, 
p« 303. Veiled head of Hera on coins of Carystus, second century 
B.C., Bn't, Mus. Cat, Central Greece^ PL 1^9. 5. 

® Dirphys : Steph. Byz. S.V, Spot Eifpoias koI Atp^ua ^ ^Upa r</iarai. 

d Paus. 9. 3, I *Hpav €^' ory d^ irp6t rii' Aia apyurfitvrjp cV EUfiotdp 
<l>aaw dpaxuprja'ai, 

• The name of the island connected with lo the priestess of Hera 
and the birth of Epaphos, Strabo, 445. 

Perinthus : vide ^K 

•* Aegina : Pindar, Pytk, 8. 79 (ode to Aristomenes of Aegina)*H/>aff 

r* ay&v* €irtx»ptov viKais TpKraaUt & *pi(rT6fiivtSi ddfiaaaas Hpytjf : cf. Schol. 
j'b, cV Alyiv]] 'Hpatcoy ayopivatv Kara ^ipjjo'iP tov tv "Apyti dy&vof Snoucoi yap 
*Apytiap Alyivr/rai' t^idv/ms dc ^170*1 to 'EKaTSppaia avr6v pvv Xeyt ly inixapiop 
aywa hih rri» oi/yycWiav. 

"* Samos: Roehl, Itiscr, Graec. Ant. 384 Xrjpatiwis fi ayci^^xcv rj 
^Hpjj Syakpa, inscription on very archaic statue of Hera. 

^ Paus. *J, 4, 4 t6 bi Upov rh iv 2a p^ rrjs ^Upas tlcip at l^pvaaaBai <l>aai 
rovs tp Tjj 'Apyol irXcovrar, iiraytaOai di avrovs ro Syaikpa c{ "Apyovs' Sdfuot 
dc avTol rc;(^^vai popi{ov(rip cV rjj i^cr^ rfju Bthp wapa rf *I/i/3pd(ry norap^ 
Koi im6 rfj \vytf rfj ip rtf 'Upalt^' tlpM d* oZp r6 Up6p tovto ip rolt pakum 
dpxfuop olfx iJKiara &p ris Ka\ cirl r^ dyaXpart rtKpaipoiro, Herod. 3. 60 
rpiTOP dc (T^ft (Sa/Luoicrt) i^pyaarai prj6s pfyiaros vdvnop pij&p t&p ^ptls tdpttr 
Toif dpxirinrap npSyros iyivtro 'PoiKor. Strabo, 637 t6 'H/Kicoy, dp\aiop 
Uphp Kai ptas ptyas ts pvp rripaKoBr^Kt) iari , , . iKoKtiro hi (ij 2€LpL»p i^cror) 
TlapBtvla npoTtpov olicovPTap Kap&p, PaUS. 5* ^3) ^ T€<f>pas yap di} tori ical 

« Hera ^Apyrjyens: Bull, de Corr, Hell, 2, p. 180, inscription found 
near temple of Hera, praising a citizen, tvatP^las tP€Ka h rt ttjp dpxffyi* 

T%p *H/KU^ KOi Kaiaapa TtppaviKov viop. 


^ Lactantius : Inst. i. 17, quoiing from Varro, simulacrum in habitu 
nubentis figuratum et sacra eius amiiversaria nuptiarum ritu cele- 

® Athenae. 526 irtpi r^? 2afiU»v Tpv<l>fjs ^vpis laropwp vapariB€rai*Aiinov 
mififiaraj on €<p6pow xKi^vas irtpi nur &fKi\ioat nai r^v ioprnfv Syovrts rwv 
*Hpai»v i^^kfflv KaT€KT€wurfi€yoi ras ic6fias eiri t6 fitraxf>p€90v xal rovs &fiavt. 
Id, 672 Koff licaoTov troi airoKOfii((a'6ai t6 fiprrat h rriv i6pa kuI d^fxafi' 
(taOm ^aiora rt avr^ napariBfO'dai nal jcaXctcr^ai routta rrfv ioprriiv art rJpocr 
avP€prj irtpuikTjBrjiKU ro fipiras vir6 tS>v ttiv nparrjv avrov (fir^cuf iroapra- 
fuy»v. Polyaen. Sirai, 1.23 yutWovr^v lapi^v 6v<ria» noUiv cV r^ Up^ r^r 
^Hpar nav^fiop iv jj pLtff oirXoiv rnoprrtvov. Aug. De Civ, Dti 6. 7 SSU^ra 

sunt lunonis et haec in eius dilecta insula Samo celebrabantur, ubi 
nuptum data est lovi. 

^ Schol. //. 14. 296 ^<rl rhv Ala iv Sa/««» Xa^pf t»p yoM«v ammap&t' 
I'tvaai rffv "HpaV oBmv 2afuoi funjar^vovrts rits Kopas \a6pq, avyKO^u^pwriv^ 
cfra irapprjauf. irotovai rovt ydpovt, AthenaC. 673 C 6vfMJpts ni»aiT€s SwtiS 
Ai&r f tjcXcia vvfAKJirjp MAirco/icv vritrcv bt<rtt6TUf fip.tT€pijs, Hera *Iftfip€uritif 

Apoll. Rhod. I. 187. 

8 Steph. Byz. 'invoOr, x^plov tv Soft^ cV ^ Uphp^'Hpai 'liTPOvrridos, 

^ Samian Hera on coins of Perinthus : Overbeck, K, M, 2. i, 
PI. I, 10. 

•• Paros : Anth. PaL 7. 351, epigr. of Dioscorides, *Apx^oxov, /i^ 

^f ovr $un dcdfiovaSj odr cV ayviais Eidofifp o^ff ^Hpi^r tv fttydk<jf rtfiiwti, 
Inscr. puhl. *kBr\vaxo¥ 5> P- ^5 ^^poo-iirmj Upatrmpos *Hp27 Atnufrpi Ota/tO' 
il>6p<j^ luu Kopu Koi, Ail Ev^ovXci koi Bapol. 

*^ *A(rrviraXfia : C /. Gf, 249 1 e *ApcoTC$icXfta Kvpiov lapaaafUPa^Hpf. 

* Amorgos : Mi//, d, d. Ins/. A/h. ly p. ^42 ; Ditt. Syii. 358. 

"* Rhodes : ^ Diod. Sic. 5. 55 napa dc ^laXvalois^Upap Koi pvpicpas TcX;(t- 
pias (irpoaayop€vBrjpai) naph dc Ka/ictpcvo'iy ^Hpau Tf X;^may. ^ At Lindos : 

Hera Basileia : Foucart, J?fl?. Arch. 1867, 30, No. ji^Hp^ Bao-iXfig 
?^«f r^y /3<k>/i($p : at lalysos Hera 'QpSKwos, ibid. 

'^ Crete : C. I. Gr. 2554, 1. 179, 2555, ^^^ad of Hera on fourth 
century coins of Cnossus and Tylisos, Bri/. Mus. Ca/, Crete, pp. 2 1 
and 80, PI. 5. II and 19. 15 ; vide Cnossus "« and ^ 

" Cyprus: Paphos, C. I. Gr. 2640; Amathus, ib. 2643. Hesych. 

S. V. *EX«ia* *Hpa fV KvTrp^ : cf. •. 

'* Cos : on coin of Antoninus Pius, Hera wearing veil, with sceptre 
and phiale in her left and right hand, standing on car drawn by pea- 
cocks, Overbeck, K.M. 2, p. 124, No. 6. Athenae. 262 c ^i^crl yap 


Mcutapf vc «y rji rpirff KMOKmv on onorav rfi *H/>9 Bvaaiv oi K^t oCrt f (crctaAy 
ciff t6 Itpoif dovXot ovrt ytvtrat tivos t&w irapfa'Ktvaa'fi€ifCiv, Inscriptions of 

Cos, Paton and Hicks, No. 38 ^Hp^ 'Apyt^t 'EXf^i PainXtl^ dd/ioXtr Kptrd: 

id. No. 62 "Hpf Ovpapi^. 

^ Lesbos : Schol. //. 9. 129 vapa Atafflois ayi>p Syrrat Ka^ovi yvvai» 
JcAy fV rf r^ff "Hpar rffiwti^ \fy6fii9ov KakXiariia, AnihoL 9. 1 89 TkBrr^ 
ftp^ rtfif voff ykavKomidos dy\a&p ^Hpfff Af cr^idcr. 

** Delos : Ditt. -S;'//. 358. 

" Thasos: Littr^, Oeuvres Computes (f Hippocraie^ 2, p. 716 1) 

'^ Corcyra : on coins of fifth century B.C., Brit. Mus, Cat. ITussaty^ 
'&c., p. 119, PL 21. 18; Thuc. I. 24; 3. 75, 81, the Heraeon men- 
tioned where the suppliants take refuge. 

" Ithaca : Roehl, Inscr, Graec, Ant. 336, sixth century inscription 
referring to the cults of Hera, Rhea and Athena. 


" Roehl, 543, sixth century inscription from Calabria to Hera, i} h 
ffM^Uf : Kaibel, Inscr. I tat. Sicit. 643. 

^* Crotona : Hera Lacinia, Paus. 6. 13, i ; Arist. De Mirab. 96 

T9 vcaniyvp€i rrjs ^Hpas, tU ^v (rvfiiroptvovrai irdvrts *lraXu0rai. Cf. 

Brit. Mus. Cat. Italy, p. 353, coin with head of Hera Lacinia; 
vide Livy 24. 3, description of the grove round the temple with the 
sacred flocks. 

^ Ant A, Grace. 6, Anathem. 265 : 

^Hpa Tififita'tra, AokIviov h rh BvS>!its 

fToXXdxcr ovpav66€v vturofi€Pa KaBopfjv 
dc^t PtKraivov cifui, t6 toi lurh rrtuJl^t ayctuas 

fioatridog v<f)av€P B€v<IhKU d ¥Xt6xas. 

^ ? Styled 'OnXwrfiia in the Lacinian temple, Lycoph. 856 : 

*H{(t dc 2,tptp Koi AoKtpiov fiv^ovr, 
ip dlai iropris Spxarop Ttv(ti Bi^ 
'drXocrfUf fftvroitnp t^fiaiaifitpop' 

referring to Thetis making a grant of the Lacinian territory to Hera 
(cf. line 614). 

•® Capua: Brit. Mus. Cat, Italy, p. 83, head of Hera on coin 
veiled and wearing stephane, with sceptre, ? fourth century b.c. 

^ Venusia : id. p. 152, head of Hera Lacinia on coin, with stephane 
and veil. 


" Hyria of Campania : Brit, Mus, Cat. Italy, p. 9a, head of Hera 
with stephane, Lacinia ? fourth century. 

•* Neapolis ? : ib, p. 94, head of Hera Lacinia, ? fourth century. 

•* Pandosia : ib. p. 370, head of Hera Lacinia, ? fourth century. 

" Phistelia (Fnear Cumae): Head, Hist, Num. p. 35, head of 
Hera, circ. 400 b.c. 

•*» Sybaris: Ael. Var. Hist. 3. 43 'Ey Sv/Sapci . . . «V tJ ay^vi^ 4*" 
cirrrcXovp rg *Hp9 ; cf. Alhenae. 521 e : Steph. Byz. j. v. 2vPapit. 

^ Metapontum : Pliny 14.9 Metaponti templum lunonis vitigineis 
columnis stetit. 

•^ Slrabo, 215 irapa Toit *E»€Tois ^vo &Xa7i t6 fiiv^Hpat ^hpytias d€Utnrrai 
t6 dc *ApT€fudos Aira)Xtdof. 

^ Posidonia : Strabo, 252 Mcra dc ro arofia Tov SiXd^idof AtvKavia 
Koi t6 rrjs *Hpat Upov Trjt ^Apyaas *ldaovos tdpvpa, xai vXriaiop (p irtrrrfKopra 

oradiotf ff no<r€iba>via. ? Hera Areia or Argeia, vide Pliny, 3. 70. 


•• Syracuse : Ael. Var. Hist. 6. 11 cV t^ Trjs 2tic«Xta£*Hpas »a^ cori^Kfy 

avTov (TeXtDVos) tiKu>v : cf. C. I. Gr, 5367. 

•® Hyblae : Steph. Byz. s. v. "YpXcu* rpth iroXcir SiiccXtar . . . 7 W 

ikarrtay 'Wpaia xoXcmii. 

•* Thermae, head of Hera Lacinia with stephane circ. 405- 
350 B.C.: Head, Hist. Num. p. 128. 

•• Himera: head of Hera of Argive type: Overbeck, Kunst. 
Mythol. vol. 2, Miinztaf. 2. 22. 

•' Selinus : inscription containing a prayer to Hera found in one 
of the temples: Inscr. Graec. Sia'l. et Ital. 271. 

•'» At Acrae : C. /. Gr. 5424, list of names rSiv irpoaraTtvadyrav'Hp^ 
Monuments of Hera -worship. 

•* Clem. Alex. Protrept. 4. 40 P. r^f Kt^aipcawaf^H/jay SiyaKpa iv Otairitf 

^p npippoy tKK(K6pp€vov : cf. Arnobius, Adv. Nation. 6. 2 ridetis tem- 
poribus priscis . . . coluisse ramum pro Cinxia Thespios. 

*^ Id. Strom. I. 25 (p. 418 P.) ypd<pti yovv 6 rriv <^op<avlba itoitiaat K<iX- 
\iB6fi kXiibovxoi *OXv/ifrtddor paaiKtir)s*lipris *Apycii;r, ^ artfApafn Koi Butrdpotai 
vpoynj €K6(Tprja'tP irtpi Kiopa pcucpov dvdaoTjs, 

•• Id. Protrept. 4. 40 P. ro r^y 2aixiat "Hpat (cfyoXfui) , &i <fifiaw *Ac^iof 
irpdrtpop flip ^» aavUf varepop dc cirl UpoicKfovs SpxoPTot tufdpuurrotidit 

cycvcro : SO also Callimachus in Eus. Praep. Ev, 3. 8. 


^ Archaic statue of Hera at Samos : Paus. 7. 4, 4 can yap hri Mph^ 

tfpyop Aiyivfirov 2fjukibos rov EvKktidov, Eus. Praep. Ev* 3. 8 *Hpaff dc 
ical Sd/uoi ^Xufov iixpv #do9, &s <f>7jai KoWifia^^os, 

oCnia SfiiXuc^v cpyov €v(oov, aXX' cVi rtOfi^ 
drfyaiia y\v<f>dv<iiv a(oos ^aBa aapis, 

Clem. Alex. ProtrepL p. 4 1 P. tA W cV 2d/xy r^r "Hpar ^ayov <''M^9 
rJ7 SfuXidoff rniv EvicXcidov ircTroi^a-^cu *OXvfi9rt;(Off cV Safticucoir laropci: 

cf. Lactantius, quoted •• \ 

" Paus. 2. 17} 4 TO dc ftyaX/ia r^r ^Hpof cVl Bp6vov KaBijrtu fxryidii ftcya, 
Xpvo'ov ftcv «cat cXc'^Kiyror, UoXvicXctrov dc Hpyop' circart dc ol (rTi<f>avos Xapirat 
€x^v f^€u *Qpas iir€ipyatrii€vag koi tSuv \(iipSiv rj piv Kapnhv t\)4p€i poiai^ rj dc 
inagnrpov . . . m^xirvya dc cirt r^ aKr^irrpt^ KoBfjaBai (fioaif Xtyovrts rov Aia, ore 
^pa irapBfifOV r^s "Hpas cr tovtov t6¥ opviBa aXXay^vtu rqv dc &Tt naiyvwp 
Btfpaaai . . . Xtytrai dc naptaTrjKeyat r^ "Hpf Tc;^yi7 NavKuduvr cfyoXfui ^H/S^r, 
cXc^ovror irai roOro «cai ;|^pv(rot;. 

" Schol. Theocr. /</. 15* 64 xal 9rap *Apyf/otf ot luyiara rSof *£XXi)yo»y 
rt/ifia(rft r^y ^coy r6 ayakpa rrjs "Upas cV r^ va^ KoBriptvop cV Bpopn^ rj X^^P^ 
tx*^ TinprTpoP Kai €TF avr^ k6ickv(, 

^^ Anthol. Planud. 4. 216 : 

'Qpyctos IloXvicXctror, 6 leat p6vos ofipavip "Hpav 

dOpffO'as icai oaijv fidf rvTrmadp€vot 
BvriTois fcdXXof €dfi$€v oaov Bipa' ai d* viro icoXfroif 

SytmartH pop(f>a\ Zrjpi <f>v\aa'a6fjLt6a, 

'•^ Max. Tyr. 2?W. 14. 6 'Upau cdcifcy 'Apyc/oir noXv«eXctror Xci/iecoXcvoy, 
i\t<l>avT&nrixvVf tvSmiVy cvfipiva, /Sao-tXiJCi^v, Idpvptvrjv cVt XP^^^ Bp6vov, 

'" Tertullian, </if Corona 7 lunoni vitem Callimachus induxit. Ita 
et Argis signum eius palmite redimitum subiecto pedibus corio leonino 
insultantem ostentat novercam de exuviis utriusque privigni. 

'•• Martial 10. 89: 

luno, labor, Polycleite, tuus et gloria felix 
Pheidiacae cuperent quam meniisse manus. 

'*^ Dio ChryS. Or, I, p. 67 R. yvvaiKa cvcid^ nai ptyak^v, €aBrJTi \tvKrj 
KtKoapijfxtvrjv, fTKfjfirrpov cj^ovaup, 67roiav paKicrra rrfp *Hpap ypaffiovfTi* ro hi 
vpotrtanov <f>aifipiiu opov Kai trtpvov, 

*®* Anthol, Grace, 5, Erotica ^^''Oppar Ifx^t^Hpris, MfXir7. 

*^ BoSmit noTvta "Uprjl Hesych. PoSnns pfya\<i(l>6aXpo£, Plutarch, 
Quaesi. Grace. 36 fio£>ms 6 noirynis top ptyak6<f>6a\pov (Xcyci) cf. Varro, 
dc Re Rusi. II. 5 Novi maiestatem bourn, et ab his dici pleraque 
magna, ut . . . boopin. 

VOL. I. S 



The meaning of the name remains unknown, and the 
different attempts of philologists to explain it and to base 
different theories as to Athena's origin on their explana- 
tions need not be here discussed. The word varies slightly, 
but the form 'AOrjvrj appears to be as old as any ; hence comes 
the feminine plural Athenae, the name of the Attic city, and 
^AOijvai Ai,ab€s ®^, the name of a place in Boeotia • ; then by 
a reverse process the Attic city gave to its tutelary goddess 
the longer name 'AOrivaCa, properly an adjective denoting the 
goddess of Athens. That this longer form is common in 
Homer is a sign of the great antiquity and celebrity of the 
Attic cult. 

As in the earliest times we find the worship of Athena 
in very various parts of the Greek world, we can conclude 
that she was a primitive Hellenic divinity of the * Achaean ' 
period, and originally worshipped also by the Dorian and 
Ionic tribes, or adopted by them in their new settlements. 
This very antiquity and her singularly Hellenic character, 
which is scarcely tinged at all by any discoverable Oriental 
influence, are reasons that are strong against the theory that 
in Athena we have a disguised Oriental goddess imported 
from anterior Asia. As illustrations of the universality of her 
cult we have the testimony of Homer and many of the heroic 
legends, and the records^ of local cults afford ample proof. 

• Cf. many other similar forms of from the local cult ; it is possible that 

town-names in the Greek world : Alal- such names as Thespiae, Syracusae, are 

comenae, Potniae, Eleutherae, Apellae, derived from forgotten cult-terms, 
which illustrate the origin of the city ^ Vide Geogrophical Register, 

ATHENA, 259 

Her worship was primeval in Attica, and it is here that we 
can best trace the primitive forms as well as the higher 
developments of her religion ; in no other city of Greece 
was the character of her worship so manifold as at Athens, 
and in many of the demes, Colonus, Acharnae, Sunium, 
Phlye, special cults were consecrated to her, recognizing her 
under various aspects. At Sparta, before the Dorian inva- 
sion, there was the brazen house, or the temple of Athena 
Chalcioecus, a name derived from the Mycenaean style of 
wall-decoration ; and she continued to be the war-goddess, 
the goddess of the council, the law-court and the market- 
place, in the Lacedaemonian state. In Argolis we hear of 
her temple on Mount Pontinus and on the Acropolis where 
Acrisius was buried in her shrine. She protects the Argive 
heroes in the Theban and Trojan war, and the story and the 
cult of Diomed is interwoven with this Argive religion. One of 
the chief personages of ancient Arcadian worship was Athena 
Alea. The cults of Athena Napicata in Elis and 'Aixapla in 
Achaea reveal the more primitive aspects of her, and the same 
may be said of her worships at Mothone in Messenia and on 
the Megarid coast, while her cult-title Aiantis in Megara seems 
to have connected her there with the Achaean period. At 
Corinth we find the legend of Bellerophon and the yoking of 
Pegasos associated with the worships of Athena XaXivlus and 
Hippia; and the mysterious cult-title Hellotis was attached to 
her there. In North Greece, Thebes and Alalcomenae were 
famous centres of her worship ; Athena Itonia protected the 
Boeotian league, and her name was the watchword of the 
Thessalians in battle. We find traces of Athena-cult in Phthi- 
otis, Pallene, Macedon, Abdera and Byzantium ; and probably 
before the time of Homer it had taken root in Ithaca and the 
western islands. There is record of its existence in Thasos, 
Lemnos, Samos and many of the Cyclades, in Crete, which was 
one of the countries that claimed to be the birth-place of the 
water-born goddess, in Cyprus, Carpathus and Rhodes. The 
last mentioned island, according to Pindar s beautiful l^end, 
stood only next to Athens in the favour of the goddess, the 
Rhodians having through carelessness in their first act of 

S 2 

a6o GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

ritual offered ir^vpa Upa, a sacrifice without fire^^"'^. On the 
coast of Asia Minor we have not far to look for the early 
traces of this religion. The Trojan women offer their prayers 
ant! a woven peplos to the goddess on their Acropolis, whom 
Homer and his contemporary Greeks identified with Pallas 
Athena, and whose cult doubtless belonged to the Mycenaean 
period. The legends concerning the heroes* disastrous return 
and the consequent migrations of families attribute much of 
their troubles to the wrath of the Trojan goddess whose temple 
had been profaned by Ajax, and we have sufficient evidence 
afforded by the Locrian rites that are mentioned below of 
the early influence of this Asia Minor worship in the Greek 
world. Also it was from Troy that two widespread primitive 
types of Athena-idols, the type of the Palladion and of the 
seated goddess, were supposed to be derived. Her cult became 
predominant in the later kingdom and city of Pergamon, and 
it was established in very many of the coast cities, and in 
some inland settlements of Asia Minor, both north and south. 
It travelled to Sicily, Magna Graecia, and even to Spain ; 
and the cities and places that are recorded as possessing it, 
numerous as they are, are probably far fewer than the actual 
sites of her worship. This religion was too old for its birth- 
place to be remembered, and none of these cities or places 
can be regarded as its original seat, nor can we trace anywhere 
any definite line of its diffusion. 

In dealing with the religious ideas of this worship, we find 
very few that are notably primitive or savage. The legend 
of the birth of Athena preserves some touches of a very early 
and rude imagination, such as the swallowing of Metis, and 
we have the record in Porphyry that at Laodicea human 
sacrifices were once offered to Athena^*, but it is probable 
that the goddess to whom this ritual belonged was the 
semi-oriental Artemis. Also the story at Athens of the 
daughters of Cecrops, who were driven mad by the wrath 
of Athena, and who flung themselves down from the rock of 
the Acropolis has been with much probability interpreted as 
a legend of human sacrifice in her worship • ; for we have other 

* Mommsen, Heortohgii, p. 12. 

X.] ATHENA, 261 

evidence of the leap from a rock being part of such ritual 
in other Hellenic cults. The same primitive fact may be 
discerned in the Locrian rites of atonement with which they 
tried to appease the wrath of Athena on account of the 
outrage done to Cassandra. From early times till about the 
middle of the fourth century, maidens were sent yearly from 
Locris to the Trojan shore, wearing only a single garment 
and no sandals, and with their hair shorn, to become 
priestesses and handmaidens in Athena's temple, where they 
performed secret rites by night. The first that were sent 
were met by the inhabitants and slain ; their bones were 
burnt in a peculiar ceremonious way, and their ashes cast 
from a mountain into the sea ^^ It is clear that this is no mere 
story of murder, but a reminiscence of certain piacular rites. 

But the Hellenic worship of Athena had long been purified 
from this taint of savagery, and it was only in certain harm- 
less ceremonials, such as the washing of the idol, that her 
religion preserved a primitive character. The Scholiast on 
Callimachus informs us that once a year the Argive women 
took Athena's image and bathed it in the Inachus^, and 
Callimachus* poem gives us a secular version of that religious 
act •. At Athens the image of Pallas was yearly escorted by 
the Ephebi to the sea-shore at Phaleron, and brought back 
to the city with torches and great pomp*. There can be 
little doubt that the object of the journey was to wash it 
in sea-water, just as Iphigenia in the play of Euripides 
takes the Tauric image to the coast under this pretext, 
saying that ' the sea cleanses away all the ills of mortal 
life V The image that the Ephebi escorted must have been 
the Palladion from the Attic court iin UaXKahLi^ ; for it is 
called by Suidas and in the Attic inscriptions ^ ^aAXas**»^ 
a name appropriate to the Palladion, but not applied to the 
idol of Athena Polias. And this view is confirmed if we 
combine the evidence given by the Attic ephebi-inscriptions 
with the legend narrated by Pausanias concerning the origin 

* Possibly also the representation of Berlin, is an artistic motive drawn from 
Pallas bathing before the Jadgement of the same source. 
Paris, on a fine fourth century vase in ^ Iph. Taur. 1193. 

262 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

of the court. We may reasonably suppose that the image 
was washed in the sea at Phalerum to wipe off the stain of 
homicide, and that it was borne along with an escort of 
armed youths and brought back in a torch- light procession to 
commemorate the night attack of Demophon and the armed 
Athenians upon Diomed and the friendly Argives, when the 
Palladion was captured by mistake. We must then dis- 
tinguish this ritual from the Plynteria^ about which we are 
only imperfectly informed, but which clearly referred to the 
Athena Polias and the cult of Aglauros on the Acropolis. 
The name does not refer to the washing of the idol • — we do 
not hear that this ceremony took place at all on this occasion 
— but to the washing of Athena's peplos and other apparel 
by the official women called the Loutrides or Plyntrides ^ *. 
The solemnity was mournful and mythically connected with 
the death of Aglauros, the story being that out of sorrow 
for her the women of Attica went for a year with unwashed 
garments ^ *»'» *. The approaches to the temple were roped 
off, the idol was stripped of its raiment and muffled up, and 
the chief day of the feast was an unlucky one on which no 
important business could be done. It was this ominous day 
when Alcibiades returned from exile, and, as was afterwards 
believed, the veiled goddess turned her face from him*•»^ 
Originally the ceremony of cleansing the idol and its robes 
may well have been merely part of a fetish-ritual, in which 
the fetish-object is washed, oiled, and clothed as though it 
were a living person ; but it was almost certain to acquire 
a moral significance, and Artemidorus explains all such rites 
as necessitated by human sin, which pollutes the temples or 
the images ®. 

On the whole there is no other leading Greek divinity to 
whom so little of crude and savage thought attached as to 
Athena, and though the moral ideas in her worship did not 

• The word irAi^vciv properly refers in the Plynteria, which is not told us 

to clothes; the account given by though very probable, and was taken 

Mommsen (Jleortologie, p. 429) of the down to Phaleron ; he combines the 

Plynteria goes far beyond the evidence : Plynteria with the procession of the 

he assumes that the idol was washed Ephebi without warrant. 

X.] ATHENA. 263 

altc^ether advance so far as those in the worship of Zeus, her 
ritual was wholly free of impurity and orgiastic extravagance 
of any kind. In fact, as will be noticed later, we observe 
a purifying tendency in the myth to preserve the maidenly 
character of the goddess. We may note as another possible 
reason of the comparative purity of her legend and rite, that 
there is in it little or no physical symbolism, although writers 
both past and present on Greek religion have found a super- 
fluity of it. I have already tried to show the futility of any 
endeavour to deduce the whole of Athena's characteristics 
and functions from any one original physical concept, for 
one may grant that she was originally a personification 
of air, earth, water or thunder, and yet maintain that she 
acquired the various traits of her moral or human character 
independently. And we need not discuss at length all the 
reasons for and against Welckers* theory that she was 
aether, and Roscher's theory that she was thunder ^ and 
Ploix's theory that she was twilight®: for these various 
theorists refute each other sufficiently. Such discussion is 
blocked by the larger question, is there any proof that 
Athena, as a goddess of the Hellenic religion, ever was 
a personification of some part of the physical world ? To 
answer this we may inquire whether this was ever the view of 
the Greeks of any historic period ; secondly, whether, in the 
hieroglyphics of ancient legend, or in the crystallized thought 
of ancient ritual, such an aspect of her is disclosed to us. 

The first inquiry is easier than the second. In no historic 
period of actual Greek religion was Athena ever regarded as 
a personification of any physical element. It is interesting on 
other grounds to know that Aristotle regarded her as the 
moon ^ ; but this view has nothing to do with the people's 
creed, and Greek philosophy was even more reckless than the 
modem science of mythology in interpreting the figures of the 

• Griechische Gotterlehre^ i. p. 300. ch. 16 : MineiramTel snmmnm aethera 

*> Ausfiihrliches Lexikotty s. Athena. vel etiam lunam esse dixerunt : ia a 

« La nature des dieuxy p. 213. context where he is ridiculing the physi- 

** According to Aroobius, Adv. Gent. cal interpretation of Greek religion. 
3. 31 : cf. Aug. de Civiiate Dei^ 7. 

264 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Hellenic Pantheon. In the ordinary legend and worship 
there is no department of nature with which Athena was 
especially concerned, though she might be active on occa- 
sion in a great many, availing herself of her privilege as 
a leading Olympian. She showed men the use of the olive, 
but she was not therefore the earth that produced nor the 
dew or heat that nourished it: else we might have to say 
that Apollo was the personification of mephitic gas, because 
he taught men a particular mode of divination. 

At Mothone in Messenia we hear of a shrine of Athena 
'Ai/efiWTts '^, but Athena was never regarded either by ancients 
or moderns as a wind-divinity, such as Aeolus or Boreas ; 
any powerful deity, as in the mediaeval religion any leading 
saint, could give or avert a wind as easily as the witch 
in Macbeth. If that temple, which appears by the legend 
to have been prehistoric, stood on a windy promon- 
tory, as it seems to have stood, then in that locality the 
goddess would be specially consulted on the matter of winds. 
All that the legend says is that this part of the coast 
was troubled by frequent tempests, until Diomed prayed to 
Athena, placed an image in her shrine, and gave her the 
title 'Ar^fidiny. He probably did all this because she was his 
tutelary goddess, not because she signified for him the blue 
ether or thunder or dawn and therefore might be more or less 
remotely connected with tempest. Again we hear of an Athena 
^apKaCa^ in Elis ; and those who resolve her into ether might 
say that this epithet refers to the numbing effects of frost 
beneath a midnight sky in winter ; and those who say that she 
is thunder and lightning might derive it from the petrifying 
effect of the lightning-flash. If NapKaCa means the goddess 
who petrifies, this would denote the goddess who wore the 
gorgoneium in her aegis, and we need not go further for an 
explanation. But in the locality of Elis the people did not 
so translate the word, but told of a hero Napicatoy, a son 
of Dionysos, who built a temple to Athena Napicaia. It is 
possible that here, as in many other instances, a fictitious 
hero has grown out of a misunderstood cult-name, or that 
on the contrary, Athena absorbed in this regfion the local 

X.] ATHENA, 265 

honours and title of a Dionysiac hero, whose name might 
have reference to the stupefying effects of drink*. 

Thirdly, in certain cults Athena has some obvious con- 
nexion with the water. In Strabo we hear of an Athena 
Ncdovo-ia, whose temple stood on the banks of the river ^ihtavy 
that flowed from Laconia into the Messenian gulf; and she 
was worshipped by the same name in the island of Cos^ 
And Athena Itnnia at Coronea perhaps gave her name to the 
brook that flowed beneath the hill *^, which Alcaeus calls 
Konpikios^ * the brook of the maiden/ but which according 
to Strabo was called by the Boeotian settlers YLovipios, a name 
that need have nothing to do with the goddess. But a lake 
KopTiaCtty and the worship of Athena Koprja-Ca ^*, are mentioned 
by Stephanos as existing in Crete**; and a lake in Lydia 
is said by Eustathius to have given her the name Tvyala ". 
These facts give no proof at all that she was ever in his- 
toric or prehistoric times essentially a water-deity, though 
she may sometimes have been worshipped on the sea-coast 
as at Sunium, Calabria, and other places ^^' ^^» *''*^» ^^. They 
merely illustrate how a local cult could give as well as owe 
a name to surrounding objects of nature, whether hill, river or 
tree. The sea-gulls about the rock might account for the 
curious name AWvta'^ which attached to Athena on a crag 
of the Megarid coast, where possibly the goddess was in some 
way identified by the people with the bird, as Artemis was 
occasionally identified with the quail. But Athena is far less 
a water-goddess than Artemis, who much more frequently had 

• We have examples of both processes myth here, it is full of foolish confu- 

in Greek religion: e.g. Iphigenia do- sion : Pausanias^** speaks of a shrine 

veloped from Artemis, Peitho from of Athena Kopia inl opovs xopwfifjs, near 

Aphrodite; on the other hand Zeus- Clitor; and Athena sprang from the 

Agamemnon, Athena Aiantis** ^ Kopwftij Ai6i. Hence came the mother, 

^ Another illustration that has been Kopwf»^. This may have been the name 

given of the same point of view is the of an Oceanid ; or there may be here a 

passage in Cicero, /)e Nat, Dear. 3. 23 : faint reminiscence of Tritogeneia, or of 

quarta (Minerva) love nata et Coryphe, the Homeric theory that Ocean was the 

Oceani hlia, quam Arcades Coriam origin of all things. We find partly the 

nominant, et quadrigarnm inventricem same confusion in the genealogy given 

femnt : the whole context shows an un- by the author of the Etymologicum 

fortunate speculative attempt to apply Magnum '^ ', who makes Athena the 

the principles of logical division to daughter of Poseidon and the Oceanid 

mythology. If there is any genuine Koryphe. 

266 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

to do with rivers and running water. Still more absurd would 
it be to say on these slight grounds that Athena was the 
watery thunder-cloud or watery blue ether. 

We have then to consider the evidence of the word 
Tpiroy^j/eta *, a term occurring in poetry as early as Homer, 
and explained by many local myths, but scarcely found at all 
in actual worship^®*. That the name caused some embar- 
rassment even to the ancients, is indicated by the fictitious 
explanation of the grammarians that the word meant * head- 
born,' and the assumption of a Boeotian word Tptro meaning 
* head.' This word has no analogies in Greek, and is probably 
a grammatical figment. From the analogy of such words 
as Triton, Amphitrite, and the name Tritonis applied to 
a nymph, and Triton to rivers and lakes, we may believe that 
the root of the word means water. And from a passage in 
Aristophanes we can be fairly certain that the term 'Tpt.Toyiv€La 
meant for the ordinary Greek ' born near or from some kind 
of water.' In the Lysistrate ^® ^, the women call to Tritogeneia 
to help them in bringing water, and the point of the mock 
invocation is clear. But the grammarians' attempt to show 
that the word meant * head-born ' is of some interest, because 
in the first place it indicates that they did not see why in 
the nature of things the word should mean what it probably 
did, namely, *born from the water' ; and, secondly, that they 
regarded the word as of Boeotian origin. Accepting, then, 
the ordinary explanation of the word as meaning * water-born/ 
we have still to ask why this name was given to her. Accord- 
ing to Preller it contains an allusion to the Hesiodic and 
Homeric theory that Ocean was the origin of all things. 
But why, then, were not all the divinities equally termed 
TptToyci/€is, just as they were named Ovpavia)V€s ? 

A more far-fetched solution is that of Welcke^s^ who 
regarding Athena as the ether-goddess, explains the word 

* The article by F. Lenormant in the concludes that there was once a mon- 

Cauite ArchMogique, 1880, p. 183, is strous Athena with fish extremities, 

fall of wild symbolism. On the strength the sign of the crab allading in some 

of the name Tpuofivua^ and the rare dexterous way to the Moon and the 

sign of the crab on her casque and her Gorgun. 

worship at certain maritime places, he ^ Grieckische Gbtterlehre, i, p. 313. 

X.] ATHENA. 267 

as * born from ethereal water/ and sees in it an anticipation 
of a Heraclitean doctrine that light and water were cognate 
elements. But it is hazardous to interpret ancient cult- 
names through the medium of later philosophy, and it is 
first necessary to convince us that Athena was a personifica- 
tion of ether. Scarcely more convincing is Roscher s inter- 
pretation, which is devised to suit his theory about the 
thunder-cloud, that Tritogeneia denotes the goddess sprung 
from the far western watery limit of the world. He adds by 
way of confirmation that thunder-storms in Greece come 
generally from the West. One would like to know, however, 
from what meteorological report this latter observation is 
made : also where the proof is that * Trito ' ever in Greek had 
this fanciful geographical sense, and finally whether there is 
any valid reason for supposing that Athena was the thunder- 
cloud at all ; for Roscher's interpretation of the doubtful 
word only meets the case if this last point is conceded. 
At the best any explanation of Tpiroyivtia can only be 
probable; and the most probable appears to be that it was 
a cult-name that spread from Thessaly or Boeotia, Athena 
having been in prehistoric times worshipped in locali- 
ties of those countries by water of that name. For the 
ordinary Greek associated the word usually with this part 
of Greece or with Libya: the Scholiast on Apollonius 
Rhodius mentions three rivers called Triton, one in Boeotia, 
one in Thessaly, and one in Libya, and it was in the Libyan 
that Athena was born ^^\ When Pausanias is describing 
the ruined temple of Athena at Alalcomenae in Boeotia he 
mentions as near it the small winter-torrent named Triton, 
and implies that according to the popular belief this stream 
was really the place of her birth, and not the Libyan river ^* •. 
Again, when he speaks of the altar and worship of Zeus 
Aex^ttTT/s, *the God in child-bed* at Aliphera in Arcadia, 
he gives the local legend that Athena was born there, * and 
they call the fountain Tritonis, appropriating the legend of the 
river Tritonis *• ^.' The first of these passages in Pausanias 
shows that for him, as for Aeschylus *® », * the river Triton ' 
meant properly the Libyan stream ; and the second implies 

268 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

that the Arcadians at Aliphera merely appropriated the 
Libyan legend. In this case, as in their legend of the birth 
of Zeus already noticed, we may suppose that, proud of 
their aboriginal antiquity, they were jealous to assert their 
country's claims to be the birth-place of Hellenic divinities. 
Now the belief which the passages just quoted express that 
Libya was the land with which the name Tpiroyiv^ia was 
properly associated, is quite consistent with the theory that 
the term came into vogue first from Boeotia. For it is prima 
facie absurd that Homer should have called the goddess Tpiro- 
ycWta because of her association with a river in Libya : but he 
may well have given her this name because of the celebrity 
of her worship at Alalcomenae, where this was a sacred title 
arising from the stream Triton that flowed near her temple *. 
It would appear from Homer that for the North Greeks the 
title ' k\a\KoyL€vr\h 'AOrjvij had an especial sanctity, and the 
no less famous worship of Athena Itonia flourished not far 
from this stream ^ The fame of these two worships may 
have spread the name TpiToyivfia over the rest of Boeotia, 
and then it may have been carried by the settlers of Cyrene, 
some of whom were mythically connected with the Minyae and 
Thebes, to their new city in Libya ; and it is evidently from 
Cyrene that the tale of the Libyan Athena ' Trito-born * was 
diff^used over the Greek world. For it is clear from Herodo- 
tus ^® * that the colonists found among the Libyans a worship 
of a goddess who was served by armed maidens and who was 
probably of a warlike character. This and her maidenhood 
suggested to them to identify her with their own goddess. She 
was also apparently a water-divinity like the Syrian Atergatis, 
or — as the Cyrenaic Greeks may have expressed it — a daughter 
of Poseidon and the lake Tritonis^ Whether the lake or 
river already had sonfie Libyan name that recalled to the 

* Cf. the name of a fountain in Area- oUeurBat) — founded, according to the 

dia — *A\aXjtofxty(ias Kijyri j^sius. ii. 12. "J. legend, by Cecrops, when he ruled 

" So closely associated was this par- Boeotia, and afterwards swaUowed up. 

ticular stream with Athena that there This seems like a fiction of the Athen- 

was an ancient tradition of a city that ians who recognized the great antiquity 

once existed on its banks named 'A^^i^ai of Athena's worship on the Triton and 

— Stiabo, 407 ol 5* 'EXevaiVa nal ^A^i^i^ar desired to connect their own with that 

«a^ t6v TpiTCjya iiorayiov (Jnrtf^dfifiavow river. * Paus. I. 14. 6. 

X.] ATHENA. 269 

colonists the name * Triton* familiar to them in their own 
country, or whether, finding there a native goddess akin to 
Athena and worshipped by the water, they at once applied to 
the goddess and the water the names that were associated 
with Alalcomenae, is a question of slight importance. In either 
case the Greco- Libyan Tritogeneia would be an offshoot of 
the Boeotian *. We may even believe that if any country was 
associated with any legend of Athena, the name Tritonis or 
Triton would tend to attach to any lake or river there: as 
for instance we hear of a Tritonis in Pallene, the land of the 
Gigantomachy ^® '^ ; and when a city or locality claimed to 
be the birth-place of the goddess, a lake or river of this name 
would probably be found in the neighbourhood, from a desire 
to enuilate Alalcomenae. Or the process may have been the 
opposite to this : in many parts of Greece water may have 
been so named from an old word that at any early time had 
disappeared from the ordinary language : then, when the river 
Triton and the worship at Alalcomenae had given rise to 
a celebrated sacred name of Athena, other localities would 
associate themselves with the legend of Athena where this 
common name for water occurred. To the instances already 
given others may be added ; the Cretans, according to 
Diodorus Siculus, claimed that Athena was born from Zeus 
in their land in the sources of the river Triton, and was there- 
fore called Tritogeneia, and the historian declares that there 
still existed a temple of this goddess by the fountain of the 
Cretan stream^® I And we may suppose that the legend of 
Tritogeneia prevailed at a remote time in Achaea, where the 
city Triteia was associated by the local myth with Triteia 
a priestess of Athena, daughter of a certain Triton ; probably 
the priestess was none other than Athena herself ^•p. It may 
be that occasionally the title suggested some connexion with 
Poseidon ; on the Acropolis of Pheneos in Arcadia, Pausanias 
found a ruined temple of Athena Tptrcoria, and on the same spot 
a bronze archaic statue of Poseidon Hippios ; the legend said 
that the latter had been dedicated by Odysseus, who came to 

* This is more or less the view briefly suggested by C. O. Miiller, OrcAcmencs, 
P- 355- 

ayo GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

this neighbourhood in quest of some horses which he had lost 
and which he found again there ^®". Pausanias does not 
suggest that there was any local connexion between the 
worship of Athena and Poseidon. But it is possible that 
the presence of Poseidon's statue suggested the title of 
Tritonia for the goddess. 

In no part of actual Greek religion was there any connexion 
between Pallas and Poseidon that points to an original affinity 
of character. Where their cults existed side by side, as on 
the Acropolis at Athens, at the deme of Colonus and possibly 
at Sunium, at Troezen, Sparta, Asea, and probably Corinth ^^, 
we may suppose that in some of these places there had been 
a final reconciliation of two cults that were often in conflict at 
first. To say that the strife of Athena and Poseidon for the 
Attic land is a symbol of physical changes, an allusion to the 
sea encroaching or the sea receding, is very plausible but 
untrue : we have the analogy of the contest between Helios 
and Poseidon at Corinth, where the physical explanation 
appears even more natural and likely : but we know it to be 
wrong ; for in the first place the territory in dispute between 
the two divinities was Acrocorinthus, a height which 
never in the memory of any Greek had been flooded or 
threatened by the sea, and secondly we have abundant 
evidence of the prevalence of a very ancient Helios-cult at 
Corinth, which paled before the later Ionic worship of 
Poseidon. No doubt there were physical reasons why 
Helios and why Poseidon should be worshipped at Corinth ; 
but the Corinthian legend of this strife, the Delphic legend of 
the contest of Apollo and the Python, of Apollo and Heracles 
for the tripod, the Attic legend of the rivalry of Poseidon and 
Athena, and many other similar theomachies, probably all 
contain the same kernel of historical fact, an actual conflict 
of worships — an earlier cherished by the aboriginal men of 
the locality, and a later introduced by the new settlers. 
Athena was the older goddess of Attica, Poseidon the 
great god of the lonians*: the strife and the friendship 

• Vide lievue des £tucUs grecques, Attique, R. de Tascher. A view which 
1891, pp. 1-33; Lfs cultes lonUns en is the exact opposite of that taken in 




between the two deities on the Acropolis may have been the 
religious counterpart of the conflict and union of the old 
Attic and Ionic elements of the population. 

It is interesting to note how the compromise with the new 
religion was there carried through. The older cult was too 
strong to suffer displacement : Poseidon ranks below Athena 
in the Attic religion. But he is reconciled and made of kin 
to the Athenians by a sort of adoption. Erechtheus was 
a figure that personified the ancient birth and growth of the 
State ; and his cult was the heart of the city's life. Before 
the Erechtheum was an altar of Poseidon on which men sacri- 
ficed also to Erechtheus. The god also is present in more 
than one vase representation at the mystic birth of Erich- 
thonius, the * double' of Erechtheus, as a sympathetic observer; 
lastly, by a bold fiction, he is identified with Erechtheus*, and 
the Boutadae, an agricultural clan who had probably already 
been charged with the worship of the land-hero Erechtheus, 
acquired the new priesthood of Poseidon-Erechtheus, which 
they maintained throughout the history of Athens '^»3~'*. 
Thus, as Erechtheus in the form of Erichthonius is in a 
mystic sense the child of Athena, the worship of Poseidon is 
justified by aflfiliating him also to the goddess : and we can 
illustrate this process of adoption by the myth about the intro- 
duction of the worship of Asclepios and Dionysos. Moreover 

the text appears to be held by Miss 
Harrison m. Mythology and Monuments ^ 
p. lix : ' Poseidon had been in all pro- 
bability established in Athens long 
before Athena came. One of the names 
of the great Ionian sea-god was Erech- 
theus,' of. Ixxvii, &c. I regret that I 
cannot find her arguments convincing. 
We do not know when Athena came to 
Athens ; it is more reasonable to believe 
that there never was an Athens so called 
without Athena ; and the fair interpreta- 
tion of all the evidence is that she 
was there very long before Poseidon 
came. Nor is there any evidence that 
Poseidon was ever called '£/>cx^«v9 in 
his own right or anywhere else except 

at Athens, for the mention in Homer of 
a King Erichthonius, son of Dardanos, 
'richest of mortal men, who owned 
mares that Boreas loved * (//. 20. a a a), 
is too doubtful to be called evidence. 
If Erechtheus was the old agricultural 
god or hero of Attica, who afterwards 
lent his name to Poseidon, we can 
understand why he should be buried, 
as Dionysos and Adonis and other di- 
vinities of vegetation were; but why 
should he be buried, if he were Posei- 

• Vide Hesych., 'E/>fx0€^r TloaulSnf h 
*AO^veus: Lycophron,i58,43i; Apollod. 
3. 15. i; C.I. A, I, 387 no<rci8wri 
'E^cx^cr, cf. 1 1 1. 805 ; Strabo* 9, p. 397. 

272 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

the traditions that made Poseidon the father of Theseus and 
of Eumolpus seem to reveal him as an alien and immigrant 
god. For the Eumolpidae were regarded as an alien clan from 
North Greece bringing a new cult ; and that there attached to 
this legend the consciousness of a rivalry between Pallas and 
Poseidon is shown in the strange fragment from Euripides' 
Ercchtheus : the Attic king sacrifices his daughter to gain 
the victory over Eumolpus, saying, ' Eumolpus shall not plant 
on the city's foundations, in place of the olive and the golden 
gorgon, the upright trident, nor shall it be crowned with 
chaplets by the Thracian people, and Pallas nowhere be held 
in honour ^^ *^' 

The joint cult of Pallas and Poseidon at Colonos, * the land 
of fair steeds,' where Poseidon Hippios and Athena Hippia 
were worshipped at a common altar ^^^^j is the most noted 
instance in the land of Attica of this union of divinities. 
Welcker curiously* explains this as though she borrowed 
this name from Poseidon, because of that natural connexion 
of hers with water expressed in the name Tptroy^i^cta, and as 
though the latter title had been displaced by Hippia. This 
seems in the highest degree improbable : his reaisoning might 
lead one to expect that any of Poseidon's appellatives could 
be casually used for the goddess, whereas this is the only one, 
besides Soter, that they have in common. Again, in the 
myths that explain Athena Hippia, there is rarely a reference 
to Poseidon. We read in Pausanias an Arcadian legend that 
makes no mention of Poseidon, but asserts that she won 
this name because she yoked horses to the chariot in her 
combat with Encelados in the battle of the Giants ^^ ». 
At Olympia, Athena Hippia shared an altar not with 
Poseidon but with Ares Hippios ^^». In Attica men said that 
she had taught Erichthonius the use of the chariot ^and that 
though Poseidon, in that trial of their creative power which 
was to decide the issue between the two deities, had produced 
the horse with a stroke of his trident, Athena had yoked him 

• GbtterUhrey 2. 291 : * Hippia isl an p. 62 (Dindf.) iv rj *AMpow6kfi Man 
die Stelle der Tritogenia gctreten/ r^f $*ov 6 *EptxMt yiypawrai dp/ta 

^ Vide Aristides, Panathenaua Schol, kkavvtaw. 

X.] ATHENA, 273 

and bridled him. In the story of Corinth, the land of Poseidon, 
it was not the god but the goddess that bridled Pegasos or 
taught Bellerophon the art, and hence in Corinth she was 
worshipped as \a\iinris ®*. We may believe then that she was 
regarded as powerful in this craft entirely in her own right 
either as a war-goddess or as the most skilled divinity in the 
arts ; and as Poseidon, for independent reasons, was also called 
Hippios, it was natural that their worships should occasionally 

At Troezen we have the same legend as on the Athenian 
acropolis of the rivalry of the two divinities, and the same 
explanation readily occurs ; the reconciled divinities received 
common worship, Poseidon as Basileus, and Athena as Folias 
and Sthenias " ^. The titles themselves seem to show that the 
whole story is innocent of any physical symbolism, and has 
merely a political and historical sense. The association of 
Athena ^Ayopaia and noa€ib(av ^A(r<f>a\ios^ in the temple at 
Sparta ^"^ ^ and of Athena Soteira and Poseidon in the pre- 
historic shrine on Mount Boreion near Asea in Arcadia"®, 
is obviously not based on natural identity or affinity of 
character ; and in the monuments to be noticed later which 
bring Poseidon and Athena together, or which represent 
the latter with some badge that alludes to the water, no 
recondite physical reference need be sought ; these representa- 
tions may simply allude to the fact that Athena was some- 
times called Tritogeneia, that she was sometimes worshipped 
in the islands and by maritime peoples, and that her temple 
stood sometimes on the coast, or that her worship occasionally 
displaced or was reconciled with the cult of the sea-divinities. 

If there had been any general sense of a natural affinity 
between Athena and Poseidon, it would have been strange 
that neither in the temple nor the precincts of the temple of 
the sea-god at Corinth, the most famed place of his worship 

* Mentioned by Pausanias among worship or by the dedication of a deity's 

other temples held in common at Sparta statue for some special occasion in the 

by divinities who had no close natural temple of another, and have too often 

afBnity one with the other. Such com- been used to prove this or that physical 

mon temple-holdings may often be ex- theory about the origin of Greek di- 

plained by a merely local coincidence of vinities. 

VOL. I. T 

274 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

in Greece, where common reverence was paid to so many 
divinities of Poseidon's circle, is there any mention of Athena 
under any name •. 

Other cult-names, found in different centres of her worship, 
that have been supposed to have had originally a physical 
sense, are 'AXca, 'EAAwrts, '()(/)daX/itT4s, and "Oyya, The wor- 
ship of Athena Alea was in high repute in Arcadia ^® ; her 
temple at Tegea was built and embellished with sculpture 
by Scopas, and remains of great worth have in recent years 
been discovered there. We hear of a monument erected to 
her near Amyclae, and of her shrines at Mantinea and Alea ; 
and Pausanias gives many instances of the respect paid to her 

The usual explanation of the word is that it means mild 
warmth, as dAea is used for a sunny corridor, and that it was 
derived from a root that is found in ctAr; ; but this doubtful 
derivation would only have weight if we found anything in 
the rites or legends of Athene 'AAca that corresponded to this 
conception. As regards the rites, we know nothing except that 
she was served by a boy-priest, and that games called 'AAeaid 
were held in her honour. But the legend of Auge Heracles 
and Telephos is connected partly with Athena Alea, and is sup- 
posed by Welcker and Preller to contain some allusion to the 
powers of light. This physical interpretation, however, is in 
the highest degree doubtful and confused, and as usual is dis- 
covered by etymological speculation on names ; and the only 
connexion between Athena and this Arcadian legend of the 
birth, exposure, and migration of Telephos is the fact that 
Auge was her priestess and incurred her wrath by bearing 
a son in her temple. Now, granting that possibly some 
forgotten solar or astral meaning lies hidden in the legend, 
we can easily see how Athena could be brought into the 
myth about these personages without having any part in 
this physical symbolism. Telephos, whatever his original 
function may have been, came to be regarded at an early 
time as a national hero, the leader of an Arcadian migration : 
it was necessary then that he should be patronized in some 

* Vide Pans. a. chs. i and 2. 

x.] ATHENA. 275 

way by one of the great goddesses of Arcadia, and so he 
was born in the temple of Athena Alea. At any rate, it 
is quite clear that the Arcadians in historical times did not 
consciously associate her with divinities of the sun or the 
moon or stars. In her own temple, which Pausanias describes, 
they grouped her with Asclepios and Hygieia, whose statues, 
carved by Scopas, stood close by the temple-image ^^ ^ 
Among all the passages in Pausanias and other writers that 
refer to her this is the only one that gives us any clue as to 
the character of Athena Alea ; for it is clear that the goddess 
is regarded as having some relation with the divinities of 
health, and it may be that the title expressed this idea*. 
From the same point of view we may with some probability 
explain her relations with Auge ; it may well be that the 
latter was more than a mere daughter of the ancient royal 
house at Tegea, and was in fact an aboriginal goddess of 
Arcadia, connected possibly with Artemis. But why, because 
the word means in some sense * light,' was she necessarily 
the moon? It is true that she was put into a boat by a 
ruthless parent and sent over the sea, and perhaps savages 
living near the sea have imagined that something like this 
happens to the moon. But if a moon-goddess, why was 
Auge identified with a goddess of child-birth, and why did 
her most ancient idol possess the form of a kneeling woman 
supposed to be in the act of bringing-forth, so that the Tegeatae 
named Eileithyia Avyij iv yovaa-i^? Very uncouth statues 
have been found a few years ago of this kneeling divinity*^, 
and if one such image was at any early period dedicated in the 
temple of Athena, this dedication, and the form of the image, 
and the desire to affiliate Telephos to some ancient goddess 
of the land, may have given rise to the aetiological myth 

of Auge bearing Telephos in the temple of Athena**. And 


• Or *AXia may have no character- " Vide Eileithyia, p. 614, note b. 

istic sense at all : Aleos was an abor- ^ The myth in its further course may 

iginal hero of this locality, and Athene also be aetiological : the Arcadian mi> 

may have taken his name in order to gration bears the worship of Auge across 

adopt him and his children ; vide Paus. the sea to Mysia, and the myth tries to 

8. 4. account for Auge traversing the sea. 

^ Paiis. 8. 48, 5. Vide Aphrodite-chapter, p. 638, note a. 

T a 

276 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

the goddess of child-birth would naturally be regarded as 
a ministrant of Athena Alea interpreted as Athena 'TyiVia. 
For some interpreters of Greek religion, a goddess of child- 
birth is inevitably also a moon-goddess. But in the case of 
Auge, a cautious person might abide by the lower and 
terrestrial sense, which has the advantage of being vouched 
for by some ancient authority. At least we are safe in saying 
that Athena Alea, so far as she is known to us, reveals none 
of the traits of a goddess of light. 

Are these found in her worship as 'EAXcorfs at Corinth, 
where under this name she was honoured with a torch-race*^*** ? 
It has been thought by Welcker* to belong to the same root 
as El\€via^ or Elkqvia^ a name attached to Athena at Meta- 
pontum in a worship connected by legend with Epeios or 
Philoctetes. The cult of Hellotis appears to have existed also 
at Marathon, and we might think that the epithet was here 
derived from the marshes^ Another explanation connects 
these cult-names with the root of aikas and ctAr/, denoting 
warmth and light, as we hear of torches in the ritual of 
Athena Hellotis. The explanations given by the scholiast 
on Pindar^* are instructive. He tells us that the games 
'EAAwna were held at Corinth in honour of Athena Hellotis, 
and that a torch-race formed part of them ; for when the 
Dorians took Corinth, a maiden named Hellotis took refuge 
in Athena's temple ; the conquerors set fire to it and she 
perished in the flames ; the angry goddess sent a pestilence 
and demanded a new temple and propitiation. Hence 
originated the temple and games to Athena Hellotis. We 
have here the common process of a myth being fashioned to 
explain a name or rite. The scholiast suggests the alternative 
explanation that the worship came from the marshes of 
Marathon. Others referred it to the legend that Bellerophon 
captured (Mttj/) Pegasus near this temple at Corinth. 

The name 'EiX^via is no less mysterious". It appears in 
the present text of Aristotle in the form of 'EAAryj/ia, a very 
intelligible epithet of the Hellenic goddess ; but this must be 
due to a change made by a later copyist who found the word 

• Welcker, Gritchische CotterUhre, i. p. 307. *> Cf. 'A<t>poliTff ir IAms. 

X.] ATHENA. 277 

unintelligible as Aristotle wrote it, for Aristotle's own 
explanation proves that he wrote El\€vla or E2AT}2;^a, since he 
derives it from dk^iv or dXilaOai in the sense of being cooped 
up in a place, and he tells a story about Epeios being kept in 
Metapontum against his will and founding the temple. The 
same explanation of Elk^vla and much the same legend are 
given by the author of the Etymologicum Magnum^ quoting 
from Lycophron, except that Philoctetes is the founder in this 

One thing that is made quite clear from all this is that the 
Greeks themselves were quite ignorant of the meaning of these 
words : so that it cannot help us to answer in the affirmative 
the more important question whether in any historic period of 
Greek religion Athena was regarded as a light-divinity. Nor 
can it much increase our belief that she had originally some- 
thing to do with the celestial lights. For even if the deriva- 
tion from (TfXas were sure, the words may refer to the fire kept 
burning in her temple, or to the use of fire in the handicrafts. 
The temple of EtAcj/ia at Metapontum seems to have been 
consecrated to the goddess of the arts, the legend recording 
that Epeios, the builder of the Trojan horse, raised it to 
propitiate Athena when she demanded from him the imple- 
ments of his work. The use and attribute of fire in some way 
connects her with her fellow-craftsman Hephaestos ; to find 
for it any non-terrestrial sense, we must travel beyond the 
limits of historic Greek religion. The most important of 
the torch-races at Athens were those run in honour of 
Prometheus Hephaestos and Athena, the divinities of the 
arts being honoured thus in the same fashion. It is safest, 
then, to consider that the fire of Athena refers usually to her 
arts or to her ritual*. Or Athena might possibly have 
acquired this name 'EAAwrts by taking over the ritual of some 
sun-worship indigenous in Corinth ; and thus the name, even 
if we were convinced that it designated the goddess of light 

* Note the passage in Aristides (Dind. Rhodians in Pindar shows : cf. Plutarch 

I, p. 50): «ai ik^ teat iiinvp6s yt &fta Quaest. (7ra^^. 3, the priestess of Athena 

'A^i^ ical 'H/paiar^ ytySfifvot {AiSyv- called inrttcKaMrrpla, 5ri wwtiroi tiV^i 

trot). The offerings to Athena were Bvaias xai Upovftylas dMorpomdovt. 
usually ifiwvpa, as the legend about the 

278 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

and heat, need not have arisen from anything proper to the 
character of the goddess. But it is quite possibly non- 
Hellenic. Athenaeus and the author of the Etymologicum 
Magnufu connect the name and the feast with Europa, and 
the latter writer suggests that a Phoenician name kkkoHa^ sig- 
nifying maiden, is the source of the word ; and there seems some 
force in Raethgen's theory* that Athena 'EAXcorty represents 
the Syro-Arabian goddess Allat, the Phoenician Elloti, who 
is elsewhere identified with Athena. Non-Hellenic elements 
in the early religion of Corinth have already been noted ; 
possibly the story of the maiden burnt alive in the temple 
preserves a vague reminiscence of human sacrifice by fire in 
the worship of Athena Hellotis. a rite derivable from Moloch- 

The title 'Ajmapta, which was once attached to Athena in 
Achaea, may have been derived from the association of her 
worship with Zeus 'A/iaptoy, and need not in the first 
instance have been applied to her as a goddess of the bright 
sky. Even as an appellative of Zeus the term seems to have 
lost its physical sense at a comparatively early period ^ 

Other arguments for interpreting Athena as originally a 
goddess of the light, or of the moon, are slender enough. The 
curious view attributed to Aristotle, that she was a personal 
form of the moon, appears also in a passage, that is scarcely 
meant to be taken seriously, in Plutarch's n^pX tov Trpoa-dirov rrj^ 
l^krjirqs ^, This only illustrates what any philosopher might 
possibly say, and uncritical physical explanations of the per- 
sonages of the Greek religion were common enough among the 
Stoics. According to Suidas the same view was held by the 
historian Istrus ^^^ on the ground of some connexion between 
Athena and the Attic month, TpiToy4v€ia being connected 
with the third day of the month, and with the three phases of 
the moon ; but no serious argument could be derived from 
such philology. 

Of still less value for the purpose of this theory are the 
arguments drawn from the worship of Athena O^bepKris at 

" Bfitrdge zur semit, Religionsgcschichte^ p. 59. ^ Vide Zeus ", p. 43. 

« P. 938 b IScA^vi/y 'ABrjvdy kiyofXftnjw koI oZgov, 




Argos and '0<t>6aK\ilTi.s at Sparta, epithets referring to the 
'keen-eyed* goddess ^^'^^ The legends about these cults 
show no trace of any belief that the * eye ' was the eye of 
the sun or moon. The piercing brightness of the eye is 
part of the purely human conception of the goddess ; and 
has nothing more to do with celestial phenomena than has 
the languishing eye of Aphrodite. And it is probable that 
'0<^daA/xiris and 'O^vScpfc^s are cult-names derived from the 
appearance of the idols, which may have had the same ykavKo, 
Sfifiara as were seen in an archaic statue of Athena at Athens. 
The light-blue flashing eye seemed to Cicero to belong to the 
artistic ideal of Minerva ^*. The explanatory legends would 
arise naturally from the cult-names themselves. 

Actual evidence then of this lunar theory from ritual and 
worship does not exist*; and the archaeological facts that 
Welcker quotes in support of it are quite trifling : for instance, 
a black-figured vase, on which Athena is depicted wearing 
a peplos embellished with stars, or certain coins of Athens 
showing the head of Pallas on the reverse and the owl with 
the crescent-moon. But the star pattern on the peplos is 
a mere mechanical device, and the crescent with the owl 
tells us nothing about the character of the Pallas on the other 
side of the coin, and may be merely a symbol of the bird of 
night. To say that it expresses the belief that Pallas was the 
moon-goddess** is to contradict all the overwhelming negative 
evidence derived from the monuments and the literature of 
the fifth century. 

It may be asked, why did this belief arise in certain later 
writers of antiquity, if there was nothing in native Greek 
literature cult or art to support it ? It might naturally 
have arisen from the O^oKpaaia of the last three centuries 

* Some conclusions have been drawn 
from the identity which two scholiasts 
assert (Schol. //. 2. 722 ; Schol. Soph. 
Pkt7. 194, 1326) of Athena and Chryse 
the Lemnian goddess. ^But Chryse, in 
spite of her name, is not proved to have 
been a moon-divinity ; and in any case 
she may have been a foreign goddess, 

perhaps resembling Athena only in her 
warlike or maidenly character. 

•» This view of Welcker's about the 
meaning of the crescent on Attic coins 
has not yet been wholly abandoned; 
M. Svoronos in the Bu/L Corr, Hell. 
1894, p. lai, maintains it still, but 
without any criticism. 

28o GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

B.C., that most unscientific tendency in Greek theory, and 
possibly from the confusion of Athena with Isis. Plutarch • 
speaks of the temple of Athena in Sais, tjv #cal ^lo-iv votiiCova-ip, 
and the goddess at Sais seems to have been conspicuous for 
her wisdom and purity. Now Isis was sometimes regarded 
as the goddess of the lower world, but more often as a 
moon-goddess, and Plutarch explains her iyaXfiaTa K€pa(r<f>6pa 
in reference to the moon, and this lunar aspect of her is very 
obvious in the fervid descriptions of Apuleius^ 

It is interesting to read Eusebius' condemnation® of the 
theorists of his day, who were always translating mythic 
personages into physical facts, ^^^latTiUvov koX ovk ikr\6ri 
T<av ixvd(DV Tov KoWcoTn.o'iJLdv ^loTjyqo'ilLfXfvoi.. 

The stronghold of the physical theory has always been 
the two myths of the birth of Athena and the slaying of 
the Gorgon. The treatise of the Stoic Diogenes Babylonius 
de Minerva^ in which according to Cicero he gave a phy- 
siological explanation of the birth, separating it from 
myth^ has not come down to us. We need regret it only 
because it might have been interesting to see whether he 
was more successful in the * physiology * of this matter than 
modern writers have been®. What chiefly puzzles the 
unprepossessed inquirer, as Mr. Lang has observed, is the 
pliancy with which the myth of the birth can be adapted 
to suit many different interpretations. Whether Athena is 
regarded as the thunder or the lightning, the aether or 
the dawn, she can leap from the head of Zeus with equal 
appropriateness. But let any one take whichever he pleases 
of these various hypotheses and then work it out rigorously 
through point to point of the myth, and he will stumble 
on hopeless inconsistencies. 

Now if, without any hypothesis to start with, one looks at 
the descriptions of the birth in the ancient poets and mytho- 

• De hid. et Osir, $ 9. who says that Zeos hid the unborn 
^ Metam. 11. 3. Athena in a cloud and then split it 
*^ Praep. Ev. 2. 16. open with the lightning, is intended also 
^ De Nat, Deor. i. 15, 41. no doubt to express a phjrsical symbo- 

• The form of the myth given by lism. 
Aiistodes (SchoL Find. OL 7. 66), 

X.] ATHENA. 281 

graphers, one is soon assured that they are not conscious of 
using language that could be taken to convey any allusion to 
a thunderstorm or to any other of the striking phenomena 
of nature. If we notice first the more embellished recitals 
of the great event, we find some fervid lines in the Homeric 
hymn to Athena : she is bom from the holy head of 
Zeus 'holding the golden-gleaming weapons of war'; the 
gods stand astonished * as she springs from the immortal head 
brandishing her keen spear'; heaven and earth are troubled, 
the sea rises up like a wall, and the sun stays in his course : 
until she lays aside from her shoulders the godlike weapons, 
and Zeus rejoices. The poet does not mention thunder, which 
would be a strange omission if he were trying to give a highly 
imaginative picture of a thunderstorm in personal metaphor. 
Of far higher poetry is Pindar's terse narrative, * when through 
Hephaestus* arts and his bronze-bound axe, Athena sprang 
down the crest of her father's head, and shouted with an 
exceeding great cry, and heaven and mother earth shuddered 
before her ' {01. 7. 38). 

This is full of Pindaric splendour ; but where is the remotest 
allusion to a phenomenon of nature, unless whenever a deity 
is said to cry aloud with an exceeding great cry, the speaker 
must be supposed to mean only that it thundered ? Later on 
Pindar records the legend that at the goddess' birth Zeus 
snowed gold upon the Rhodians, who placed the miracle in 
their island and may well have explained their prosperity 
by saying that Zeus distributed largesse on the occasion. 
A lost poem of Stesichorus treated of this theme, as we 
are told by a scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius (1. 1310) that 
Stesichorus was the first who spoke of Athena springing in 
full panoply from the head of Zeus*. 

In Lucian's account the new-born goddess * leaps and 
dances a war-dance and shakes her shield, and brandishes 
her spear, and is filled with ecstasy ^' but there is no accom- 
paniment of a storm. 

Even Philostratos, in his turgid account of the picture of 

* The scholiast was eiUier ignorant of the poem of ' Homer,* or considered 
it as a later work. ^ 6c«y LiUKorfOt^ 8. 

282 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

the ^kBj\vas yovai^, fond as he is of finding remote allusions in 
his subjects and of searching after effective imagery, gives us 
hardly any meteorological phrases. He says, indeed, that 
her panoply was like the rainbow, but he fails to discover the 
secret. All the divinities are bidden to attend the birth, even 
the rivers and the nymphs, and they all stand astonished : 
Zeus pants with pleasure: even Hera shows no indignation. 

In the dry account of Apollodorus there is clearly no 
symbolism intended. 

I have dwelt at some length on this absence of any inten- 
tional second meaning in these accounts, because this is not 
made sufficiently clear in Preller and Roscher s comments. 
In the frequent artistic representations of the scene a physical 
symbolism is still less easy to discover : and if we raise a ques- 
tion about the imagination of the average Greek, there is not 
the faintest sign that he ever associated a thunder-storm 
when it occurred, or the blue sky when the weather cleared, 
with Athena or Athena's birth. 

It may be admitted then that these poetical descriptions 
do not consciously express the physical fact to which they 
have been supposed to allude. Therefore, to make them serve 
Preller and Roscher's theory, we must regard their highly 
wrought phrases as mere survivals of an ancient poetical 
symbolic diction that did more clearly express it. 

But what traces are there of any primitive account con- 
taining this symbolism and becoming stereotyped? Homer 
knew that Zeus was the sole parent, but he does not dwell on 
the occurrence. Hesiod gives a rather full narrative which 
will be noticed in detail directly, and which is altogether 
destitute of the imagery of the Pindaric ode or the Homeric 
hymn : there is no reference to the axe of Prometheus or of 
Hephaestos, none to the leaping forth of the goddess in full 
armour and with * an exceeding loud cry.* In fact the sym- 
bolical language on which modern theorists partly rely is not 
found before the date of the Homeric hymn. Have we any 
right, then, to say that the phrases in that hymn or in the 
Pindaric ode arc a survival of an older symbolism, or that 

■ Imagines^ a. 27. 

X.] ATHENA. 283 

these poets were graced with a special revelation ? It is more 
natural to say that, as the Greek imagination dwelt on the 
great epiphany of Athena, the poets tended to embellish it 
with the richest phraseology, to represent it as a great cosmic 
incident in which the powers of heaven and earth were 

The form in which Hcsiod * presents the myth is the most 
instructive. He begins with the story of Zeus swallowing 
Metis, who is described merely as TrXciora O^Siv ^Ihvlav Ihi 
OvrjT&v av6pd)Tr(t>v, In this Zeus was following the advice of 
Ouranos and Gaea, who warned him that Metis, who was 
then pregnant with Pallas, would bear after her a son who 
would be king over gods and men. Then Zeus, having per- 
suaded M^rts ' by means of subtle words, deposited her in his 
maw.* It seems that Hesiod is alluding to some story that 
Zeus, by means of his subtle words, persuaded Metis to 
assume some form convenient for swallowing. According to 
a later legend she complacently took the shape of a fly. 
We hear nothing further of Metis, but Pallas Athena 
developed and sprang out through Zeus's head, no doubt 
in the older story without her weapons. 

Now this very nafve, and, on the face of it, primitive 
recital, is the great stumbling-block in the way of such 
theories as Preller*s and Roschcr's ; for no sane interpreter 
can find any phenomenon in the natural world corresponding 
to this drama of the primeval ways of Greek providence. 
And only a person ignorant of primitive folk-lore would 
maintain the Hesiod ic version to be later than that of the 
Homeric hymn and the Pindaric ode. The swallowing story 
is 3,jeu d esprit of very savage imagination ^ and comes from 
a period older than the Olympian religion. But it docs not 
follow that in the very oldest form of this particular Greek 
story Zeus swallowed Metis without a motive, or for no 
other reason than because it was such an act as might be 
expected from a savage god. The clue to a possible explana- 
tion of the growth of this strange tale is given by the word 

• Theog. 886-900. 

^ Vide Mr. Lang s chapter in Custom and Myth on Cronos, p. 53« 

284 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

Metis. In what sense was this term used? As regards 
Hesiod himself, it is obvious that this name, personal as it 
IS, connoted the abstract sense of thought, as he calls her 
'the most knowing of the gods and men/ But Preller refuses 
to believe that this was the original meaning, partly because 
the primitive language does not deal with philosophic or 
abstract terms, and the physical and concrete precede the 
immaterial and abstract. This latter dictum may be true of 
the gradual human development from the beginning of time ; 
but to apply it off-hand to the earliest period of Greek life, 
and to maintain that, by the time that the Greeks had become 
a distinct race, their ideas and speech were still confined to 
the range of the physical and concrete, is hazardous enough. 
The data are of course very scanty, but what there is should 
be allowed its weight. It is a mistake to suppose that 
in the mythology of primitive or savage people one must 
not expect any metaphysical or abstract idea underlying 
the personification ; instances are rare, but are forthcoming. 
A very early pre-Homeric Greek was capable of imagining a 
being named * Counsel ' or ' Wisdom,' as he was of imagining 
a deity called Themis or Gharis or Nemesis. The various 
stages in this process in Greek religion of personifying ab- 
stractions may be afterwards noted. For the present the 
undoubted antiquity of Themis is sufficient proof that to 
the pre-Homeric Greek M^rty might be a vague being whose 
name meant little more than Thought *. 

In the myths that mention her, it is as Thought or Counsel 
that she appears and operates ; and Preller's belief that in 
the earliest story she is a purely physical being, a divinity of 
the water, so that after all it may be interpreted as a cloud- 
myth or sky-myth, is quite baseless. In the ancient records 
she is nowhere said to be an Oceanid ; and we have no right 
to say that she is a being of this element because there is 
a sea-nymph called by the adjectival name MSuia, * the knowing 
one.* The fact that in this earliest and half-savage form of 

* Perhaps originally a Ge-Metis, as wisdom. In Hesiod it is Gaea who 
we hear of a Ge-Themis : the earth as helps Zeus against Cronos ; in Apollo- 
the fount of oracles is the source of dorus (i. a, i) it is Metis. 

X.] ATHENA. 285 

the legend Athena is the daughter of Metis is a sign that for 
these primitive mythopoeic Greeks their goddess was no mere 
personification of a part of nature, but was already invested 
with a moral and mental character, and especially with the 
non-physicalquality of wisdom ; and of course her worship had 
long been in vogue, before it occurred to them to tell a myth 
about her origin. Again, her birth is assisted by Prometheus 
or Hephaestos ; if this detail belongs to the first period of the 
story we have another indication that Athena was already 
a goddess of the arts of life as she was associated with these 
divine artists. Lastly, the swallowing of Metis, inexplicable 
on any physical theory of the 'A^ryi/ay yoval can be possibly 
explained from the other point of view. Suppose that Athena 
was already, before this story grew, the chief goddess of 
wisdom, as in the most primitive legends she always appears 
to be: and was also the maiden-goddess of war, averse to 
love : also the goddess that protected the father-right rather 
than the mother- right : and that then like all the other 
Olympians, whatever autonomy each one of them may have 
once enjoyed, she had to be brought into some relation with 
Zeus. Then upon these pre-existing ideas the Greek imagina- 
tion may have worked thus : she has abundant Metis, and is 
the daughter of Metis ; she has all the powers of Zeus, and is 
the very daughter of him ; and she has no feminine weakness, 
and inclines rather to the father than the mother ; therefore 
she was not born in the ordinary way ; this might have 
been if Zeus swallowed her mother. Afterwards, as this 
swallowing-story gained ground, it received a new explana- 
tion, namely, that Zeus swallowed Metis to prevent her 
bearing any more children, as a son would else be born 
stronger than he. It seems very unlikely that this prophecy 
was part of the original story, leading up to the swallowing 
process ; for there would have been other and easier ways of 
cutting short the child-bearing career of Metis. But if the 
fact of Zeus swallowing her was already fixed in the imagina- 
tion, then the story of the prophecy, which was floating about 
the paths of various myths, would do passably well as an 
explanation. It could be taken over from the Cronos-legend 

286 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

where it was much more in place, and it was used again in the 
drama of Peleus and Thetis, where it was perhaps an epic 
addition to the Thessalian myth which only told of their 
national hero winning Thetis on his own account*. 

The above explanation is of course only given as a 
hypothesis : but it has the advantage over the other of 
being suggested by the most ancient form of the legend 
and the most ancient ideas concerning the goddess. 

The other myth that is supposed to prove that Athena was 
originally some physical power is the Gorgon-myth. We 
need not raise the question whether the ordinary Greek, 
when telling this story, was aware of its hidden physical 
meaning, or had the moon or the thundercloud in his mind ; 
for I believe no theorist has asserted or implied this. It is 
only asserted and generally believed that the story in pre- 
historic times had a meaning as a nature-myth. And Roscher 
maintains that the legend of the slaying of Medusa tells us of 
something which the primitive Greek believed to have hap- 
pened to the thunder-cloud, and Preller thinks that it conveys 
to us some ancient opinion about the moon, though * not the 
moon in its ordinary significance \' We may admit or reject 
any of those physical theories, without modifying our view 
concerning the original nature of Pallas Athena. For there 
is no proof at all derivable from the legend as given in the 
most ancient authorities that she is essentially and directly 
concerned with the slaying of Medusa. Hesiod is our first 
authority, and he does not mention Athena's presence or 
participation in the feat ; nor did she appear in the represen- 
tations of Medusa s death on the chest of Cypselus and the 
throne of Bathycles ; though some of the earliest vases show 
her standing behind Perseus as he flies. Perseus is one of 
her favourite heroes, and she may be there merely to encourage 
him, as she is interested in all heroic achievements. In fact, 
the story of her interest in Medusa's death, and of her 

* Vide Mannhardt, IVald- umi Feld- possible that in some of the late pic- 

kuUct 2. p. 46. turesque representations of the Gorgon's 

^ Clemens Alexandrinus, Strom, 5. head, the face is meant to have some 

676, also thought that the Gorgon meant faint resemblance to the face of the 

the moon, and so did Plutarch. It is moon. 

X.] ATHENA. 287 

receiving the head from Perseus, is very probably an aetio- 
logical myth, invented to explain her wearing the Gorgoneum 
as a badge. Prof. Furtwangler, in his excellent article in 
Roscher s Lexicon on the types of the Gorgoneum in art, 
mentions the fact that this does not strictly appear in monu- 
ments earlier than the seventh century, and he doubts whether 
there is any earlier literary evidence than this that Athena 
wore it as a badge, or that it was ever used as an emblem 
of terror before the seventh century. For he regards the two 
passages in the Iliad^ the one in Bk. 1 1 . lines 35-36, where 
the Gorgoneum is mentioned on Agamemnon's shield*, the 
other in 5. 741, where it is described as on the aegis of Athene, 
as interpolations though of comparatively early date. There 
are other reasons besides those which he urges against the 
claim of these passages to belong to the earliest form of 
the poem ^ Still the passage in the eleventh book must have 
been worked into the Iliad before the construction of the 
chest of Cypselus, for the artist who carved the figure of 
Agamemnon on this work appears to have been inspired by 
the Homeric description. In any case the view I have put 
forward about the reason of Athena's association with Medusa 
is tenable, for we have evidence that the Gorgoneum was used 
as an emblem of terror and was worn by Athena at least 
as early as the seventh century B. c. And we have no trace 
of any earlier legend or cult in which Athena was called 
Topyo<f>6vos or TopyQ-nis or brought into essential connexion 
with Medusa before she could have begun to wear her head 
as a badge on her breast. 

That the Gorgon was originally merely the double of Athena 
herself, personifying the darker side of her character, is a view 
held by O. Jahn° and recently maintained by Dr. Mayer ^. 
It rests on no other evidence than that Athena and Gorgo 
have some relations with Poseidon, and that Athena was once 
possibly called Topyd — namely, in a passage in the Helene ® of 
Euripides, 1315, of which the reading has been doubted. 

• TopTfii) fikocvpSnris iar€<pdvotTOf Afi- ^ AnttaL delV Instit. 1851, p. 171. 

vov HfpKOfUvrjf vfpil Hi A€ifi6sTf^6fiosTt, ^ Die Giganten, p. 190. 

*» Vide Bergk, Literaturgeschichte^ • d 8* l7X« Toprfi/ w6yonkos. 
p. 600. 

288 CREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

If the reading were proved sound, we could regard the 
word as an abbreviation of Topy^Tti^ ; or we could say that 
the badge has been put for the goddess, as in the fragment 
quoted above from the Erecktkeus, Fopywiriy would be a 
natural epithet of the goddess who wore the Gorgon's head, 
which was originally given her by the early artists probably 
as an emblem of terror, because she was pre-eminently the 
war-goddess and the guardian of the city walls, on which 
similar emblems were sometimes hung. Thus we may 
explain the story that was told by the men of Tegea, a 
favourite city of the goddess, that Athena had given to their 
ancient king, the son of Aleos, a lock of Medusa's hair, 
whereby the city became impregnable*. 

The epithet Topyo<fi6vos, which was never a cult-title, and 
the legend, recorded by Euripides ^ and not known to be 
earlier than the fifth century, that Athena herself had slain 
the Gorgon, might naturally have arisen from the constant 
occurrence of the Gorgoneum on her breast, and from the 
patriotic pride of the Athenians who desired to exalt the fame 
of their goddess and ignored the Argive legend of Perseus. 
A vase-painting of the fifth century ° has perhaps been rightly 
interpreted by Heydemann as the pursuit of Medusa by 
Athena. Another legend which obviously arose from the 
mere artistic representation said that Athena's anger was 
kindled against Medusa because the goddess was jealous of 
her beauty ; but this story could not be earlier than the latter 
part of the fourth century, when Medusa's countenance had 
become invested with an ideal beauty, and was no longer an 
image of mere physical terror. 

The aegis of Athena is another badge that has been 
supposed to allude to the thunder-cloud, but reasons have 
already been given against this supposition*^, and in favour 
of the belief that in the Athena-cult it was regarded merely 
as a battle-charm, and was a sacred object that was used for 
the purification of temples and as an aid to childbirth *^. 

• Roscher interprets this as a kind of « Lenonnant, £lii€ C4r, i. 75, and 
' thander-magic ' : vide Pans. 8. ^7, 5. Arch. Zeis, 1868, p. 6. 

•» Vide Eur. Ion 987. * Vide Zeus-chapter, pp. 97-100. 

X.] ATHENA, 289 

There appears, then, no evidence to convince us that Athena 
was ever worshipped merely as a nature-goddess, personifying 
or controlling a special part of the physical world. But it is 
also evident that at Athens she came into some contact with 
the earth-goddess, and acquired certain functions as a deity 
of vegetation. For in the first place, the epithets "AyAav/ios • 
and Ylavlpo<Tos were sometimes attached to her *^*» ^^ *. These 
are also the names of the daughters of Cecrops, who had 
been appointed to nurse the infant Erichthonios : the earth 
was his mother, and "kykavpos and l\dvhpo<Tos are natural 
descriptive titles of the earth-goddess, who certainly enjoyed 
an ancient worship on the Acropolis of Athens. To reconcile 
her cult with Athena's, it may well have happened that the 
latter goddess was given two of her titles, and there is no 
reason to say that originally Pandrosos and Athena were 
the same. These daughters of Cecrops, whether originally 
nymphs of the earth or forms of the earth-goddess, are 
brought into religious connexion with Athena in more ways 
than one. The Arrhephori or Hersephori^ the maidens 
trained in the service of Athena, and living near the temple of 
Athena Polias, ministered to her as well as to Pandrosos^" 
And in the sacred rite which they performed for Athena, to 
whom they brought a mysterious offering by an underground 
passage from the temple of Aphrodite kv K^/iroty ^'j the fruits of 
the earth appear to have been in some way consecrated to 
her^^**. In the shrine of Aglauros on the Acropolis, the 
Athenian ephebi took the oath of loyalty to the state, and 
thus the cult of Aglauros mingled with the city-cult of 
Athena Polias**. And the curious ritualistic law mentioned 

* It is sometimes doubted whether the that Herse is an unreal personage de- 
word is "KrfXav^ or 'krfpavkos : both veloped from the title of the *EfHtrfip6poi, 
names could equally well refer to a god- is probable enough, 
dess or nymph of vegetation ; but there « In Mythology and Monuments of 
seems better authority for ''A7Xavpoy, as Athens (Harrison and Verrall, pp. xxxiv, 
the inscriptions only give this form : xxxv) it is su{:gested, for good reasons, 
vide Corp, Ins. Gr. 7716, 7718, but that the sacred things which the maidens 
cf. Steph. Byz. * Kr^pavXif 89/*os t^s carried in the box were little images of 
^Ep^xBriihoi ^vA^;. the young of animals (^pci;) --offerings 

•» Miss Harrison's view expressed in to the earth-goddess to secure fertility, 
the Hellenic Journal of 189 1, p. 351, * Different forms of the oath or 

VOL. I. U 




by Harpocration ^^ ^ illustrates once more the close connexion 
between Athena and the earth-goddess or the earth-nymph : 
* if any one sacrifices an ox to Athena, it is necessary also to 
sacrifice a sheep to Pandora, and this sacrifice was called an 
M^oiov' Pandora was a title of the earth-goddess ; but 
Bekker proposes the reading l\avhp6<Ti^ for Ylavhdpay which is 
a probable emendation, for we have no other mention of 
Pandora in Athena's cult, and according to Aristophanes *^^ ^ 
the sacrifice to Pandora would be the first rather than the 
second act in ritual. This double offering of oxen and sheep 
on the Acropolis is mentioned in the Iliad, and appears as 
part of the Panathenaic festival on the frieze of the Parthenon. 

The bull and the cow, sheep, swine and goat are animals 
naturally offered to the agricultural goddess, and these were 
all sacrificed to Athena, the goat being usually tabooed but 
chosen as an exceptional victim for her annual sacrifice on 
the AcropoHs ^^''. The familiar serpent of Athena, occasion- 
ally identified with Erechtheus, may be supposed to have 
been a symbol of the ancient earth-goddess, whose worship 
was merged in that of Athena ; and we may support this view 
by the legend of the KuxpciSi/y o</)t9, the serpent that was 
driven out of Salamis and entered the service of Demeter, 
the later form of Gaia •. 

These then are some of the reasons for supposing that the 
worship of Athena at a very early date absorbed many of the 
rites and ideas proper to the very ancient worship of Gaia in 
Attica**; and this could happen without an original afiSnity 
of nature existing between the two goddesses but through 

different parts of it are given by Pollux 
and by Plutarch**®. According to the 
former the formula was, * I will not dis- 
grace the arms entrusted me, I will not 
desert my comrade, I will defend the 
temples and holy things of the land alone 
and with others, I will obey the estab- 
lished ordinances. . . .* Plutarch's 
formula includes some curious words 
referring to the maintenance of agricul- 
ture, an oath appropriate enough in the 
worship of the earth-goddess. 
* Strabo, 393. Similarly, the ApoUine 

religion may have dispossessed a worship 
of the earth-snake at Delphi, where Gaia 
and Ge- Themis had reigned before 
Apollo, and religious atonement con- 
tinued through later times to be made 
to the Python. 

^ This is also the opinion forcibly 
expressed in Mommsen^s HeortologU^ 
pp. 5, 9, 10, and this is the least assail- 
able part of his theory, which sometimes 
carries the physical interpretation of 
the Erechtheus-worship far beyond the 

X.] ATHENA. 291 

external historical causes. It is noticeable at the same time 
that none of the savage or cruel ritual commonly practised in 
primitive earth-worship to ensure fertility was ever associated 
with Athena. This agricultural character of hers is entirely 
at one with her civilizing function ; according to Aristides * it 
was she who taught men the use of the plough, and the 
rhetorician could have appealed to certain cults and cult- 
names to support his statement. He mentions the functionary 
called PovCiyrjs, *the ox-yoker,* as belonging to the service 
on the Acropolis; and we are told by Aeschines that the 
priestess of Athena Polias was taken from the family of 
the Eteobutadae. According to a scholiast on Lycophron ^, 
an Athena Boarmia, the yoker of oxen, was worshipped 
in Boeotia^ 

Lastly, the details given us about some of the ancient festivals 
at Athens, the rTAwnypia, the 'ilaxo<f>6pt.a, and the religious rite 
of the npo\api<rTripiay afford many illustrations of the primitive 
agricultural life of Attica under the patronage of Athena. And 
we see how naturally her worship touches at many points with 
that of Demeter Persephone and Dionysos. 

The *ihTxo(f>6pLa, about which we hear something from 
Athenaeus and Hesychius, appears to have been a ritual 
performed in the worship of Athena Sciras at Phaleron. 
* Aristodemos tells us that at the feast of ^Kippd there was 
a running-contest of youths at Athens : and they ran having 
in their hands a vine-spray with grapes, and the course was 
from the temple of Dionysos to that of Athena Sciras*'.* This 
is the statement of Athenaeus ^"^ ** ^ According to Hesychius, 
the spot at Phaleron ^ where the temple of Athena Sciras 

* Vol. I. p. 20 (Dindorf). white chalk rock, and according to 

** Cf. the epithet TavpovS^os attached Strabo (393) the ancient name of Sala- 

to Athena^. mis was Xictpas, These are the only two 

Aristodemus appears to have con- temples of Athena Sciras that can be 

fased the ^Kippa with the Oschophoria ; proved to have existed. The supposed 

the latter could not have been part of temple of Athena Sciras at Skiron on 

the former festival, as they were held at the sacred way to Eleusis has been 

different times of the year. shown by Prof. Robert, after a careful 

^ The temple at Phaleron may have examination of the evidence, to be a 

been an offshoot of the temple and fiction {Atketta Skiras und die SJkinh 

worship of Athena Sciras on Salamis'^^. phorien^ Berlin). The best authorities 

Most probably the name refers to the aresilent concerning it "^^^ and ^1\%^T^:^ 

U % 




stood was called the Oschophorium. That this rite in honour 
of Athena had a Dionysiac character may have been one 
reason that gave rise to the legend in Plutarch * who refers 
its institution to Theseus and Ariadne. Perhaps the epithet 
Ki(r<rata, by which Athena was known on the Acropolis of 
Epidauros^®, may also refer to some conjunction of Athene 
and Dionysos. The 7rpoxapioT?}pta, if the records are correct, 
reveals this agricultural character of the goddess still more 
clearly. According to Suidas, * at the end of winter, when the 
ear was beginning to grow, all the magistrates of Athens 
sacrificed to Athena, and the sacrifice was called Trpoxapiorripia : 
Lycurgus in his speech on the priestly office speaks of " the 
most ancient sacrifice commemorating the return of the 
goddess, and called TTpo\apL(TTripia ^®." ' The 6,vobos rrj^ Ocov 
must refer to the return of Persephone, yet no doubt Suidas 
is right in connecting the sacrifice with Athena, for his 
statement is confirmed by the author in Bekker's Anecdota^^ ; 
Lycurgus only gives the occasion or season of the sacrifice 
to Athena, namely, * the resurrection of Persephone,' that is, 
the sprouting of the corn. 

During the feast of the Plynteria, the festival of Athena 
which has been already described, it was the custom to bear 
through the streets a string of figs, a ceremony called 

mentioned by Pollux ''•^ and by Eusta- 
thius {pd, 1397. 10), both drawing from, 
the same source, probably Suetonius 
ircpi ncutiSiVf and it is mentioned by 
them as a resort of gamblers who played 
dice there. The statement is in itself 
incredible; Stephanus of Byzantium 
speaks only of the place called Skiros 
as a haunt of these bad characters, but 
does not mention any temple of Athena 
Sciras there ; it is probable that Sue- 
tonius has confused the name of this 
place on the Eleusinian Way with the 
name of the temple at Phaleron. Prof. 
Robert further tries to show that there 
is no sufficient authority for connecting 
Athena Sciras directly with the Skiro- 
phoria or Skira festival at all : the 
scholiast on Aristophanes '^ *^ who is the 

only writer who explicitly connects her 
with it, admits that others regarded the 
Skirophoria as a festival of Demeter and 
Kore: his o>an opinion, and the more 
doubtful statement of Photius*^*\ weigh 
little against the authority of Lysima- 
chides, whom Harpocration quotes "■*, 
and who nowhere speaks of Athena 
Sciras in his account of this festival, but 
only of the priestess of Athena Poll as who 
took part in the procession. The Skiro- 
phoria had certainly some connexion 
with Demeter and Persephone ""^ *• " ; 
and it appears that Athena Polias played 
her part in this as in other ceremonies 
connected with the divinities of v^eta- 
• Theseus, 23. 

X.] ATHENA. 293 

'HyT/Tiypia^^; and the cultivation of the fig-tree, elsewhere 
regarded as a gift of Demeter to Phytalos% appears to 
have been here attributed to the teaching of Athena. 

But no art of cultivation is so closely bound up with the 
ancient Attic worship of Athena as the cultivation of the 
olive. No reason need be drawn from symbolism, such as 
Welcker attempts, or any other esoteric source to explain this ; 
the produce of the olive-tree had an almost religious value for 
the men of Attica, and the physical side of Greek civilization 
much depended on it ; also the wild olive grew on the 
Acropolis, the chief site of her worship. Therefore its cultiva- 
tion was naturally considered as the boon of Athena to the 
people of the land, just as the other agricultural and civic arts 
of life were imputed to her. And the discovery of the olive 
furnishes a theme to one of the very few myths in Greek folk- 
lore that are really myths of creation ; for Athena is supposed 
not only to have revealed the use of the olive to man, but to 
have created it ^*, whether on the Acropolis or at Academia, 
or according to Euripides in Salamis, 'where Athena first 
revealed the spray of the grey-green olive, a divine crown 
and glory for bright Athens ^* Outside Attica there are few 
places in Greece where the olive was so associated with the 
goddess °, if we except those that may have borrowed the 
tradition from Athens. 

So far the inquiry into the meaning of these feasts and 
ceremonies reveals the prehistoric life of the people of 
Attica, and exhibits Athena as the goddess to whom they 
offered sacrifice at the times of sowing harvest and vintage. 
And a strong conservative feeling attached to this side of 
her religion ; so that the enemies of Themistocles were able 
to urge against his projects of maritime extension the time- 
honoured traditions of the worship of Pallas. 

Of more importance to Greek civilization than these primi- 
tive ideas that were concerned with the physical wants of 
life was the political and civil character of Athena's cult. 
She is par excellence the political divinity ; she alone shares 

• Pans. I. 37, a. * Troades, 798. 

<^ For instance at Sicyon, vide Gtogr, Register, 

294 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

with Zeus the function of Polieus as Athena Polias ; and the 
morality expressed in her legends or cult-names, or in the reli- 
gious utterances of poetry and prose, is always that of political 
or civil society. Nowhere else was this religion so inter- 
woven with the city's life as at Athens, the very name and 
the growth of the city probably being due to the union of 
villages that worshipped Athena. Pausanias tells us that 
' the whole city and the whole land was sacred to Athena, 
and that, whatever other worships were established in the 
demes, they all none the less held her in honour •^'^' ; we have 
record of the cult in Academia, Colonus, Acharnae, Peiraeeus, 
Sunium, Phlye, Pallene and Oropus, and no doubt it belonged 
to every district in Attica. Her most ancient statue was 
supposed to have fallen from heaven, and stood in her temple 
on the Acropolis ' that was formerly called the TroAty.* As the 
fire of Vesta was maintained at Rome, so the lamp was per- 
petually burning in the shrine of Athena Polias, as a symbol 
of the city's perpetual life. As Athena 'Apxnyhis she was 
the founder of the state and leader of colonies, to whom at 
certain times the cleruchs sent tokens of gratitude and wor- 
ship ^^ *. The same political sense attaches to the legends 
concerning her adoption of Erechtheus, the primeval ancestor 
of ^the race, who shared her shrine and worship on the 
Acropolis, and was supposed to be buried in her temple ^ *^» **, 
and to the story of Theseus, who is at first the votary of 
new divinities, of Poseidon and Aphrodite, and attacks the 
Pallantids, the men of Pallas, but who in later myth becomes 
the founder of a new Athens and the friend of Athena. 

The hope of Athens was the hope of Pallas ; and in the 
Siipplices of Euripides Theseus exhorts his men in the battle 
against the Theban Sparti with the words, * Sons, if ye stay 
not this stubborn spear of the earth-bom men, the cause of 
Pallas is lost •.' When the citizens deserted their city on the 
approach of the Persians, it was committed by the decree of 
Themistocles to Athena, * the guardian of Athens ^^ V 

The foundation of the civic upon the primitive agricultural 
community was the great event commemorated by the greatest 

• SuppL 711. 

X.] ATHENA. 295 

of the Athenian festivals, the Panathenaea ; and the Swo&ia 
attributed by Thucydides and other writers to Theseus*, the 
feast of civic union at which a bloodless sacrifice was offered to 
Peace, was perhaps a ceremony that initiated this, as it certainly 
preceded it ^^. The earliest names of the mythic Attic com- 
munity, Erechtheus and Theseus, were connected with the 
state festival of Athena, Pausanias ascribing to Theseus both 
its name and its political significance. And this significance 
was enlarged when Athens became an imperial city, when the 
Metics were obliged to perform certain menial services at the 
Panathenaea, and the allied cities were expected to send offer- 
ings ^® «» ^. In the time of Pericles, when to the older athletic 
and equestrian contests had been added Homeric recitations 
and musical competitions, the festival stood high above all 
others as the full and perfect ritual consecrated to the civic 
goddess of war and the arts, and as the expression of the 
imperial power and artistic pre-eminence of Athens, Perhaps 
in its earliest institution it may have been also a thanksgiving 
festival for the crops, for it was celebrated at the close of the 
Attic year after the gathering-in of the harvest ; the whole 
ceremony lasted four days or more, and the chief day was the 
twenty-eighth of Hekatombaeon ^ But in its later form there 
is scarcely any more allusion to this ^ than the custom of the 
old men carrying evergreen olive-branches in the procession, 
and of awarding an amphora of olive oil as a prize in the 
contests ^^ ^, We may here discern a reference to the sacred 
gift of Pallas. But we cannot interpret the whole festival 
as originally a funeral solemnity held in honour of the dead 

* A. Mommsen is inclined to date the is attributed with some probability to 

institution of the cvvoiKia or awoiKicia Peisistratus, was only sm extension of 

after the time of Peisistratus ; but Thu- the yearly one on a more magnificent 

cydides seems to assign its origin to a scale ^^ *. 

more remote time. ^ The scholiast on Clemens *•• de- 

^ The date of the fjitydXa Uava0^vata, clares that the flptaidiyrif a cluster of 

which took place every four years, is fruits and cakes, &c., fastened together 

fixed ; and Mommsen (Jleortologie^ with woollen fillets and hung up before 

p. 1 29) gives convincing reasons for the doors of the house, was offered to 

believing that the smaller yearly Pana- Athena Polias at the Panathenaea ; but 

thenaea took place on the same day. this b contrary to what the scholiast on 

No doubt the original festival was yearly, Aristophanes (/V«/. 1055) tells us. 
and the ^€7^X0, of which the institution 

296 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

corn-god Erichthonios, which, according to Mommsen, was its 
earliest form and meaning. This view rests on the single fact 
that, according to Lucian, the men were not allowed to wear gar- 
ments of dyed colour during all or part of the festal period • ^* *. 
In fact, Mommsen appears to exaggerate greatly the reference 
to Erichthonios in the ritual ; none of the rites are known to 
have referred to him, and it is useless to quote the later 
mythographers, who mention him as the founder of the 
Panathenaea or of one of the dywvcs ^® **'^. The passage in Lucian 
does not prove that the citizens wore mourning-garments ; 
and if we knew that they did we should be only able to guess 
at the cause. The interpolated passage in the Iliad^^^ would 
be of more importance for Mommsen's theory, if we were 
sure of the interpretation ^ The two paradoxical views of this 
writer, that the festival commemorated in some way the death 
of Erichthonios, and in some way the birth of Athena, are 
both equally remote from the facts. But whatever its agri- 
cultural character may have been, it lost this at a remote 
date, and it must have always had an important political 
aspect. The countrymen from Attica gathered together to 
the sacred hill of Pallas, bringing with them the peplos to lay 
on the statue of Pallas ^ ; for we may believe that this rite, 
which seems to have little to do with a harvest festival, goes 
back to the earliest times. The Trojan women in the Iliad 
bring the same offering to their Pallas. In the earliest form 
of the Panathenaea, the goddess was therefore already con- 
ceived as the patroness of the weaving arts. The weaving 
and embroidering the robe was the function of the ^pyaoru/ai, 
among whom were the 'AppT;0opot^®°» ^^** ; the function was 
of public importance, and skilful workwomen sometimes 
received a public vote of thanks**. Doubtless they had slaves 
to work under them, as the captive Trojan women in the 
Hecuba look forward to embroidering the scenes of the 

' Htortologie^ P- 37* for the latter only ; the authorities are 

^ Vide note on ritual, p. 320. at variance about this'*"*, but it is more 

^ It is doubtful whether the ircirAo; probable that it was always a yearly 

in later times was woven every year and custom. 

was used for the fux/xi as well as the *• V'v^q Deltion ArchaiohgHony 1889^ 

/ifTdAa noia^Koia, or every four years p. 15. 

X.] ATHENA 297 

Gigantomachy on the robe of Pallas in Athens. When the 
city had lost its freedom and its self-respect*, it sank so low 
as to weave on the peplos the figures of its Macedonian 
masters ; and we hear of a decree being passed that the forms 
of Demetrius and Antigonus should be embroidered in the 
company of the deities ^® °. 

Both the smaller and greater Panathenaea were essentially 
religious ceremonies, of which the central acts, performed 
doubtless every year ^^ *, were the solemn procession to the 
Acropolis and the sacrifice offered there. The tto/atp} began at 
sunrise after a festal night and was ordered by the hieropoei, 
who appear to have been charged with all that belonged to 
the annual celebration, while what was peculiar to the quin- 
quennial was arranged by the athlothetae ^' ^» *. The whole 
people took part, marshalled by their demarchs and, at least in 
the earlier period, marching with shield and spear ^^**. The 
procession appears to have set forth from the Ceramicus 
to Eleusis and, returning thence, to have followed a course 
which is diflScult precisely to determine ^ till it reached the 
Acropolis. The peplos was spread like a sail above a car 
that afterwards was constructed in the form of a ship, 
an innovation which was introduced perhaps in the fifth 
century in the time of the Athenian maritime supremacy*^; 
the image which it was designed to clothe was the ancient 
statue of Athena Polias in the Erechtheum. Cows were 
sacrificed on the great altar of Athena on the Acropolis, and 
special sacrifices were offered to Athena Hygieia and Athena 
Nike ^^ * ; at the same time prayers were proffered in behalf 
of the whole people, including the Plataeans out of gratitude 
for their aid at Marathon. Possibly also a simultaneous 
sacrifice was performed on the Areopagus. The flesh of the 
victims was then divided among the officials and the rest of 
the people. 

' The passage in Arist. Eg, 566, ^ Mommsen, HeortologU, p. 190, vide 

a£«oi ToC vcirXov, has been wrongly *•". 

interpreted as meaning that this practice ^ It is first mentioned by Strattis, 

prevailed even in the days of the first a comic poet of the latter part of the 

Athenian empire. fifth century ^n. 

298 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

These were the chief religious acts in the ritual But 
many of the agones possessed a religious character, or 
were connected by mythology with the cult of Athena. 
The pyrrhic dance, performed in her honour, was supposed 
to have been her own invention ^^ ^. The contest of the 
apobatae, the armed hoplites who sprang from the chariots, 
an athletic practice peculiar to the Athenians and Boeotians, 
was said to have been instituted by Erich thon 10s ^\ The 
lampadephoria was performed, probably on the evening before 
the procession, by competing chains of runners, each passing 
the torch down its line *, and was cojisecrated to Athena as 
one of the divinities of the arts for which fire was used ^® ". 
The kvk\iko\ xopo^, the singing choruses, the competitions on 
the lyre and flute, were introduced by Pericles^*'; the 
rhapsodical recitals of Homer were a fruitful innovation 
ascribed by Plato to Hipparchus^^ ". 

The recognition which we find in the Panathenaea of the 
goddess as the ideal incarnation of the many-sided Athenian 
life finds expression also in many striking passages of the 
poets. * Such a watcher,' Solon says, ' holds her hands above 
our city, Pallas Athena, the great-souled daughter of a mighty 
sire.* And in Aristophanes and Euripides we have the fullest 
lyrical utterance of this idea. * O Pallas, the holder of our 
city, guardian of a land most holy of all lands, and surpassing 
all in war and poesy and power,' sing the chorus in the 
Knights ; and a lyrical passage in the Heracleidcte of 
Euripides, in a still higher key, has an unmistakable allu- 
sion to the Panathenaea. * O lady, thine is the basement of 
our land, thine is the city, whereof thou art mother, mistress, 
and guardian ; for rich service of sacrifice is ever fulfilled for 
thee, nor do the last days of the waning month pass by in 
silence, nor are the songs of the young and the choral strains 
unheard, and on the windy hill-top the maidens* voices in holy 

* Pausanias describes it differently ties and certain inscriptions prove to 

as a race between single ranners ; it have been the rule in the earlier period, 

had probably come to be this by his had been abandoned, perhaps because 

time, when the competition between of its expense, 
companies, which all the older authori- 

X.] ATHENA. 299 

acclaim ring out while the feet beat the earth in the nightly 
dance ^ «.' 

Public resolutions of great import, the cementing of an 
alliance or the declaration of a war, were often accompanied 
by prayers or vows to Athena Polias. The ephebi sacrificed 
to her at the conclusion of their military service ; slabs incised 
with state decrees were set up near her temple, and fines 
incurred by certain public offenders were paid over to her. 
And the Athena of the Parthenon, who was also Athena 
Polias, was theoretically the guardian of the public treasury, 
from which sums were paid to support the other cults of the 
state and the naval and military administration ^^ ^ 

In many other Greek states besides Athens, the title of 
rioAtay or IToAiouxos was attached to her, and her cult was 
often combined with that of Zeus Polieus. The goddess * of 
the brazen house ' at Sparta was styled according to Pau- 
sanias * the * holder of the city,' and perhaps was worshipped 
also under the title of'Apxnyms as its founder ^^; and we 
hear of the Athena Polias of Megalopolis, of Troezen, and of 
Tegea, the city which she was supposed to have rendered im- 
pregnable by the gift of a lock from Medusa's hair ; at Daulis 
enfranchised slaves were consecrated to her; her city-cult 
existed at Phalanna in Perrhaebia, in Cos, Amorgos, and los ; 
the island of Rhodes acknowledged her as Polias and gave 
her cult-titles derived from the names of its cities, uniting 
her with Zeus Polieus. The same political importance 
attached to her worship in Crete, and the treaty of alliance 
between Hierapytna and Lyctos was sworn in the name of 
Athena Polias. Many cities of Asia Minor possessed this 
cult, and it was in special repute at Pergamum and Ilium, 
where a yearly Panathenaic festival and games were held in 
her honour. We find it also at Heraclea in Magna 
Graecia ^*. 

Besides the civic worship of Polias there are others that 

» The inscription found at Amyclae suggests that the two latter titles were 

of the Roman period, mentioning the theoretically distinct, but Pausanias may 

priest who performed the religious be right on the whole in maintaining 

services of Poseidon Asphalios, Athena that the two worships were identical. 
Chalcioecos, and Athena Uoktdxos^^, 


were consecrated to her as the guardian of the land or of 
the people's union. At Anaphe we find in an inscription 
mention of the worship of Zeus Patrios and Athena Patria, 
and the cult-names *OfjioA<wto9 and 'OfxcXw^s, attached to Zeus 
and Athena in Boeotia, may have signified the divinities of 
public concord ^^. In the precincts of the temple of Artemis 
Laphria, the great goddess of Patrae, there was a shrine of 
Athena Y\ava\aU, a title which probably alludes to the 
Achaean league ^\ as did her title 'Afxapla in Achaea, which she 
derived from Zeus, and which, originally possessing a physical 
meaning, was changed into the form O/xapta, and was given 
a political sense designating the goddess of the confederacy*. 
The functions of the city-goddess were probably much the 
same in these places as in Athens ; she inspired counsel, and 
her cult was the pledge of the continuity and security of the 
state, her temple the storehouse for the state archives. In 
certain localities other worships might come to possess the 
same political character ; but it belonged to Zeus and Athena 
alone by the essential right of their nature. 

Two Boeotian cults belonging to this class remain to be 
considered. At Thebes Athena was honoured as a divinity 
of the city under the name 'AOriva "Oyya or ''Oylca^ the mean- 
ing of which word is unknown. During the attack of the 
Argives, the chorus pray to her as * Onka, holy queen, whose 
home is so near our gates.' We learn from Pausanias that 
there was no temple erected for this cult, but an altar and an 
image in the open ^° ; and her worship there was not accord- 
ing to the legend indigenous, but introduced by Cadmos, who 
slays the serpent and then does penance for the slaughter, as 
Apollo did for the Python's. We have probably here, as 
in so many other legends, an allusion to a conflict of two 
worships, an older worship of the earth with that of Athena ; 
for the serpent, although spoken of as the child of Ares, is 
a symbol of the earth ^. 

* Vide Zeus-cults, p. 43. Thebes no association with Poseidon 

^ The name may contain the same can be discovered (vide Wilamowits, 

root as the Boeotian town '07xi7<7T0f, HermeSy 1891, p. 235). 

where a Poseidon-cult existed; but at * One might fairly conjecture that the 

X.] ATHENA. 301 

Of the political significance of the cult of Athena Itonia, 
whose temple at Coronea was the meeting-place of the 
Panboeotian confederacy and festival, something has already 
been said ; and we have some ancient evidence of the 
special character of this worship ®^ It associated Athena in 
some mystic manner with the god of the lower world who 
is called Hades by Strabo, but in Pausanias, who must be 
speaking of the same cult, is named Zeus. If this association 
is not due to some local accident, it may be that Athena 
Itonia had at Coronea something of the character which in 
her primitive worship she had at Athens, and that she was 
a goddess who fostered the growths of the earth and who 
therefore had some affinity to the chthonian deities. Also 
we may conclude from a fragment of Bacchylides that 
Athena Itonia was not only a war-goddess, but a goddess 
of the arts of peace, especially poetry. The poet, who is 
preparing for the musical contest of the Itonia, exclaims, 
' It is not a task for sitting still or tarrying, but we must 
fare to the well-carved temple of Itonia of the golden aegis 
and show forth some delicate device of song.' We hear of 
her festival at Crannon, and her worship was indigenous in 
Thessaly, whence it probably travelled to Boeotia, and where 
she was the chief divinity of war ; it was in her temple 
between Pherae and Larissa that the shields were hung which 
were won from the Gauls in the last victory of Greece over 
barbarism. Finally the prevalence of the cult of Itonia is 
proved by its adoption at Athens and Amorgos ®^ *^» \ 

This survey of the political religion of Hellas explains why 
Plato consecrates the Acropolis of his ideal state to Athena 
Hestia and Zeus*, and why in Aristides* summary of her 
character it is said that cities are the gifts of Athena *^ The 
Palladia that guard the cities' heights are among the oldest 
idols of which Greek tradition tells ; and her title 'Afcpuz *^ 
refers to her temples on the Acropoleis ^ Among the many 

serpent was here an ancient totem ; the ^ As she was not by nature a goddess 

four survivors of the Sparti are named of the wilds, it is mre to fmd the lonely 

after the serpent ; and Cadmos and mountain-top consecrated to her, as it 

Harmonia are changed to serpents. often was to Zeus. 
* LaivSf 745 B. 

302 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

instances recorded of these one of the most prominent was 
the temple near Elatea of Athena Kpara&i*®, the goddess 
worshipped on ' the head ' of the hill ; her temple-statue 
was carved by the sons of Polycles, and represented her in 
warlike pose and guise, her shield being carved in imitation of 
that of Athena Parthenos in Athens. A peculiar trait in her 
ritual is that she was served by boy-priests. We have two 
inscriptions referring to this cult, the one containing the 
decree of an alliance between Elatea and Tenos which was to 
be preserved in her temple. 

As a city-goddess she is also interested in the life and 
growth of the family ; the Athenian bride was led up to the 
Acropolis and consecrated to her®^. Hence comes her name 
^AirarovpCa or ^PpaTpCa, containing a reference to the feast of 
iirarovpia solemnized by the <f)paTpiai of the Ionic tribes •*•. 
At Athens, indeed, it would appear that Zeus stood in a still 
closer relation to the ' gentes ' than did Athena ; but at 
Troezen Athena seems to have been specially regarded as the 
goddess who protected the clan and who gave offspring in 
marriage ; for this must be the meaning of the custom re- 
corded by Pausanias ®* ** that maidens on the eve of marriage 
dedicated their girdle to Athena 'AiraTovpia. The name was 
misunderstood and connected with dTrdn;, and a l^end in- 
vented that told how Athena had deceived Aithra ; just as 
a similar story based on the same misunderstanding was told 
to explain the worship of Aphrodite ^ Airirovpos at Phanagoria*. 
The Athenian rite which we may compare with the Troe- 
zenian custom was the visitation of the priestess of Athena 
bearing the aegis to houses of newly married people. The 
cult of Athena Phratria with Zeus ^parpios is recorded also 
at Cos «* \ 

Another title which presents Athena in the same light, and 
by which she appears as one of the dfol KovpoTp6(l>oiy is ^ABrjifa 
MrJTfjp **, the strange name by which she was honoured in Elis* 
When the land was barren of men according to the story, the 
women prayed to Athena, and, owing to the goddess's favour, 
their marriages became most prolific. The title gives no hold 

* Strabo, 495. 

X.] ATHENA. 303 

to a theory which some have maintained, that the goddess's 
maidenly character was a later development, and that in 
certain myths, such as Aithra's union with Poseidon, Auge's 
with Heracles, and in the story of Erichthonios' birth, we have 
an ancient view of Athena as a goddess-mother. But the theory 
breaks down at every point. There is no proof that Aithra 
and Auge are doubles of Athena, unless we can prove that 
they are names for the Aether and that Athena is the Aether- 
goddess; the legend about the birth of Erichthonios shows 
clearly that the primitive conception of Athena's maidenhood 
was too strong to allow of the Athenian imagination having 
its way completely in its desire to affiliate the mythical parent 
of the 'Epex^€tSat to their country's goddess ; and the story 
about Aithra is a later aetiological story. Although Athena 
may have received no public worship under the name of 
Parthenos*, yet the dogma that maidenhood was essential 
to her nature was rooted in myth and popular feeling ; this 
prevailed, not so much because the goddess, like Artemis, 
embodied the ideal of chastity, but probably because of her 
masculine and warlike temperament, which kept her free from 
the ties and weakness of womanhood. Athena Mijriyp need 
mean little more than Athena the nurse or fosterer of children, 
just as the nurses who reared the infant Zeus in Crete 
were worshipped under the name of Mijrepcs ^ She protects 
children because of her interest in the state, but she is not 
directly concerned with assisting at child-birth, and the epithet 
Aoxla is only metaphorically applied to her by Aristides in 
connexion with the probably late myth that she provided for 
the safe delivery of Leto®^. A passage in Hippocrates that 
mentions Athena Krrjo-^u by the side of Zeus Krricrios may 
refer to some actual cult, in which she was worshipped as 
the guardian of the family property, taking her name from 
Zeus ^. 

Her political character is further shown in her power of 

* An inscription records a private The Parthenos worshipped at Halicar- 

dedication to Athena Parthenos in the nassus and elsewhere in Asia Minor is 

fifth century ; and 1) liap$ivot is her title not Athena, 

in one state decree about 420 B.C. ^, ^ Diod. Sic. 4. 79. 

304 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

inspiring counsel and in her title BovWa*'^. In the Upov oi 
the council-chamber at Athens men prayed to her and to 
Zeus BovAaioy, and the terms ' Afx^ovKioi'^'^ and 'A/i)9ov\ia, which 
were applied to the two divinities at Sparta, must have desig- 
nated the deities of wise deliberation. At the latter city 
they were known and worshipped also as 'Ayopaloi^''^, a word 
that refers probably to their shrines in the Agora, and in-* 
directly to the presidency of the law-courts and the power 
of persuasion. The aspect of Athena as the counsellor is 
vividly presented in the Odyssey and in Greek mythology 

Her worship is also of some importance for the develop- 
ment of legal ideas, at least in regard to the law of homicide. 
As Zeus IIpoo-TpoTratoy and MetAtxtos seems to have been 
specially concerned with the moral ideas about the shedding 
of kindred blood, so Athena protected the involuntary or 
righteous homicide from the blood-feud of the kinsmen 
and from the Eumenides. The whole trial of Orestes is an 
illustration of this : the goddess institutes the court and the 
humane rule that if the votes were equal the accused was 
acquitted, and abolishes the old retributive principle''^*. The 
constitution and the legend about the foundation of the court 
called TO l-nX IlaAAaSta) at Athens illustrate the same ameliora- 
tion in the law of homicide, which again is indirectly connected 
with Athena. It was instituted to try cases of involuntary 
bloodshedding ; and Pausanias gives us the legend that explains 
why this court was put under the patronage of Pallas. Diomed, 
who was bringing home the Palladium from Troy, landed by 
night and ignorantly on Attic territory. Demiphon attacked 
them, not knowing who they were, slew some of them and 
captured the Palladium ; and on his return he happened to 
trample to death one of the Athenians under his horse: he 
was then put on trial for the deaths of the Athenian and the 
Argives, and the court was said to have been first composed 
of fifty Athenians and as many Argives. 

The legend, of which a slightly different version has been 
preserved by Harpocration, has evidently been invented to 
explain the nature of the court at Athens and the presence 

X.] ATHENA, 305 

in it of the image of Pallas. As Zeus was ultimately the 
source of justice and right, his worship also comes to be con- 
nected with this Palladium-court, and we hear of a worship 
of Zeus 6 €7rl Uakkahiov '**. Once a year the statue, which 
was certainly a wooden $6avov, was taken down to Phaleron 
and dipped in the sea, a rite which probably had in the later 
period the moral intention of purifying the image from the 
miasma of the court of homicide. Muller* collects many 
legends concerning these Palladia^ that speak of outrage and 
wrong associated with them, and that attribute the origin of 
the Trojan image to the blind infatuation of the gods or of 
Athena herself ^ who slew her playfellow Pallas and erected 
an image of her. The conclusion might seem to be that 
certain dark and cruel conceptions about the goddess herself 
attached to her most ancient idol. It is strange then that it 
should have given its name to a law-court of more advanced 
equity. Those legends in fact do not lead to that conclusion ; 
they are mostly aetiological: invented, for instance, to explain 
why the image had fallen from heaven upon the hill of Ate, 
why it was the image of Athena and yet called after Pallas, why 
it had closed eyes, why it was set up in a court to try involun- 
tary homicide; the stories of Cassandra and the suppliants 
only prove the extreme sanctity of the image, to which women 
and suppliants would naturally but often fruitlessly resort. 

There was also in all probability some religious connexion 
between Athena and the Eumenides of the Areopagus, where 
the most sacred of all the Athenian courts was held ; at the 
end of the play of Aeschylus the goddess says to the 
Eumenides, *With my handmaidens, who guard my image 
righteously, I will escort you with the light of gleaming torches 
to your nether habitations.' The reference is to their cave on 
the Areopagus, and almost certainly to some religious ritual 
in which the priestess of Athena Polias went thither in solemn 
procession '^^ ^ 

The older view of Athena as a goddess of pure retribution 
may have been expressed by the title 'Afioiroiyoy "''*, under which 

• Pdlas Athena, A2eine Schriftcn, pp. 207-209. 
^ ApoUod. 3. 1 2, 3. 

VOL. I. X 

3o6 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

she was worshipped near Sparta. But the legend once more 
associates this cult with the idea of justifiable homicide, 
viewed in this case as lawful vengeance ; and the epithet 
probably has a legal reference. At Athens, in the later 
period, she seems to have been identified with Themis, as the 
personification of Justice '^'^, 

It was probably as the goddess who foresees and advises 
for the public interest that Athena won the name FlpoVoia. 
The history of this word as an epithet of the goddess is 
peculiar. As applied to a divinity it could apparently mean 
either * prescience' or * providence ' : but it inclined to the latter 
signification, although Sophocles* once uses it in reference to 
an oracle. In the Oedipus Coloneus (1. 1180) the irpovoia rod 
dfov probably is an expression for God's providence, and it 
must have been often used to denote this either in philo- 
sophic or common language before -npovoia could have denoted 
* providence of God * without any qualifying word, as it did in 
the Stoic vocabulary ^ In this sense, then, the word could be 
attached in a quasi-adjectival sense to Athena, so as to form 
a compound name like Athena Nike or Aphrodite Peitho; 
and as she was before all others the goddess of wise ordinance, 
the term and the cult might have arisen naturally. But it is 
almost certain that they were suggested by a confusion with 
UpovaLa^ which was one of the epithets of Athena in the 
worship of Thebes. This title can only have a local 
meaning, denoting the goddess that 'stands before the shrine/ 
and we learn from Pausanias ''^ • that a statue of Athena 
Ylpovaia, wrought by Scopas, actually stood before the temple 
of the Ptoan Apollo, where several fragments of pottery have 
been found with the inscription ^kBivas UpovaCas. At Delphi 
we hear both of an Athena Upovala and Upovoia "® ^» ^*, and it 
has been made a question which of the two is the original 
form of the name in this Delphic worship. Now we know that 

• Trtuh. 824 ; cf. Democritns, \k rr\^ vp6yota dicitar ; * Cic De Nai, Deor. 2. 
lioimicifs vp6votay t<paa<uf ZtTv iirt(rjTuv f8. Perhaps also in Euripides : StTvxiit 
(Stobaeus, irtpi ippovqc. 3. 51). Tlp6¥oia 9* ^fi^, aSjcov ot/i iyw 9iKu Jph. 

* * Mens mundi prudentia vel provi- Aul. 864. 
dentia appellari potest. Graece enim 

X.] ATHENA. 307 

there was a shrine of the goddess there, standing before the 
temple of Apollo, and we should expect the more obvious and 
natural title to be earlier than the more artificial. And the two 
earliest authorities who mention this Athena, Aeschylus and 
Herodotus, give us the form Upovaia, Speaking of the local 
deities who were worshipped near the Pythian oracle, Orestes 
says riaAXay Upovala *has precedence in report,' and Herodotus 
speaks of the riaAAciSos TrpovqCris rrjs h AtX<f>olai. But Demo- 
sthenes, or the author of the doubtful oration against Aristo- 
geiton, believes that the Delphic goddess was IlpJroia, saying 
that * near the Delphic Apollo stood a very large and beautiful 
temple of Athena UpovoLa just as you enter the main shrine/ 
And Pausanias also calls this the temple of Athena Updvoia, 
and the passage in Photius well illustrates the confusion of the 
two epithets : * Some think the epithet (llpovoLa) was given 
her because she stands before the shrine at Delphi, others 
because her providence provided for Leto's delivery.' The 
latter part of this curious explanation is illustrated by a state- 
ment in Macrobius that a temple was erected to Athena 
Updvoia in Delos because of her sagacity which aided the birth 
of Apollo and Artemis ^®^ This Delian worship may have 
been an offshoot of the same cult at Prasiae in Attica "^*^. 
That the title Up6voia came into common use in later times 
seems clear, as in a fictitious account of Greek worships insti- 
tuted on the banks of the Hyphasis, given in Philostratus' life 
of ApoUonius •, an altar to 'Adriva Up6voi,a is mentioned together 
with those of Apollo Delphos Zeus Ammon and others. It is 
probable that it was from Delphi that the name was diffused, 
and that it arose from irpovaCa some time after the Persian 
wars. Perhaps the change of name was suggested through 
the part that Athena played in repelling the Persian attack 
on the temples ; for it is noteworthy that Diodorus, after 
narrating the miraculous terrors which made the Persians 
recoil from the precincts of the temple of Athena Upovala, 
goes on to say, rd jxtv ovv iv AeA<^oi<n fuurr^lov baipLovlq rivl 
irpovolq TTiv avXriariv hU<f>vy€v \ 

* Bk. 2, sub Jin, ^ Diod. Sic. 11. 14. 

X 2 

3o8 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

From the ideas contained or implied in irpovoia, the power 
and function of prophecy might naturally have attached to 
Athena. She was worshipped at Erythrae as <Prifda by the 
side of Zeus 4>?}/ito9, as the goddess of omens ®^ ; but as 
far as we hear she had nowhere any /marretor, and Aristides, 
who evidently tries to give a complete account of the 
goddess, says no more concerning her prophetic character 
than that Apollo made her guardian of his own oracles and 
bade men sacrifice first to her ®^ ; he is obviously referring to 
Athena Upovaia at Delphi. A certain kind of divination by 
means of pebbles was attributed to her, as a goddess of 
invention, by Zenobius, but this was not recognized by any 

Her warlike character was inseparably blended with her 
political and social ; and it is hard to say which of the two was 
the original. Some of the Palladia mentioned belonged to 
pre-historic times, and they served as symbols of war and of 
the city's security. In fact, the goddess under whom men were 
brought together into a community of villages or clans, and 
who guarded the 7ro\ty, must have been a deity of battle ; and 
Alalcomenae in Boeotia, one of the oldest cities that cherished 
her worship and that arose by means of it, is itself a name 
derived from Athena 'AKaXKo^xivrj, *the helper in battle*.' The 
two divine aiders of Menelaos in Homer are the Argive Hera 
and Athena 'AAoAKo/xerr/ty ; and from the form of the latter 
word we may believe that it was derived immediately from the 
Boeotian town. Strabo records the legend of the birth of the 
goddess at Alalcomenae, and adds that the city, though small, 
and having no advantage of position, had remained always 
secure through the sanctity of the cult ®^ As a goddess of 
war she appears conspicuous in Homer and Hesiod : ' The 
dread goddess, the arouser of the battle, the leader of the 
host, who delighteth in the din of strife and the contest ^* It 
is she who marshals the ranks in company with Ares in the 
relief-work on the shield of Achilles. The legend of the 
Gigantomachy, in which Zeus, Athena, and Heracles are the 

* The colt of Athena ^AXaXjcofUyri is bable evidence of it in Ithaca **, " ^ 
recorded also in Chios^ and we have pro- ^ Theog. 924. 

X.] ATHENA. 309 

chief combatants, and from which she won the poetical title 
yiyavTO(f>6vos, and, according to one version, the cult-name of 
'Iiriria; the countless myths in which she is spoken of as 
befriending the heroes in their battles; and, lastly, the 
numerous public cults of Greece, bear testimony to the 
aboriginal prevalence of this aspect of her. We hear of 
a temple of Athena Upoixaxopfxaj * who fights before the ranks/ 
on the mountain of Bouporthmos, not far from Troezen ; of 
a temple at Plataea and of an altar at Athens dedicated to 
Athena Areia, mythically connected with the trial of Orestes 
on the Areopagus, but probably referring directly to the god- 
dess of war. The oath of alliance between the Athenians 
and Lacedaemonians (about 271 B.C.), and that between the 
Smyrnaeans and Magnesians, were taken in the name of 
Athena Areia; and the same title occurs in the oath sworn by 
Eumenes of Pergamon, where she is mentioned by the side 
of Ares *^. The title Hippia found in the cults of Attica, 
Tegea, Corinth, and Olympia, belongs to this class ®*, and to 
these we may add the Macedonian cult of Athena 'AAKfiij/uu)9, 
to whom Perseus sacrificed before the struggle with Rome*®. 
She is also the goddess who gives the spoil, and the epithet 
ArjiTis, that occurs in Homer and in the worship at Olympia, 
is illustrated by many inscriptions that dedicate to her the 
tithes of the spoil ®^, and by the passage in Sophocles' Ajax^ 
where the chorus suggest that the cause of Ajax' trouble may 
have been his remissness in offering spoil to the goddess. 

But there is a marked contrast between the character and 
worship of Athena as a war-goddess and of Ares, who, perhaps 
because of his Thracian origin, personified the savage lust of 
strife, at all times abhorrent to the Greeks, and with whom • 
Athena is very rarely associated either in poetry or cult. It 
is civilized valour and the art of war that was embodied in the 
goddess. Of much interest from this point of view is the story 
of the death of Tydeus before Thebes, whom Athena had 
befriended through all his career and intended to raise to 
immortality, but abandoned in his dying moments through 

* For instances see "** and *'*: a statue of Athena stood in the temple of Aret 
in Athens. 


disgust at his savagery, when he fixed his teeth in the skull 
of his slayer. The old Greek myth-maker, to explain why 
Tydeus failed at last to obtain the reward of his great life, 
invents a motive which would have pleased Dante or a Norse 
saga-poet. The hostility between Athena and Ares, which 
appears in the Iliad, is also alluded to in the legend of 
Cadmos, who with her help slays the serpent, the fosterling 
of Ares. Moreover, none of the arts of war were ascribed 
to Ares as their inventor, but many to Athena. For 
instance, the Pyrrhic dance, a measured movement in full 
armour, which at Sparta was considered a necessary part of 
military drill, and was said to be the discovery of a Spartan 
named Y\vppi\6s^, is in some accounts attributed to Athena^^. 
When she has sprung full-armed from the head of Zeus she 
dances the Pyrrhic ; or after the Gigantomachy she teaches 
it to the Dioscuri, a story which would accord with the 
claims of the Spartans that it originated among them. The 
Cretan legend of the Kouretes hoplite dance, which was part 
of the ritual of the Zeus worship in the island, is a close 
parallel to this, as in both an important advance in the art 
of war is explained by a religious myth^ Aristides, who 
usually advances beyond the popular belief, goes so far as to 
say it was Athena who had taught infantry tactics to the 
Athenians and Egyptians, and that there was a district in 
Egypt sacred to her, where shields were dedicated ^ The 
rhetorician may have had in his mind such a worship as that 
which existed in Epidaurus ^° ^ where the goddess appears to 
have been styled ^ToiyjeLa, * the marshaller of the ranks,* if we 
may give to this name, as to that of Zeus ^Toiyj^v^^ a military 
significance**. The epithet ZuxrrrjpCa, attached to her in one 
of her cults at Thebes and at Athens, and explained in the 
former city by the legend that Amphitryon armed himself 
for the war against Euboea near the temple where she was 
worshipped under this name, seems to express the belief that 
men girt themselves in the harness of war under her auspices 

■ Athenae. Deipnosoph. 14. 7: in- * Vide Plato's Zflzc/f, 796 B. 

vented as an aaierjfia tSjv vto.'v inl rd « Aristides, vol. I, p. 18 (Dind.)« 

tfrpaTiOJTiKa, <* Vide Zeus *" ®. 

X.] ATHENA, 311 

or at her teaching. The invention of the trumpet was some- 
times attributed to her, and a temple was dedicated to Athena 
SoAxriyP^ at Argos by the son of Tyrsenos ; and Athena 
'EyKeAa8o9 may be interpreted as the goddess of the battle- 
shout or the battle-music'*^. 

As gymnastic was considered, at least at Sparta, as a fore- 
training for war, in some legends and perhaps in one of 
her cults Athena was given a certain interest in it. Ac- 
cording to one authority* she taught Theseus wrestling and 
she assisted Tydeus in his athletic contests at Thebes, and 
Odysseus in his quoit-throwing among the Phaeacians. These 
instances, however, only show an incidental concern natural to 
any divinity when a favourite hero was engaged ; and usually 
the Palaestra was under the patronage of Hermes and 
Heracles. At Sparta only was the worship of Athena con- 
nected with athletics. There were three temples dedicated to 
her there under the name of KeXev^cfa, standing near the road 
called 'A<^cVa, and both names were explained by the story of 
the foot-race that Icarios arranged so as to decide among the 
suitors of Penelope. Odysseus won, and consecrated these 
temples and a statue to Athena KcXcv^e^a, the divine ' starter ' 
of the race. It may be that the legend and the explanation are 
later, and the word originally had a military sense, applied to 
the goddess * who gives the word of command,' and we might 
then compare this cult of hers with that of Zeus KoayL-qras. 

Though he alone is the divinity to whom the trophy was 
erected, Athena shares with him the power of dispensing 
victory, and bears the title Ntici7</)o/)09, by which the Athena 
Polias of Pergamon and of the Attalid dynasty was known far 
and wide^"**^''. Her pre-eminence as a victory-goddess is 
specially attested by the fact that NiVr; was a second name 
of Athena herself, and when personified as a separate being 
was her constant companion, being in all probability originally 
an emanation from her. 

The view expressed by Kekul^, that Nike is a mere creation 
of the formative art working at the trophy, can certainly not be 
defended ^ for the personified idea of victory existed before we 

» Istros, Schol. Find. Ntm. 5. 89. *• Vide Keknl^, Athena Nike, p. 3. 

312 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

have evidence of the existence of the trophy. In Hesiod's 
Theogony*W\\^t assists Zeus against the Titans, and she is 
called the daughter of the Titan Pallas. But Hesiod, in 
his sacred chronology, is inclined to antedate these per- 
sonifications, and that Nike could not have figured in the 
older Greek religion seems disproved by Homers silence 
about her. We may explain the curious parentage that 
Hesiod assigns her in this way : it may have been that in 
the imagination of his contemporaries Nike was associated 
with Pallas, that is to say Athena, but he wished to find for 
her an earlier place in his theological system than he gave to 
the latter goddess ; therefore he could not present Nike as the 
daughter of Zeus or as another form of Athena, but he 
related her to the giant or Titan Pallas, who was perhaps 
merely a fictitious being brought into the theogony for 
a special purpose. If Nike were already related to Athena 
in the time of Hesiod, we can understand why the former 
should be prominent in the Titanomachy as the latter was 
in the battle with the giants ^ 

We have at least some evidence that Athena Nike was 
known both to Greek religion and Greek art before the 
winged figure that personified victory became a prevalent 
artistic type. As regards this latter we can almost determine 
the date of its introduction if we accept the statement of the 
scholiast on Aristophanes' Birds^ ascribing the first repre- 
sentation of the winged Victory, that is, of the personification, 
to the archaic sculptor Archermus ^^^ ^ Even if the winged 
Victory of Archermus was really Iris, as has been suggested*^, 
yet the statement of the scholiast, which cannot be purely 
fanciful, implies that there were statues known to the later 
Greeks and regarded as earlier than the period of Archermus 
representing a personage whom they called Wingless Victory ; 

' 1. 383. position brought forward by Mr. Sykes 

*• Since the above was written a mono- in the Classical Review, 1895, p. aSo, 

graph has appeared by Baadrillart on are not convincing. The latter does not 

Les Divinifis de la Victoire en Grice et seem to give sufficient weight to the 

en Italic : his theory as to the origin of evidence afforded by Hesiod and by the 

Nike agrees on the whole with mine. scholiast on Aristophanes. 
The arguments against M. Baudrillart*s " Classical Review^ 1895, p. 282. 

X.] ATHENA. 313 

and this was no doubt only a name that described Athena 
NtKiy ; for the goddess Athena, whether in her character as 
NtKi; or in any other, was naturally regarded as wingless. 
This Athena Nike enjoyed many local worships, at Erythrae 
for instance, and on the Acropolis of Megara, where Pausanias 
found three temples, one to Athena, another to Athena Nike, 
and a third to Athena Aiantis ; but the most celebrated cult 
was that on the Acropolis of Athens*-*®. In Pausanias the 
name of Wingless Victory is given to the deity of the temple 
on the right of the ascent to the Propylaea ; but her original 
and official name was Athena Nike. For Harpocration gives 
us a description of the type of the Nike Athena, * a wingless 
wooden idol, holding a pomegranate in her right hand, and 
in her left a helmet ' ; and he tells us that his account is 
derived from the first book of Heliodorus 6 TrepiryyTjT^j Ts^pl 
cLKpoTToKfOis^^. This then is the ^oavov of the little shrine 
mentioned by Pausanias ; and an inscription has been found 
near the Propylaea containing a decree about a sacrifice 
ordained t^ 'AOrjva rfj UoXidbi, /cat rfj ^Adrjva tji Nutj^«. An- 
other inscription speaks of a crown offered to her from the 
spoil won in war; a third refers to the part played by the 
ephebi at her sacrifice, who assisted in a procession held in 
her honour^®*. The goddess is invoked by these names 
by poets of the fifth century®®*; by Euripides in the Ion, 
and by Sophocles in the Philoctetes^ where Odysseus 
appeals ' to Nike Athena Polias, who saves him ever.* The 
worship and the title evidently express in part the peaceful 
character of the goddess, who has laid aside her helmet after 

As a goddess of peace she is pre-eminently a goddess of the 
arts, and it remains to consider her briefly under this aspect. 
In the earliest literature this side of her is presented as well 
as her warlike nature ; in Homer the skilful craftsman is 
regarded as a man dear to her, ' He whose hands had all the 
carver's cunning, for Pallas Athene loved him above all men*.' 
She was the goddess who taught the daughters of Pandareu8 
to be accomplished in the arts ** ; it is she who was supposed 

• //. 5. 59. •» Od, 20. 78. 

314 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

to have added the soul to the clay out of which Prometheus 
fashioned men. And in the strange myth of Pandora, one of 
the few in which the Greek divinities are presented as creative 
powers, it is Athena and Hephaestus who fashion and embellish 
the form of the mysterious maiden ; and Athena again who 
gives her the gifts of the arts wherewith better to beguile the 
souls of men. There are many confused ideas in this story 
which it is not to the present purpose to try to disentangle. 
That the gods were not the friends of man, but begrudged 
him happiness, is an ancient view of the Divine providence 
which is here presented. But Athena's disposition towards 
man is not in question here, because she has nothing to do 
with the moral purpose of this creation, but is merely the 
skilled artist that produces the marvel. And the story, 
which Hesiod could not have entirely invented, though he 
may have distorted its meaning, shows how early was the 
belief that it was Athena who taught women the arts in 
which they excel. Before the time of Homer she must have 
been recognized as the goddess of weaving, as the woven 
shawl was the offering specially meet for her, and it was she 
who wrought the peplos of Hera. At Athens she was the 
patroness of the potter's art, and at Colonus and Academia 
she was worshipped in union with Prometheus and Hephaestus 
the fire-gods ^"''^^ Hence she was given the title *H<^atorTia 
at Athens, and Plato declares that the whole race of crafts- 
men were sacred to Hephaestus and Athena, and that he 
who defrauded a workman dishonoured Zeus IToAtoiJxoj 
and Athena *. The feast of XaAxcTa at Athens was conse- 
crated in later times chiefly to Hephaestus, but the Athena- 
cult played some part in it and probably was connected 
with it from the beginning, for another name for it was 
'A^^vaia, and on the day of this feast the embroidering of the 
peplos began ^"° **. Pausanias in many places mentions the 
cult of Athena 'Epyairq, and in one passage he says that 
the Athenians were the first to give her this title. The text 
is here mutilated, and it is supposed that he was going to 
speak of a temple dedicated to her under this name on the 

• I.awSy p. 920 D, 921 C. 




Acropolis ^®®^ But Dr. Dorpfeld • has shown that this supposi- 
tion wants evidence and is improbable : inscriptions have 
indeed been found on the Acropolis to Athena 'Epyctny, but 
these may have been dedicated in the temple of Athena Polias^ 
But Pausanias records a temple of this goddess at Sparta, 
an altar at Olympia on which the guild that called themselves 
the descendants of Pheidias sacrificed, a Herme-statue at 
Megalopolis, and a group of Athena Ergane and Plutus at 
Thespiae ; and we have evidence of a cult of Athena 'Opydny 
at Delos as well as at Athens, of 'E/ayins at Samos and 
KoAAiepyos at Epidaurus, of Maxawris at Megalopolis^^*. 
Perhaps the strange worship of Athena TeXx^''^^ — interpreted 
as Athena Bd(r#caros — may refer to the goddess of the arts, and 
the reputation for magic attaching to the primitive artist ^®*. 

We have noticed how some of the arts of agriculture, the 
skill of the handicraftsmen, and some warlike inventions 
were attributed to her teaching or influence ; but with the 
fine arts of music and poetry she had less concern. The 
music of the flute alone was, in the Boeotian myth, an art 
that Athena practised and taught, and Apollo himself was 
among her pupils according to Corinna. The titles 'AryWi; 
and Bo/zjSvA^a may have been attached to the goddess in 
Pamphylia and Boeotia ^®^» ^^"^ as the inventress of the flute, 
and the legend recorded by Pindar in the twelfth Pythian 
ode® and explained by the scholiast, gives as usual a dramatic 
motive for the invention. The words rky^t^ t6v itoTt ITaXAay 
i<f)fvp€ Bpa<T€Lav Topyovcav ov\iov Oprjifov bMirXf^aia ^AOdva refer 

• Mi/r (i. dcutsch. Inst, Ath, 1889, 
3. p. 305, and oi. Mythology and Monu- 
ments of Athens^ Harrison and Verrall, 
pp. 414-418. 

^ The only evidence of a recognized 
cult of 'Ep7avi7 at Athens are the lines 
in the fragment of Sophocles *'*^ who 
summons the people of the handicrafts 
into the public ways, 'who worship 
Athena Ergane with winnowing-fans set 
upright.' Miss Harrison is perhaps 
right in explaining the winnowing-fans 
as a memento of the primitive agricul- 

tural Athena ; but I think she goes too 
far in saying that 'E^ydU'i; could have 
been a name referring to the working of 
the land {Classical RevieWy 1894, p. 270). 
Possibly by the time of Sophocles the 
XiKvoiy from its convenient form, had 
come to be used as an ordinary recep- 
tacle for cereal oblations. Hesychius 
defines Aiirva as icava, which was a word 
referring to ritual rather than to agri- 
c U. 6-1 a. 

3i6 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

to the curious story that the two Gorgons uttered various 
cries of lamentation over their dead sister, and Athena in 
a callous way imitated their lugubrious sounds on the flute: 
hence a particular motive on the flute was called voyuo^ 
TTo\vKi<f)akos, the changeful air to which the sobbing of the 
Gorgon sisters was set ; and Diodorus Siculus states definitely 
that Athena invented flute-music in general'^ •. 

This story admits of a very simple explanation ; we may 
suppose that flute-playing was part of the worship of the 
Boeotian Athena, and that there was a pantomimic repre- 
sentation on the flute of the death of the Gorgon, just as 
we hear of musical representations of the slaughter of the 
Python at Delphi. Then the myth would arise that the 
goddess invented the instrument and discovered that par- 
ticular strain on it to commemorate the death of Medusa 
and her sisters' lamentations. We are familiar with a rival 
myth at Athens. It appears from the story about Alcibiades 
that the Athenians had a natural dislike to flute-playing, 
because it was unbecoming to the features ; they also had 
a still greater dislike of the Boeotians, who were fond of the 
flute. So they told a story how that Athena had practised 
a little on it, but had flung it away in disgust and laid 
a curse upon it ; it then fell into the hands of inferior persons 
like Marsyas. In all this there is probably a malicious 
reference to Boeotian worship. 

The evidence of the recognition in cult of the artistic 
character of the goddess appears scanty, yet combined with 
the indirect evidence from the Panathenaic and Itonian festivals 
it is proof that the poetical phrase of Aristides, * The Graces 
stand around her hands ^^^/ is appropriate to her worship. 
An expression of this feeling was the statue of Minerva by 
Demetrius, mentioned by Pliny, * quae musica appellatur ^*^,' 
if the reading is sound. 

The last worship that need be mentioned here is that of 
Athena Hygicia ^^, which seems to have been in vogue in 
Athens before the close of the sixth century*. A statue 

• The earliest monument that records dedicated by Callis to Athena Hy- 
it is the inscription on the potsherd gitia'***. The basis of her statue, 

X.] ATHENA. 317 

bearing this title stood on the Acropolis dedicated by the 
Athenian people, and an altar at Achamae was consecrated 
to this worship that seems scarcely to have existed outside 
Attica. The statue on the Acropolis was a cult-statue, for 
an oblong basis was placed in front of it for sacrificial pur- 
poses. The same idea is expressed in the epithet UaitAvLa^ 
applied to her in Athens and at Oropus ^^^ of which the inter- 
pretation is made certain by the context in Pausanias. It is 
probable, then, that before the introduction of the worship of 
Asclepios at Athens, the chief divinity of health, by the side 
of Apollo, was Athena, the Athenians in this as in other 
matters attributing to their goddess all that tended to the 
physical amelioration of life. A sacrifice to Athena Hygieia 
was part of the Panathenic ritual ^* *. It was Sophocles who 
first celebrated the praises of Asclepios in verse, and who was 
supposed to have introduced his worship, to which the con- 
servative Aristophanes manifests a certain repugnance ; and 
It may have been on the occasion of the great plague that the 
Epidaurian cult passed over to Athens. The new worship was 
then taken under the patronage of the goddess, and a temple 
to Asclepios was erected on the Acropolis, in which Athena 
was occasionally associated with him •. In the rest of Greece 
this affinity between Asclepios and Athena seems scarcely 
to have been recognized ^ ; and in the temple near Epidauros 
and in its precincts the dedications to Athena are all of a late 
period. And even in Athens itself the importance of Athena 
for the art of healing seems to have declined before the great 
advance of the Asclepios cult ®. But it may be that Hygieia, 
the daughter and constant companion of the god of health, 

dedicated according to Plutarch by We have also an inscription of the 

Pericles, is preserved with the inscrip- second century a.d. on the basis of a 

tion, which proves the monument to statue of Athena Hygieia from Hicro 

have been raised by the whole Athenian near Epidauros ^^^. 

people and the sculptor's name to have • Vide Girard. Bull, de Corr. Hellcn. 

been Pyrrhos (vide Lowy, KunstUr- 1877, p. 164. 

inschriften, 53; Journal of Hellenic ^ There appears to have been some 

Studies, 5. 96). In the MUtheilungen^ association between Athena and Ascle- 

16. pp. 156-160, Wolters shows on pios at Tegea"*, and perhaps at Ali- 

architectnral grounds that this dedica- phera'*'. 

tion was after the death of Pericles. « We have one late inscription referring 




was merely an emanation from the Attic goddess, a part of 
Athena's nature detached and personified ; in fact, if Koepp's 
theory* could be proved that Hygieia arose first at Athens, it 
would be almost certain that she arose thus. The evidence is 
in any case only negative : we do not hear of her until a very 
late period in the circle of Asclepios at Epidauros ^ and in 
most cases where her worship is mentioned in other parts of 
Greece there are reasons for supposing it to be later than the 
earliest cult of Athena Hygieia at Athens. 

The one myth of which I am aware that expresses the 
healing power of Athena is the myth about the daughters 
of Proetus, who were cured of their madness by Hermes 
and Athena ^ ; and to some such virtue of hers in dealing with 
supernatural forms of disease we may suppose the words of 
Aristides to apply — * Priests and expounders of religion call 
her the cleansing goddess ^^-.' 

The character of Athena, both in the religion and in the 
myths, appears, then, to be the reflex of the civilized Hellenic 
polity. She was, it is true, sometimes identified with foreign 
goddesses — Egyptian, Asiatic, Colchian, or Iberian — probably 
because of the maidenly or warlike nature common to them 
with her ; but we cannot say that her worship, like that of 
Artemis or Dionysos, was tainted with Oriental or barbaric 
ideas, with orgiastic excess, with impure symbolism or 
mystery. The great indictment of Arnobius Euscbius and 
Augustine against paganism is drawn from other parts of the 
religion. The tradition of Athena remained pure and clear 
in spite of the Alexandrine confusion of religions, and in spite 
of the later Orphic literature. 

probably to Athena *t^i(ia : Dellion 
ArcJiaiologikon^ 1888, p. 206 : 
'AOrjvaiq. Mivtia 6yi$rjK(v 
"Oi^iK lHova* &ptr^v r^y Otov' 
which is interpreted with much proba- 
bility by Reinach, in the Buil. de Corr, 
Hell. II. p. 261, as meaning that Meneia 
had seen a vision of Athena and been 
healed by her * virtue.* 

• Mitt, d, deutsch. Inst. Atk. 1885, 
p. 260. 

^ Tliraemer (Roscher*s Lexicon^ s. v, 
Hygieia) assumes that she must from 
ancient times have belonged to the 
Epidaurian Asclepios cult, but he fails 
to bring forward any real evidence or 
any strong reasons against the theory 
of the Attic origin of Hygieia. Her 
worship at Titane was perhaps early, 
but cannot be proved to be as old as 
the Athenian potsherd (Pans. a. 11. 6). 

* Apollod. Bib. 2. I, 5. 

X.] ATHENA. 319 

And her religion is eminently political, growing and waning 
with the Greek 7roXt9 : her irpovoia was the ' providence * of the 
city-community in war and peace. The poets sometimes 
placed her, indeed, by the side of Zeus as his peer in 
power and works*, and she borrowed many of his titles ^^^ ; 
but her public worship and the religious utterances of the 
poets concerning her are less rich in spiritual content, less 
satisfying to the private conscience or to individual morality. 
The virtues she inspires and approves are, according to the 
panegyric of Aristides ^ the public virtues of political wisdom, 
courage, concord, discipline, and self-restraint. The latter 
term, aax^potrvmi, conveys no meaning of ideal personal purity ; 
for though both in myth and religion she was the maiden- 
goddess, she had nothing to do with chastity as an ideal of 
conduct ; the sin of the lesser Ajax she was supposed to 
punish merely as an outrage against her altar and asylum. 
In the Ajax of Sophocles, which embodies the average Greek 
conception of Pallas Athena, she demands a aoixfipoaijvTj or 
ev(r€/3eia, which was a cautious moderation of act and speech 
in regard to gods and men, and she is no goddess of forgive- 
ness or pity. Her worship, then, had elements of nobility 
as the incarnation of public law and of the virtues on which 
that rests. But any advanced thought or very profound 
religious consciousness in Greek speculation, where it is not 
purely impersonal, is concerned rather with Zeus and Apollo 
than with the other personages of Greek polytheism. 

• Cf. Horn. 0(t 16. 263, and Pindar, y^p Kpovihao voov Kp&mupa rirvKrai. 
Frag. 1 1 a, with the Orphic line, huv^ ^ Aristides, vol. i, pp. 27, 28 (Dind.). 


Note on Ritual. 

As a rule the Greek goddess was ser\'ed by priestesses, and worshipped 
with sacrifice of female victims : but in the ritual of Athena *'", as of Aphro- 
dite, we find not infrequently the male victim and the priest. In the case 
of Athena this is probably due to her masculine character, and to her 
frequent connexion in cult with Zeus. We hear of the priest of Athena 
rioXiarif at Tegea, at Phaselis and Amydae, and Lindos, the boy-priest of 
Athena K/Kii^nta, at Elatea. As regards her sacrifice, it was rarely cereal 
or bloodless ; we may conclude that this was the case at Rhodes, where 
no fire was used in her ritual ; but in other places the usual oblation was 
the slaughtered animal, the cow and sheep most commonly, but some- 
times the pig and the goat. At Ilium the sacrificial victims were both 
male and female ; and we may conclude that the bull was sometimes 
oflfered her, as she was called ravponokoi, and according to the legend 
Theseus sacrificed the bull of Marathon to her. Therefore there is no 
accuracy in the dictum of Kustathius and the scholiast on the liiad (2. 546) 
that the victims to Athena must be female. This dictum was used by 
them, and has been used by some modem critics, to show that fuV in that 
important passage refers to Ercchtheus and not to Athena; the facts 
show that this argument is valueless. My own view is that the sacrifice 
of bulls and sheep referred to there belonged to Athena and not to 
Erechtheus ; grammatically, and in respect of the rhythm of the sen- 
tence, one view is as tenable as the other ; but it is strange that the 
interpolator should speak in the one line of the birth of Erechtheus, and 
then without a pause at once refer to his death ; and if, as A. Mommsen 
holds, the interpolator was Peisistratus and the sacrifice is the Panathe- 
naic, then there is all the more reason for thinking that the sacrifice of 
bulls and sheep must be referred to the Athena-cult. For it would be 
very strange that in the time of Peisistratus the Panathenaic oflfering 
should be spoken of as a sacrifice to Erechtheus, and that in the 
authorities and records from the fifth century downwards it is always 
regarded as consecrated to Athena, while Erechtheus is scarcely men- 



Among the monuments that illustrate the worship of 
Athena, we find the coin-representations in some respects 
the most important. Not only do they give us manifold 
testimony of the character that belonged to her in the 
national religion, but they also prove more clearly than any 
other monumental evidence the very wide diffusion of her cult. 

The very large number of vases upon which her figure 
appears have more to do with mythology than with public 
worship ; perhaps the only type of the goddess, preserved in 
vase-paintings, which can be certainly recognized as con- 
nected with cult is that of the warlike Athena holding her 
shield and brandishing her spear, the type of the ancient 
Palladia and probably of the Athena Polias. 

As regards the works of sculpture, those to which any 
definite cult -name can be attached are very few ; but many, 
and especially those that can be connected with the creations 
of Pheidias, are of very great value for the history of religious 
art. We have no proof of the prevalence of wholly aniconic 
images of Athena *, and it has been shown that the religion of 
Pallas contained comparatively few * survivals' of primitive 
thought and primitive ritual. The earliest monuments 
that have come down to us express ideas that are already 
relatively advanced. So far as we can judge the most archaic 
images did not represent her as a nature-goddess, but were 
either of the type of the Palladia, embodying the war- 
goddess, or of the seated type characteristic of the goddess of 

* The words of Tertullian^'* seem to of the existence of which we know 
refer to some formless dyakfui in Attica, nothing. 

VOL. I, Y 

322 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

the state, and Homer appears to have been aware of both 
forms. But the monuments that illustrate her association 
with the powers of Nature, though not demonstrably the 
most primitive, may be conveniently considered first. 

We cannot quote from the earliest period any assured 
representations that illustrate the cult-connexion of the 
goddess with Poseidon. The bronze-statue of Poseidon 
on the site of Athena's temple at Pheneos appears to have 
been archaic ^® ™ ; and Pausanias informs us that the ancient 
coinage of Troezen bore for its usual device the trident of 
Poseidon and the head of Athena, with reference to the worship 
of the two divinities there " K And it must surely be Athena's 
head that we see on two fifth-century coins of Troezen, pub- 
lished by Professor Gardner in his Numismatic Commentary^: 
the one has faint traces of archaism in the hair and lip ; the 
other is a very noble work of fifth-century style (coin PI. A 2 1 ), 
allied to the Pheidian ; the broad cheek, the majestic eye- 
brow, and the large chin are forms that accord well with the 
masculine dignity and the deep earnestness of the expression. 
A few of these coins, according to Professor Gardner, show 
us the same head wearing earrings, and therefore they do 
not represent a male divinity, and of no other goddess is 
the countenance so characteristic as of Athena. * The god- 
dess of strength,* as she was styled at Troezen, could scarcely 
be more vividly depicted than by such forms and such 

On the Acropolis of Athens we know that Pallas and 
Poseidon were associated in the Erechtheum or its immediate 
vicinity by actual communion of cult as well as by religious 
myth and mythic representation. And this religious as- 
sociation is most strikingly presented by a black-figured 
vase of advanced archaic style, painted by the Athenian 
vase-painter Amastris ^ on which the two divinities appear 
in solemn hieratic pose, standing over against each other, 
the goddess holding up her hand : the drawing is masterly 

• P. 47, PI. M, 1 and 2. Die Griechischen Vasen mit A^'eister- 

^ Lenonnant, £lite Oram, i. PI. 78; signaturen, p. 43. 
Arch, Zeit, 1 846, Taf. 39, 4-5 ; Klein, 


in the delicacy of its detail (PI. XIII. A). In at least one 
representation of the birth of Erichthonios Poseidon is 
present ; for instance, on a relief in the Louvre, of which the 
central figure is Athena receiving the infant from the arms 
of Ge, we can recognize the sea-god in the figure seated on 
the left with wild matted hair and half-bare body, holding 
a trident or sceptre •. 

It is hard to separate the cult of the two divinities on the 
Acropolis from the story of their strife for the land, and from 
the various monuments that represented that religious drama. 
A sacred spot in Athens, probably on the Acropolis and near to 
the place in the precincts of the Erechtheum where Poseidon's 
trident was stamped on the rock, was called * the voting-place 
of God ^* The Greek title seems to suggest that here Zeus 
took the votes of the various divinities concerning the rival 
claims of Poseidon and Athena to the country. Such a version 
of the story is presented to us on the alabaster relief in 
Smyrna® of the first century A. D., on which we see on the 
left the figure of Poseidon with his left foot on a stone, his left 
hand on his thigh and his right resting on his trident: 
opposite him is Athena wearing a Corinthian helmet and 
leaning on her spear; above and behind each divinity are 
olive-trees. In the centre is an altar with Athena's snake 
coiled round it licking her robe, and the twelve divinities are 
grouped on each side, while Nike is taking the votes from an 
urn that stands on the altar. 

The subject was differently rendered by certain monuments 
on the Acropolis of Athens. Pausanias saw, probably not far 
from the Erechtheum ^, a group of Athena and Poseidon, the 
goddess represented as creating the olive, the god as causing 
a salt spring to well forth. Also in the west pediment of the 
Parthenon he saw the great group of which only fragments 
have survived, and which he interprets as the strife of the 
two divinities. Whether it was the strife itself or the moment 

• Mon. deir Inst. i. xii. 1. sych. Zeus '"'. 

*» Aioy ^0os or Ai^y Tltaaoi'. vide « Mitt. d. deiit, Inst, 1882, p. 48, 

Cralinns, Archilochoi Frag. 4 (Meineke PI. i. Fig. a. 

3, p. 183, Snidas j.v. Aids ^^of, He- ^ i- 34, 3. 

Y % 

324 GREEK RELIGIOS. [chap. 

of triumph that was shown, what was the precise action of the 
two protagonists, who were the subordinate personages, are 
questions that have given rise to long and intricate discussion 
which may here be omitted. Our only trustworthy evidence 
— and even that is difficult to interpret— is Carrey's drawing*, 
made before the destruction of the central figures. And we 
can conclude from it that it was the moment of victory that 
was represented there, for the goddess is moving rapidly to 
the left with triumphant gesture, as if to claim her own, 
while Poseidon starts back in anger. By what token or by 
what beneficent creation the strife had been adjudged the 
drawing does not help us to decide. On the Acropolis of 
Attica, we can hardly suppose that the token of Athena's 
right would be anything but the olive, and it has been held 
that traces of the olive-tree survive in the centre of the 

In other representations of the same sacred myth, which 
have been supposed to afford a clue to the reconstruction 
of the Parthenon group, the olive appears as a significant 
emblem ^ For instance, the well-known vase in St. Peters- 
burg® from Kertsch shows us the olive-tree in the centre 
between the two rivals, both of whom appear about to 
strike downwards with their weapons, the spear and the 
trident. No final interpretation has as yet been given of 
this action of Pallas and Poseidon ; it is very doubtful what 
he is striking and with what purpose, nor is it easy to 
say why she should be wielding her spear as she is after the 
olive-tree has already been produced, nor why Dionysos 
with his panther and thyrsos should apparently be running to 
her aid. The value of the vase as a clue to the motive of the 
Parthenon representation has been very much exaggerated ; 

• Miiller-Wiescler, Denkmdler der the loom, described by Ovid, Pallas 
alten Kunst^ lai. weaves the story of her strife with 

^ In her contest with Arachne at Poseidon : 

Percossamqne sua simulat de cnspide terram 
Prodere cum bads foetum canentis olivae 
Mirarique deos. Met, 6. 80. 

^ Published by Stephani, Compte- 3, p. 345; Baomeister, Denkwuiler, 
Rendu^ 1872, PI. I ; Hellenic Journal y p. 1395. 





but it may preserve certain reminiscences of the Pheidian 
group, especially in the figure and drapery of Athena. 

Of still more importance as a surviving copy of the Athena 
of the western gable is the statuette from Epidauros, now in 
Athens, representing the goddess moving rapidly to her right 
with her right arm outstretched and her shield on her left ; 
the gesture and the movement seem full of fire and life, and 
the Pheidian style appears in the drapery and forms '. 

We have also a number of late Attic coins ^ which illustrate 
the public value and prevalence of this myth, but do not help 
much to settle the question about the figures on the Parthenon. 
They bear upon their obverse the figures of Poseidon and 
Athena, standing over against each other, the god on the left 
and the goddess on the right, and between them the olive-tree, 
upon which her owl is seated and around which coils her snake 
threatening Poseidon, who stands raising his right hand with 
a menacing gesture. Athena bears the spear and shield in 
her left hand, and holds out her right as if pointing to the 
tree as her sign. In composition the scene presents very 
little resemblance to the central motive of Carrey's drawing, 
and it may, for all we know, be a reproduction of the free 
group that Pausanias saw on the Acropolis. 

In these representations the deities are at strife. On the 
black-figured vase mentioned above their meeting seems 
peaceful, and on two other coins®, where they are seen 
standing with the olive-tree in the middle, there is no sign 
of contest, but possibly a scene of reconciliation and concord, 
just as on a cameo published in the Gazette ArchMogique^ 
we find them jointly engaged in forming the vine (PL 
XIV. a). 

Besides her association with Poseidon, we have other 
monumental record of her relations with the water and sea- 
faring. On some of the coins of South Italy, Thurium, and 

*■ I^blished in Mytkol, and Mon, Museum Catalogue of Coitis : A/fua, 

Anc. Atk.f Harrison and Verrall, 17. 4- 

PI. 46. ^ Num, Comm, Paus., Z. 15. and 

^ Gardner and Imhoof-Blnmer, Alr/w. 17. 

Comm. Paus. Z. 11. 12. 14. 16 ; British «* 1886, PI. 3. 1, 

326 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Heraclea % the head of Athena is found wearing a helmet on 
which a Scylla, sometimes holding a rudder, is incised (Coin 
PL A 22). To explain these we need not follow Lenormant ^ 
in his strange fancies about an original monstrous shape of 
an Athena Tptroyereta with a fish-tail ; we do not even know 
that this coin-type represented TptroyeWta at all. All that 
we need say is that in maritime localities Athena acquired 
occasionally a maritime character and symbols, as any other 
divinity might ; and we may vaguely apply the term Tpiro- 
yivaa to the Pallas of the coin-types mentioned above. But 
thoagh originally this was probably a cult-title, we do not know 
what the type was, if there was any, that was specially chosen 
for the images of that cult. The blue-eyed statue of Athena 
in the Ceramicus ^^ ^^ certainly did not allude to the story of 
her birth from the blue water, as Pausanias imagined. The 
bronze statue at Aliphera ^^^, wrought by Hypatodorus, was 
probably a representation of Athena Tpiroyivua^ but Pausanias 
only remarks on its size and beauty, and saw nothing in it 
specially characteristic. The Rospigliosi statue in Rome, 
published by Gerhard ^ shows us an Athena with her left 
hand enveloped in her large mantle and resting on her hip ; 
at her feet is a female Triton, at her left the owl ; her aegis is 
adorned with stars, and her face wears a languid sentimental 
expression. But this is a late work, and scarcely to be 
regarded as a monument of public cult. And it is absurd 
to argue** from this that every Pallas with a similar expression 
and with starry aegis or robe is Tritogeneia. The pose and 
the sentiment are merely the signs of the later age, and the 
stars may be simply a conventional decoration, or at least 
. are no symbols of the water-born divinity. 

A few monuments may be quoted illustrating Athena's 
association with the earth, with Dionysos, and the powers of 
fertility. The representation on the fine cameo quoted above, 
in which she is seen by the side of Poseidon assisting the vine 

» Guuie to the Coins of tJu Brit. Mus. « Minerven Idole: Akad. AbhandL 

3. C, 17 ; 4. C, 16 ; Head, Hist. Num. 24. 4. 

P- 59i 1*'C- 35; P- 72, Fig. 48. ** As Hettncr argued, ^ifwtf/i<^/r/«j/. 

^ Gazette ArcMoL 1880, p. 183. 1844, pp. 115-132. 




to grow, IS a unique motive which illustrates the di<rxp(t>6pia^ 
the festival of the grape-cluster at Athens. On the vase of 
St. Petersburg discussed above, we find Dionysos coming to 
her aid, possibly as Dionysos AevbpCrri^y who was interested in 
her new-created olive-tree. 

We may regard the scene on certain black-figured vases 
in Munich • which represent Athena mounted in her chariot 
preceded by Apollo playing the lyre, and by Dionysos who 
looks back upon her, as alluding to some association between 
these divinities in cult and festival. Athena herself stands 
playing the lyre by Dionysos ^ on an archaic vase published 
by Gerhard, and possibly the vase-painter may have thought 
of the Oschophoria the festival in which Dionysos and Athena 
Sciras were jointly honoured ^ 

This affinity of the goddess with the divinities of vegetation 
might explain the attribute of the cornucopia, which was some- 
times placed in her hand in later representations, although, as 
Miiller suggests, she may have acquired this from her later 
identification with Tyche, the Fortune of the state. But there 
appears to have been some representation belonging to the 
Greek period of Athena holding in her hand an apple, which was 
the usual symbol of fertility, for an epigram in the Antlwlogy 
seems clearly to describe a statue of this kind ^^^ ; and the 
female figures in terracotta ** recently found on the Acropolis, 
holding a shield on the arm and an apple or pomegranate in 
the hand, have been supposed with good reason to represent 
Athena, and belong to the archaic period. It has been sug- 
gested above that the cult of Athena Itonia may have regarded 
her partly as a divinity of vegetation, and for this reason have 
associated her with the powers of the lower world. We should 

* O. Jahn, Vasensatmnlung, 112, 

353»784, "3'- 

'' AuserUsene Vasenbilder, i. 37. 

*> Gerhard's further attempts to dis- 
cern a Dionysiac element in the wor- 
ship and festival of Athena Sciras are 
futile; the gems and terracotta relief 
which he publishes {Akad, Abhandl. 
35* 7f ^t 10, 13), on which he finds 

Maenads clasping or dancing before 
the image of Athena are wrongly in- 
terpreted (vide Miiller-Wiescler, Denk* 
mdUr, ai4a) : there is no evidence of 
an orgiastic character in the festival of 
Scirra, nor is it certain that it was 
consecrated to Athena. 

^ Athtn. MiUhtil, 1894, p. 491. 

328 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

possess an interesting monument of this cult if we could inter- 
pret the figures on a large gem published by Miiller* as those of 
the Coronean worship (PL XIII. b). We see an Athena seated 
on the left, and the god of the lower world with Cerberus on 
the right, and the goddess is pouring a libation over the flame 
of the altar that stands between them. That this is Athena 
Itonia and the Zeus-Hades of Coronea is the view of Overbeck^ 
and other archaeologists, and Wieseler's objections and his own 
interpretation lack weight. The representation is unique, and 
we have the literary record of the unique cult of the two 
divinities at Coronea. And as there is no other cult that 
explains the monument, the interpretation offered by Miiller 
and Overbeck is at least a valid hypothesis. 

The local cults of Athena Alea at Tegea and Hellotis at 
Corinth, in which the goddess has been supposed without much 
reason to have been worshipped as a physical or elemental 
power, have left no monuments at all that might prove or 
illustrate the precise meaning of these terms. Of the Oriental 
Athena Hellotis of Corinth we have no representation, and 
the Tegean coins that bear on their obverse the head of 
Alea*' give us no way of distinguishing between this and 
any other type of the goddess. 

On a late vase of South Italy we see a comic rendering 
of the myth of Heracles and Auge ^ : above them is the 
statue of a goddess on a column, holding a patera in her right 
hand and a garland in her left, and wearing a high-girdled 
chiton. As Auge was surprised in the temple of Athena Alea, 
we might suppose that we have here a reproduction of the 
temple-image ; but the attitude is too foolish and the attri- 
butes too meaningless to allow us to take the figure seriously. 

The attempt to discover among the monuments some 
representation of Athena Sciras has been equally unsuc- 
cessful. A statue of mysterious and ghostly form exists in 
the Villa Albani®, in which we can discern the outlines of 
an Athena armed with helmet and shield, and enveloped from 

» Denkmdler d, alt. Kunst, a. 326. ^ Mon, cUlt Inst. 4. Taf. 11. 

*» Kunst-MythologiCy i. p. 47. • Q&[\iKi^^Akad,Abhandl,1zi. 24. 3. 

* Num. Comm. Pans. p. 90. 


head to foot in an ample mantle. The explanation of this 
enigmatic appearance of the goddess which Gerhard gives is 
that the statue conveys an allusion to the procession of the 
Scirophoria, in which he supposes the image of Athena Sciras 
to have been covered and sheltered from the heat. The 
difficulty is that, so far as we know, a sunshade was used 
on that occasion, not a covering such as this ; nor did the 
idol of Athena Sciras play any part in that procession. It is 
more probable that the sculptor was alluding to the veiling 
of the image of Athena Polias in the Plynteria. 

The cult-statue of Athena Sciras was probably a xoanon 
of archaic type, as it had to submit to the primitive fetish 
ritual of being daubed with white earth ^**^, which was 
supposed to be good for olives'. 

We hear of a process of divination, practised at Sciros on 
the Eleusinian Way, by means of dice or draughts ; and if we 
believe that a scene on a vase published by Gerhard ^ repre- 
sents two warriors seated above a board and divining their lot 
in this manner, it might seem that he was justified in giving 
the name Athena Sciras to the goddess with the spear and 
the star-embroidered vestment that stands behind them ; but 
even so we should not have discovered the type of the idol, 
for in another similar representation® she has the form of the 
Pheidian Parthenos, and the connexion between the dice- 
players at Sciros and Athena Sciras is unproved and unlikely \ 

It has already been said in anticipation that the monu- 
ments give no sign. whatever that Athena in Greek religion 
was ever identified or by kinship connected with the moon or 
the lights of heaven. The stars on the robe mean nothing at all, 
for we find them also on the robe of Creon in one vase-scene. 
The half-moon on the coins of Athens in no way reveals 
Athena as a moon-goddess, as has been shown already ; 
the crescent moon is a not uncommon shield-device, and is 

* Cf. the practice of smearing the Taf. 19.8.29,13; also Raool-Rochette, 

statue of Artemis Alpheionia with clay Mon. ItUd, Taf. 56. 

from the Alphens. « On a vase published Jakrb, d. d. 

^ Akad. Abhandl, 26. 9. Cf Etrus- Inst. 1892, 102. 

kische uftd Camfaniuhe Vasenbilder, ^ Vide p. 291, note *. 




sometimes found on the shield of Pallas ; where it appears on 
the aegis it need only be regarded as a charm to avert danger, 
for which purpose it was sometimes used '. 

Archaeological evidence has been found by Roscher to 
support his theory that Athena was the personification of 
the thunder-cloud, namely, in certain coin-types of Macedon, 
Athens, and Boeotia^ that show the goddess striding forward 
brandishing the lightning in her right hand. We can 
scarcely call this evidence, for these coins are all of the later 
period, and may all be influenced by the Macedonian coin- 
type, which represents Athena Alkis. But we do not know 
that this divinity was recognized as a thunder-goddess in 
Macedon ; on the coins of Pella she merely wields the spear*^; 
and the coins of Antigonus and Philip V that give her the 
thunderbolt need only allude to the common idea expressed 
in Homer and Pindar that * Athena sat nearest to the 
lightning,' that is to Zeus, and might sometimes wield his 
weapon ; but it is only in later art and for the sake of variety 
that the thunderbolt takes the place of the spear in the hands 
of Athena Alkis or Promachus. 

Nor, lastly, in the monuments that deal with the Gorgon- 
myth is there any suggestion of the various physical forces 
or facts that Athena has been supposed to embody. The 
archaeological evidence in support of the theory that Medusa 
personified the baneful side of Athena herself is even slighter 
than the literary. A bronze in Syracuse and a marble relief in 
Messina have been quoted representing an armed Medusa**: 
but if these works are rightly interpreted they prove the 

» Hesych. s.v. a^XrjvU' <l>v\aKr'fffkov 
oirtp iyicptfjidTcu rots muiiiots. Vide O. 
Jahn, Ueber den Aberglaul^en des bosen 
Blicks bei den Alten, Berichte d. A'. 
Sacks. Gesellsch. d, Wiss. 1855, pp. 42, 
52. Wieseler's discussion {Denkm. d. alt, 
Kunsiy 2. p. 168) of this lunar symbolism 
applied to Athena is sceptical and sane. 

*» Head, Hist. Num. p. 203, Fig. 146 ; 
on third-centnry coins of Athens, Brit. 
Mus. Cat. Attica y PI. 15. 2 ; on coins of 
Pyrrhus struck at Syracuse Pallas holds 

shield and spear but the thunderbolt is 
in the field, Brit. Mus. Cat. Thessaly, 
&^c,y PI. 20. 12; on later coins of Boeotia 
we have a winged Athena Nike bran- 
dishing the thunderbolt, Brit. Mus. Cai. 
Centr. Greece, PI. 6. 3; on certain 
coins of Phaselis she stands on a ship^s 
prow bearing the aegis as a shield and 
wielding the thunderbolt, MiilL-Wies., 
Denkm. d. alt. Kunsty 2. 223. 

« Brit. Mus, Cat. Macedon^ p. 90. 

»» P. 287. 




caprice of the artist, but do not prove that he or any one 
else believed Athena was Medusa. Even the larger view 
taken by O. Muller in his Hyperboreische Stitdien of a double 
Athena, a malevolent and benevolent goddess, lacks sound 
archaeological support '. 

The monuments that represent the city-goddess and the 
goddess of war are by far the most important. We cannot 
keep the two ideas always distinct, for the goddess who 
guarded the city, in far the greater number of the monuments 
that may be supposed to represent Athena Polias, appears to 
be guarding it with the spear and the shield. 

But there is an important distinction of type that divides 
the representations of Polias into those of the seated divinity, 
in peaceful and tranquil pose that might symbolize the 
stability of the state, and those of Pallas erect and threatening 
with her weapons. 

We can conclude from Homer that the earliest idol of 
Athena in Troy, to which the Trojan women bring the peplos 
to lay on the knees, was seated on a throne; the scholiast 
was struck with this, and the comments of Strabo imply that 
the usual images of Athena Polias were standii^; but he 
adds that the seated form occurred in Massilia, Phocaea, 
Rome, and many other places '^^'. Pausanias ^^^ *• tells us of 
a seated statue of Athena on the Acropolis, the work of 
Endoeus, and mentions also the shrine at Erythrae of Athena 

• In a paper published in the Epk- 
emeris Archaeologike, 1890 (pp. 1-6, 
ILV. I ), another attempt has been made 
to show a sort of duality in the cult of 
Athena and other divinities by Mylonas, 
who quotes the worship of Polias and 
Parthenos (?) in Athens, of Polias and 
Sthenias in Troezen, of Alea and Hippia 
in Tegea, the hvo Ay^Xfiara ^ABrjvd^ in 
Aegium of Achaca (Pans. 7. 23, 7), the 
tw« temples of Athena at Thebes. But 
how do we know that there were just 
two cults and no more than two in 
Thebes and Tegea? We know there 
were more than two in Athens and 
Troezen. The monuments he quotes 

and the relief he publishes show no dis- 
tinction between the forms that might 
correspond to a real duality of concept : 
the cases where the figure of Athena 
appeared twice on the same monument 
or in the same temple may be explained 
sometimes by the artistic desire of 
symmetry, sometimes by the dramatic 
necessity of reproducing the same per- 
sonage in different parts of the same 
scene, sometimes by the simple fact that 
there happened to be two dedications 
of two images. Nearly every Greek 
divinity had many sides, but neither two 
nor three is a holy number in Greek 

332 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Polias and in it the temple-image of the enthroned goddess 
holding a spindle in each of her hands, and wearing a * polos ' 
or upright crown, a work which he attributes to the same 

Long discussion has been spent on the question whether 
the ancient image of Athena Polias in her temple on the 
Acropolis of Athens, carved from olive-wood ^^, was of the 
sitting or standing type. The latter view was strongly main- 
tained by Jahn *, and held also by O. Miiller ** and Prof. Curtius 
and later archaeologists ; but Prof. Furtwangler, in his article 
on Athena in Roscher's Lexicon *', pronounces for the former. 
There is little value in his argument that because Phocaea 
and Erythrae mythically and questionably traced their origin 
to Athens, therefore the type of their city-goddess, who was 
seated on her throne, was borrowed from the mother-city ; 
but there is more weight in his contention that the seated 
figures of terracotta and marble found on the Acropolis and 
in Attic tombs reproduce Athena Polias: and he considers 
that this form of a peaceful maternal goddess is most in 
keeping with the ancient Pelasgic cult. This may be so, 
although Arnobius declares that the statues of Athena on 
the Acropoleis of her cities were always of virginal form ^^^ •. 
But even if there were no strong arguments against Prof. Furt- 
wangler's view, as there are, there is too scanty evidence for 
us to pronounce positively in its favour. There is no proved 
connexion between Athena Polias and the Attic burial ritual, 
although Gerhard on general grounds thinks that there ought 
to have been ; we only hear of the eccentric and probably 
exceptional death-tax levied by Hippias, who enacted that for 
each dead citizen a small sum should be paid to the priestess 
of the city-goddess by way of compensation ^* ^ Again, 
the evidence from the Attic tombs is very slight indeed ; for 
some of the seated figures published by Gerhard^ are not 
demonstrably Athena at all, or are not known to have been 
interred. One of the most striking of these, discovered in an 

• De Antiquiss. Minerv, Politid, simulacris, 
^ M tiller, Atuiefti Art^ § 96, 24 ; cf. § 96, 9. 
« P. 689. d jikad, Abhandl, Taf. 22. 



Attic tomb ', is a small coloured terracotta representation of 
the goddess, seated and clad in ample drapery that conceals 
her arms, wearing a blue polos on her head, and an aegis 
painted blue upon a red mantle (PL XV. a). But if far more of 
these figures were in existence, and were known to have been 
buried with the dead, why must they be copies of the ancient 
temple-idol ? We might believe them to be so, if this type of 
the seated divinity were most common among the ancient 
monuments of Athens, and if we urged, as we well might, the 
argument that the ancient form of the Polias idol would fix 
itself most tenaciously upon the imagination of the people, 
and would be most frequently reproduced. But the argument 
fails, for this type is far less usual among the various existing 
monuments than that of the erect and energetic goddess of 
war ^ Besides the few terracottas which may be mentioned, 
there is the marble statue, often described and often published, 
found on the north side of the Acropolis, which belongs as 
regards style to the sixth century ® and might be the actual 
work of Endoeus, the image of Athena mentioned by Pau- 
sanias seated before the door of her own temple. But this is 
no cult-image. The only representation, so far as I am aware, 
in which the seated Athena is receiving sacrifice and worship 
is on a black-figured vase in Berlin, on which the goddess is 
seen on her throne wearing no aegis, and holding the helmet in 
her left hand and a cup in her right (PI. XIV. b). This is an 
interesting type of the peaceful and beneficent divinity who, 
in her own city, can lay aside her helmet, but no one maintains 
that it is the image of Athena Polias: whether it could be 
supposed to reproduce in some measure the xoanon of Athena 
Nike, which was preserved in the shrine on the Acropolis, is a 
question that will be raised later. The seated idol, then, was 

* I cannot find a direct testimony as part of the sixth century ; M. Lechat 

to its ' provenance ' ; but Stackelberg finds reasons for assigning the seated 

tacitly vouches for it, Grdber der Hel- Athena on the Acropolis to the period 

leniH^ Taf. 57. after the Persian invasion ; bnt it is 

^ y'vAtJahrbiich d. deut. Inst, 1893, almost incredible that Pansanias should 

p. 14a. have connected a fiith-century sculptor 

^ The two inscriptions containing the with the mythic Daedalus. Rev, des £t, 

name of Endoeus belong to the latter Gree, 189a, p. 386, and 1893, p. 23. 

334 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

evidently in some vogue at Athens ; and if it were the general 
custom, which is far more than we can say, to inter an idol of 
Athena with the dead, this tranquil type would accord better 
with the peace of the grave than the armed, erect, and threat- 
ening figure, though this latter were the form and pose of the 
very temple-image of the most ancient city-worship. 

And that the actual form of Athena Polias was the erect 
and armed figure is proved by cumulative evidence both from 
literature and monuments. We can draw a very probable 
conclusion from the words of Athenagoras, who contrasts the 
seated figure of Athena, carved by Endoeus at Athens, with 
the -ancient city-idol of olive-wood ; there is no sense in the 
words unless they express a contrast between a seated and an 
erect Athena *, the latter being the ancient xoanon ^^^ **. There 
are also certain passages in the Greek dramatists which Jahn 
has collected, and which point clearly to the same conclusion. 
Two of the most striking are in the Electra of Euripides and 
the Birds of Aristophanes '^^ ^^ **. In the former Orestes, after 
his mother's murder, is bidden to go to Athens to the sacred 
image of Pallas Athene, and clasp it in his arms — *for she will 
keep back the Furies . . . that they touch thee not, and will 
hold above thy head the round shield with the Gorgon's face/ 
The poet must be supposed to be speaking of the chief and 
most sacred ffphas of Athena, most familiar to all his audience ; 
the image of Athena Polias, who could hold her shield over 
Orestes' head if she were erect with her shield raised on her 
left arm, but not if she were seated in peaceful attitude. Still 
more convincing is the passage in Aristophanes. The bird- 
city of the Clouds is complete, and they want a goddess to 
guard it (IToXioCxo^) : * for whom shall we card the wool of the 
peplos ? ' asks Epops. ' Why not allow Athena Polias her 
usual right ? But how could a city be well-governed, when 
the goddess, being a woman, stands in full armour, &c. ? ' 

How these words could have been written, unless the 
statue of Athena Polias at Athens were erect and armed, is 
hard to understand : for Dr. Furtwangler*s explanation that 

* Athenagoras seems to attribute both some corruption in the words, the force 
to Endoeus : granting there may be of the whole passage is not invalidated. 


the Attic poets were always thinking of Homer's energetic 
Pallas Athena, never of their own city-idol, seems very 
unnatural The whole point of Aristophanes' joke is lost, 
unless the goddess * standing in her panoply ' is the very 
Athena Polias of the temple on the Acropolis. 

The sacred temple-image of Athens was fabled to have 
fallen from heaven ^2^*, like the Trojan Palladium ; and it was 
probably easier, even for the uaYve imagination of early men, 
to conceive of a stiff log-like idol descending thence than of 
a seated divinity shot from the sky, throne and all. We may 
note also that in Alciphron Athena Poliuchos is addressed as 
Ylpoyiayos ; the prayer would be naturally to Athena Polias, who 
is elsewhere called Poliuchos, and she could not well be styled 
Promachus unless she were erect and in warlike attitude '*- ^ 

Also there is forcible evidence supplied by actual monu- 
ments of cults. A black-figured cylix in the British Museum, 
of very archaic style (PL XV. b), has been published by 
Mr. Cecil Smith ', which contains a representation that he has 
interpreted as a bridal procession bringing a bull as an offer- 
ing to Athena Polias on the itpor^Xda fjtiipa, the day of the 
preliminary marriage-rites. The interest taken by the goddess 
of the state in the marriages of her people has been already 
noticed ; and there can be no doubt of the name and character 
of the divinity who stands behind her altar, receiving her wor- 
shippers in warlike pose with uplifted spear and shield. If 
the vase-painter's imagination had not been dominated by the 
form of the idol in the city-temple of the goddess to whom the 
sacrifice was due, it is inconceivable that he should have chosen 
a type so much out of accord with the peacefulness of the 
ceremony. Behind her the olive and her serpent are sketched, 
and her temple is indicated by a single Doric column ; all 
these symbols placing beyond a doubt the reference of the 
rite to Athena Polias. 

Another representation, easier to interpret and pointing to 

• Hellenic Journal ^ i, p. 202, PI. 7. that docs not appear quite so probable; 

Dr. Murray {Classical Review, 1887, but in any case we have a sacrifice to 

p. 315) explains it as a sacrifice after the goddess of the city, 
a dithyrambic contest, an explanation 

336 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

the same conclusion, is found on a black-figured amphora of 
the Berlin Museum ', that shows worshippers bringing a cow 
to an altar, behind which stands the shielded goddess with the 
spear uplifted in her right hand (PL XV. c). The altar is the 
large altar that stood before the Erechtheum, out of which 
Athena Polias must be supposed to have come to receive her 

A third sacrificial scene appears on a relief in the Acropolis 
Museum ^ A group of worshippers are bringing a sow as 
an offering to the goddess, whose form is certainly different 
from that seen in the two monuments last mentioned ; for 
there is nothing warlike in her attitude or attributes, except 
for the helmet on her head. What concerns the present ques- 
tion is the erect pose of the figure, by which the sculptor was 
able to convey a casual allusion to the type of Athena Polias. 
We may believe that the sow, an animal very rarely used in 
the ritual of Athena, is offered to her here because of her asso- 
ciation in certain rites and festivals with the goddesses of 
earth ; and this votive slab may have been connected in some 
way with the Arrhephoria. 

We have then direct evidence from Attic monuments that 
the type of the erect and warlike Athena appears in cult- 
scenes that are most naturally connected with the worship of 
Athena Polias: and we have no such evidence as yet forth- 
coming as regards the goddess seated on her throne. Also 
the former type was far more in vogue than the latter in Athens, 
appearing on the very large group of Panathenaic vases, and 
also on Attic coins, and reproduced in some votive bronze 
figures found on the Acropolis, and on marble reliefs *'. And, 
finally, there is much reason for Jahn's view that the Dresden 
Pallas, an important monument of this type, is a copy of the 
idol on the Acropolis ; for alone among statues of Athena this 
is wrought with the embroidered peplos, in the small squares 
of which are scenes from the battle of the gods and giants, the 

* The vase has been weU described ^ Vide Mythology and Monuments of 

by Miss Harrison in Mythology and Ancient Athens,'^, ^fii)t^\g&, ^^unAffii 

Monuments of Ancient Athens^ p. 457. Cuitius, Arch. Zeit, i88a, Taf. 8. 

*» lb. Fig. 76, p. 519. 


myth which we know was woven on the actual peplos that the 
maidens wrought each year for the State-goddess. 

These are reasons then for beh'eving that this was the form 
of the ancient idol in the oldest temple of Athena, which, 
according to Herodotus, was burnt by the Persians : and there 
is no evidence that before this, or by the side of this, there 
existed in the same temple the cult-figure of the seated 
divinity of more peaceful and maternal form. Nor is it sur- 
prising that the Polias-image should have borne so near a 
resemblance to the ordinary Palladium ; for this latter was 
also in many places an image of the city-goddess, and in the 
Cyclic legend the sacred idol which Diomed and Odysseus 
bore away was the * luck ' of the state. 

Looking at the other Greek states, in which we can gather 
from numismatic and other evidence that the worship of 
Athena Polias existed, we find the type very wide spread of 
the armed goddess, striding forward or standing erect and 

Pausanias gives us some account of the statue of the Athena 
' of the brazen house ' at Sparta, carved by Gitiadas *® ^ : and 
he speaks of certain mythic scenes wrought in relief * upon the 
bronze.' Looking merely at the text, we might be in doubt 
whether these were carved upon the bronze-plated walls of the 
temple or upon the surface of the statue itself. But a Lace- 
daemonian bronze coin of the period of Gallienus shows us the 
figure of the goddess armed with uplifted spear and shield, 
and clad strangely in a chiton of which the lower half is 
divided by horizontal parallel bands, and on which small 
figures are indicated in relief (Coin PI. A 23). As Professor 
Gardner rightly observes ■, this unique coin-device is explained 
by the text of Pausanias and helps to explain it. The city- 
goddess of Sparta then was armed and warlike, and of the 
type of the ancient Palladia. 

It IS probable that the cult-statue of Athena Itonia of 
Thessaly, whose name was the war-cry of the Aleuadae, and 
whose worship fostered the political union of Boeotia, was the 
figure of the fighting Pallas, for we find this stamped on many 

• Num. Com, Paus, p. 58, N. 13. 
VOL. I. Z 

338 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Thessalian coins (Coin PI. A 24). On a coin of Melos, and on 
a marble relief found in that island ■, we see the armed goddess 
in the usual pose of the Palladion, but resembling the idol of 
the Ephesian Artemis in the Herme-shape of the lower part 
of the body. And the coinage of Fella, which has been men- 
tioned above, presents us with the form of Athena Alkis — 
striding forward with spear and shield — as she appears also on 
the coins of Himera, Camarina, and Mcsembria ^ Occasion- 
ally, as we have seen, the thunderbolt takes the place of the 
spear in her hand without much change in the pose or probably 
in the idea. 

We find at times a more peaceful pose or more peaceful 
attributes chosen for the city-goddess, although in the earlier 
monuments her warlike character is most marked. The idol 
of New Ilium, according to the description of ApoUodorus ^^ **, 
held the spindle in one hand, while otherwise it preserved the 
forms of the older Palladia : and his account accords with the 
device of a later coin of this city on which Pallas appears with 
the TTtXoy or soft Phrygian cap on her head, with the spear 
held in her right hand on a level with her shoulder and with 
the spindle in her left ^ 

At Priene, where we hear of a temple dedicated to Athena 
Polias by Alexander^® ^, the image carved for the worship 
probably presented her in peaceful attitude ; for a coin of 
the city of the imperial period, bearing the figure of Athena 
standing with her serpent coiled before her, shows us probably 
the type of the temple statue**. The chryselephantine 
masterpiece of Pheidias, the Athena Parthenos, which will 
be afterwards described, may well have given vogue to the 
more peaceful type of the Athena Polias ; but, so far as the 
evidence can decide, the militant must still be regarded as the 
dominant type of the city-goddess, even in the later period. 

A very kindred conception, but differently expressed in 
art, was that of Athena Nike. In considering the monuments 
to which this name can be given, we can put aside the 

* Vide Jahn, op. cit., Taf. 3. 7 and 8. « Gerhard, Akad, Abhandl, 24. la. 

^ Brit, Mus. Cat., Sicily, pp. 8i, ^ Head, Hist. Num. p. 508. 

307 ; ib. Thrace, p. 133. 


ingenious suggestion of Jahn*, that the trophy may be 
sometimes regarded as her fipiras or rude image; for none 
of his proofs suffice for the theory**, and we have noticed 
reasons for interpreting the trophy always as the AyaXfia of 
Zeus. Nike, the personification of Victory, was in all pro- 
bability an emanation from Athena herself, but in the monu- 
ments must be distinguished from her; nor is it difficult to 
distinguish them, for the goddess who personifies the abstrac- 
tion is usually winged, wears none of Athena's attributes, and 
can be recognized generally by her action : she is pouring 
a libation to a warrior or a god, or is crowning the successful 
athlete, or decking the trophy, or leading animals to the 
sacrifice as a thank-offering for a triumph won. But it is 
more difficult to say by what marks we can recognize 
Athena Nike, the goddess revered by that name in actual 
cult in Megara, in Aegina, and on the Acropolis of Athens. 
We may, of course, say that the large group of representations 
of the goddess bearing the Victory in her hands, the great 
Pheidian statue of the Parthenon for instance, and its near 
or remote descendants present us with the idea of the vic- 
torious goddess. Yet none of these are actual cult-types of 
Athena Nike. But we have no reason to doubt*' that the 
statue described by Harpocration of the goddess * holding the 
pomegranate in her right hand and the helmet in her left,* is 
the xoanon for which the chapel, called in later times the temple 
of Nike Apteros, was built on the top of the southern wall of 
the Propylaea at Athens. It is usual to explain the pome- 
granate in this case as the emblem of fertility, as Athena was 
revered at Athens as the giver of the kindly fruits of the 
earth ; and this explanation is more natural on the whole 
than Botticher's, who sees here, as always, an allusion in the 
pomegranate to bloodshed and death ; for surely the goddess 
who has laid aside her helmet is more properly to be regarded 

* De Minerv. Simulac. pp. 33-34. bearing a trophy and the inscription 

^ The slight resemblance that the *A$rfvas ytxtj^pov, may show that in 

wooden post with the helmet, shield, this case the trophy was a thank-offer- 

and spear upon it bears to the Palla- ing to Athena, not that it was regarded 

dion is accidental. The coin of Per- as her image. 

gamon, published by Jahn (id. 3. 4), * Vide p. 3x3. 

Z 2 

340 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

as the peaceful dispenser of blessings. An unpublished black- 
figured vase, mentioned by Prof. Furtwangler •, has upon it 
the seated figure of the goddess holding the pomegranate but 
wearing the helmet ; and another, published by Gerhard and 
Jahn **, contains the scene of a sacrifice brought to Athena, 
who is seated and holding the cup in one hand and the helmet 
in the other. That any of these are reproductions of the 
statue in the shrine of Wingless Victory or Athena Nike, 
is somewhat improbable ; not because they must be earlier 
than this*^, but because the latter was probably a standing 
figure ; since the statue of Athena Nike at Olympia by 
Calamis was of the same type, and we may conclude from 
the context in Pausanias, who mentions it, that the latter 
work represented the goddess erect ^^ *'. Besides, a seated 
Nike is a most unusual type, and the figure of Athena Nike 
must in some way have resembled the standard form of Nike, 
else it is hard to see why men should have forgotten that it 
was the goddess herself, and have believed that it was the 
personification, and have commented on the winglessness. 

This, then, is the one well-attested representation of Athena 
Nike belonging to a public cult ; and the question is what 
criteria it gives us to judge whether the name may be applied 
to other monuments that have survived. In no later work 
is Athena found bearing the symbol of the pomegranate ; 
and it is doubtful whether the figure of the bare-headed 
Athena is always to be interpreted as Athena Nike^. But 
where the helmet is held out in her hand there may be reason 

• Roscher, Lexicon, p. 689. if it were carved simultaneoasly with 
^ AuserUsene Vasenbilder, 342, 1-2 ; the construction of the temple, and if 

De Antiquiss. Miuerv. Simulacr, i . i . we accept the story that a statue at 

* The term (6avoy which is applied Olympia was wrought in imitation of 
to it raises the suspicion that it was an this by Calamis, a sculptor whose 
archaic wooden idol, but this term is < floruit* belongs to an earlier period. 
also applied to the great chrysetephan- ^ For instance, the bare - headed 
tine works of Pheidias, which con- Athena on the Olympian Metope need 
tained a kernel of wood. The motive have no special name given her ; this 
of the work seems too elaborate for us is simply a natural type of the goddess 
to be able to impute to it a very remote in a peaceful situation, and appears 
antiquity ; although it may well be also on vases of the earlier part of the 
older than the actual temple, as the fifth century: vide Furtwangler, ,^Ari>/^- 
chronological difHculty would be serious, werke, p. 14 (Engl, ed.), note 5. 


for naming the figure as the xoanon described by Harpocration 
was named ; and we may recognize an Athena-Nike on the 
beautiful relief of Pentelic marble in Lansdowne House, of 
which an illustration is here given (PI. XVI). The figure has 
the measured stateliness of a temple-statue, the Doric chiton 
falling down into columnar folds after the manner of the 
austere religious sculpture of the fifth century. The owl and 
the olive seem to show the Attic origin of the work. The 
surface of the body is wonderfully warm, and the details of the 
flesh and the drapery are very carefully wrought. The cheeks 
are still broad, as in the fifth-century type of head, but are 
banning to be rounded. The relief belongs to the earlier part 
of the fourth century, when the tradition of the older religious 
art was still strong, but when the features and form and drapery 
were beginning to be more softly and lightly rendered. The 
representation gives a profound expression of victorious peace. 

It may be that Athena Nike was sometimes characterized 
by the absence of helmet and aegis ; a very beautiful 
relief* of Pheidian style and noble expression, now in 
the Acropolis Museum, shows us the fragments of three 
figures, a naked ephebos standing before a winged Nike, 
who raises her left hand to crown his head and rests her 
right arm round the neck of another goddess, who in such 
a group can scarcely be other than Athena though she lacks 
all the usual attributes ; the Nike who is here almost one 
with her would probably give her own name to this Athena, 
and explain her peaceful garb. 

An entirely different but scarcely less certain representa- 
tion of Athena Nike is seen on the Boeotian coins mentioned 
above with the type of the winged goddess, wielding the light- 
ning, and on an Attic drachm, probably of the earlier part of 
the fourth century ^ that shows us the winged goddess wearing 
the helmet and carrying the Palladium. The goddess cannot 
be merely Nike, for representations of Victory, the mere 
personification, bear none of the arms or other attributes of 

• Harrison and Verrall, Mythol. and p. 136. Cf. Muller-Wieseler, Denkm. 
Man. Anc. Ath. p. 367. d. A. K, 2. aao. 

^ Num. Comm, Pans. PL AA, 24. 

342 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Pallas. And this rare type of the winged Athena was already 
known in the archaic period, for it is found on the treasury 
of the Siphnians at Delphi*. We can only account for the 
wings by supposing that she borrowed them from Nike. 

Of the other political conceptions that attached to Athena 
and were recorded in the literature, only a few can be illus- 
trated from surviving monuments. We might interpret 
a figure on the coins of Alexandria (Coin PL B 25) as that of 
Athena ^Apxriyiris, the leader of colonies, because she carries 
an owl in her hand and this is the motive which, according to 
the scholiast of Aristophanes, was appropriated to the goddess 
bearing this title ^^^ But as Wieseler has pointed out^ the 
description of the scholiast is too slight to help us to discover 
this cult-type with certainty. It is most natural that Athena 
should bear the owl ; and there are many such representations 
of her on Athenian coins, and among them we are not able to 
decide which of them, if any, is the special type of Athena 
* Pipxqyiris, It may be that one in which she holds the corn- 
stalks in her other hand, or that in which she grasps the spear ; 
for both symbols would be appropriate to the goddess who 
planted the colony in the new land. 

The commerce of the state was protected by Athena under 
the name of Sra^fxta''^, and on coins of Alexandria we find the 
goddess wearing helmet, aegis, and chiton, and holding the 
scales of * right measure,' and the cornucopia''. 

It is an interesting question whether we have any character- 
istic representations surviving of Athena 'AyopaCa, the goddess 
who presided in the market-place over the assembly and 
council of the people. One such monument is elaborately 
described by the Byzantine historian, Niketas Chthoniata ^^'^j 
a bronze statue of Athena thirty feet in height, that stood in 
the forum of Constantine at Byzantium. She was clad in a 
long and elaborately folded chiton, and wore aegis and helmet. 
Her long neck was bare, and produced, according to the 
historian, an ' overpowering impression of voluptuous delight ' 

■ Bu/l, de Corr. Hell. 1894, p. 190. discussed with negative result. 
»» Miiller-Wieseler, D, d. A. K. 2. ^ Brit. A/us. Col. Alexandria, PI. 4, 

219*, where the whole question is 643. 


(i/utaxor eJy rihovr\v Oiafxa fjv) ; the lips were half open, as if her 
soft voice was passing through them, her eyes were languish- 
ing, her hair was luxuriantly arranged, and her left hand was 
pressed against her body and gathering together some of the 
folds of her garment, while her head was inclined in the same 
direction as her outstretched right hand was pointing. In 
spite of the vague verbiage of this account, we have no reason 
to doubt its accuracy. A clear type is presented to us of an 
Athena 'kyopaia, full of the incongruous and excessive senti- 
ment of the later Alexandrine period*. Now, the leading 
traits of this type, the one hand outstretched and the other 
pressed against the folds of the robe, the sidewards turn of the 
head, the parted lips, and the expression of languishment, are 
found together in one surviving work, the Athena * Mediatrix,' 
in the Louvre^, a work of early Graeco-Roman period, but 
probably derived from an Alexandrine original (PI. XVII). 
The statue in many essential respects strikingly agrees with 
that described by Niketas, only that here it is the left hand 
that is stretched out and the right is pressed against the side ; 
but its general character and sentiment are the same, and the 
reasons are strong for calling this also an Athena 'Ayopaia. 
And the small bronze statuette published by Miiller® is of 
the same type on the whole, and may claim the same title. 

The type of the Athena of the law-courts was certainly in 
one case at least that of Pallas in the traditional fighting pose, 
for one of the law-courts at Athens, as we have seen, took its 
name from the Palladium. But for monumental illustration 
of this function of the goddess we must go to the representa- 
tions of Orestes trial, of which the most important is perhaps 
the beautiful Corsini cup^. Among the figures wrought in 
relief upon it, Athena is recognized by her helmet, though she 
wears no aegis, and by her action. She stands over the urn 

* The pose and expression make Clarac, Afus^e de Sculpture^ PI. 320, 

strongly against the identification, to 871 ; Miiller-Wieseler, Denkm. d, A. 

which Mr. Stuart Jones inclines, of this JCunsi, a, PI. ao, a 17. 

work with the Pheidian ' Promachns * ° lb, no. 307. 

(nde Ancient Writers on Greek Scalp- ^ Baumeister, DenkmdUr Jes Class. 

ture, p. 78). AUerth. p. 11 19. 

^ Frohner, Sculpture Antique^ 121. ; 

344 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

dropping into it the casting-vote. The cup is generally 
regarded as a copy of one of the two that bore the same 
scene carved by Zopyrus in the time of Pompey ; but there 
is much in the style and forms of the figures that suggests an 
earlier period than this. 

Of Athena, who protected the union of the clan or family, 
Athena Apaturia or Kurotrophos, we have no certain monu- 
ment. The vase-representations, showing the goddess re- 
ceiving the infant Erichthonios, may convey an allusion to this 
function of hers ; and the statue in the Berlin Museum of 
Athena bearing the child in her aegis, may be intended to 
express the same idea. But these are merely mythological 
representations •. 

She appears more frequently in the monuments as the 
goddess of the arts, both of war and of peace. Athena 
Hippia, who taught the use of the chariot, was worshipped at 
Colonus, and though we cannot safely apply this cult-title to 
every representation in which she appears driving the chariot, 
we may attach it to the figure of the goddess on the silver 
cup and on the Attic coin published by Miiller ^ and on the 
Athenian relief published by Schone®. As the last-named 
monument was found on the Acropolis, and represents her in 
solemn pose erect in her car, we may suppose that it does not 
refer to any myth, but is a monument of the cult. 

The goddess of the peaceful arts was worshipped, if not 
at Athens yet at Sparta and Olympia, under the title 
of *Ergane*; the spindle in the hands of Athena Polias 
at Erythrae and at Ilium alluded to this function. But 
we have no existing representations that can with security 
be connected with the actual cult. The representation 
on the gem, published by Miiller*, of Athena riding on 

* Miill.-Wies., Z>. ^. ^. A'. 3. 236. It form holding in her aegis the sacred 

is impossible to interpret the Berlin chest from which the serpent £richtho> 

statne as Athena ^parpia holding a nios emerges. Afon. GrecqueSf 1895, 

new-bom Athenian child, for it is pi. 12. 
evidently derived from the same source ^ Op. cit a. 240, 240 *. 

as the statae fomid in Crete, and not • Griechische ReliefSy No. 136. 

long ago acquired by the Louvre, which * D. d. A, Kunst, a. 225. 

represents an Athena of almost identical 

Plate XVIII 


the ram, has been supposed to allude to her interest in wool- 
work and the arts of the loom, but it more probably has 
a sacrificial reference. The statue in Florence ■ of an Athena 
standing with something rolled round her right arm, which 
has been taken for a snake but may be a skein of wool, is 
a work of doubtful interpretation. We have more than one 
representation of the goddess assisting at the fabrication of 
the ship '*, but we cannot say that such scenes alluded inten- 
tionally to the cult or the name of Ergane. The potter who 
brings a thank-offering for success in his art, on a fifth-century 
vase of Athens, is making offering to an Athena whose form 
is that of the Pheidian Parthenos*^; but had there been at 
Athens any cult-type or accepted representation of Athena 
'Epyiz/ry, the goddess of the crafts, we should have expected 
to find it here. We have an allusion to the patroness of the 
potter's skill on a rude vase in the Berlin Museum *, showing 
Athena standing by a potter's oven; also perhaps to her 
interest in the lampadephoria, the ritual of fire consecrated 
to the three divinities who taught and fostered the arts of life, 
in a gem which contains the figures of Athena standing and 
Hephaestus seated under a tree®, both gazing earnestly at 
some spectacle (PI. XVIII. b). Once the goddess herself 
appears as a potter, on a Berlin vase that represents her 
forming the clay model of a horse, possibly with some allusion 
to the work of Epeios, who constructed the wooden horse for 
the capture of Troy with the aid of her teaching. 

The most interesting monument showing the popular 
conception of the creative power of Athena is the beautiful 
and well-known cylix in the British Museum, on which 
Pandora appears as a scarcely animate figure between 
Athena and Hephaestus, while the goddess is adding the last 
touch to complete her dangerous beauty^; and the idea 

• Gerhard, Akad, Abhandl. 37. 4. * Beschreibung der Vasinsamml. 801. 

»» E. g. Miiller-Wieseler, D. d. A, K. • Muller-Wieseler, D.d.A.K,2, 235 : 

a. 238. this isWieseler*s probable interpretation. 

« Published and described by Miss ' Published in Harrison and Verrall, 

Harrison, Mythol. and Mon, Anc, Ath, Mythol, and Mon, Anc. Aih. p. 450, 

p. 461, Fig. 58. Fig. 50. 

346 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

expressed in this is also illustrated by a sarcophagus-relief in 
the Capitoline Museum, on which Athena is presented insert- 
ing the soul in the form of a butterfly into a small human 
body that Prometheus is fashioning*. Lastly, the association 
of Athena with the art of the flute, which appears in Boeotian 
myth and cult, is illustrated by a series of monuments**; 
which, however, mainly refer to the myth of the goddess and 
Marsyas, who took up the flutes that she threw away and the 
curse with them ; and in none of them has her figure any 
religious significance. 

We cannot then derive any type of Athena Ergane from the 
group of monuments just examined, or find in them any clear 
reference to the particular cult. And as regards the statue 
called Athena Musica ^^, attributed by Pliny to Demetrius, it 
is difficult to speak positively as to its type, and it would 
be useless to search for any copy of it among existing 

On the other hand, the cult of Athena Hygieia has left us 
two undoubted monuments. The first is the statue *' in the 
Central Museum of Athens, found at Hieron near Epidauros, 
upon the basis of which is the inscription mentioned in the 
former chapter. The goddess wears the helmet, and bears her 
shield on her left arm and her aegis on her breast ; her right 
arm is stretched out in front of her, and she is moving rapidly 
to the right while turning her head back. It is the type of 
Athena charging in front of the battle, and wholly inappro- 
priate to the goddess of health ; and we must suppose that the 
sculptor has chosen the first traditional representation of her 
that occurred to him, and he gives us no clue for discovering 
the type of Athena Hygieia among other existing works. 
Nor can we derive from the second monument* any special 
characteristic of the type ; this is one of the ex-voto reliefs 

* Baumeister, Dettkm. cUs Class, vase published in the Annali Jell* Ins/t^, 

Alterih. Fig. 1568. 1879, Tav. d'Agg. D. 

^ Muller-Wieseler, D. d. A. K. 2. « Published in MiU. d. deutsch. Imt. 

239***, and Overbeck, Geschichte der 1886, p. 314; and Harrison and Verrall, 

Griechischen Plastik^ i. Fig. 50: cf. vase op. cit. p. 392, Fig. 23. 

m'^xXm^ Beschreilmngder Vasensamni' «* Bull, de Corr, Hell, 1877, P* i^4i 

lung im Antiqttarium^ 2418 ; and the no. 34. 



Efc' <^ 



^ ^^^^^1 





found in the Asclepieion on the Acropolis, on which we see 
her by the side of Asclepios, and therefore we must name her 
Athena Hygieia ; but she is armed in the usual way with 
helmet, aegis, and shield, on which her left hand rests ; and 
there is nothing here appropriate to the idea of the worship. 
A statue* of Hygieia in the Belvidere of the Vatican has 
been wrongly restored with a head that probably belonged 
to a statue of Athena the health-goddess (PI. XIX). The 
severity of the outline of the face, the arrangement of the hair 
in a long straight mass behind, the thoughtful expression, 
indicate an Athena ; but instead of her helmet she wears 
a stephane with a gorgon's head worked in relief in the centre, 
and two serpents symmetrically carved in horizontal position 
on each side of it, and we may most naturally regard these 
latter as symbols borrowed from Hygieia for this type of 
Athena, for they are found arranged in the same way on the 
stephane of an undoubted Hygieia formerly in the Villa 
Ludovisi ^ The style of the Vatican head does not seem 
to be markedly Attic ; we see rather the severer and more 
maidenly type of Athena's head with sharper lines and less 
rounded surfaces, that originated probably in the Peloponnese 
but penetrated also into Athens some time after the Pheidian 
period. We have no clue for testing the suggestion that the 
Vatican head is copied from the original statue carved in the 
time of Pericles by Pyrrhos. But the work is of great interest 
because it is the only monument in which the forms and 
expression proper to one ideal of Athena are combined with 
symbols of Hygieia, so that the double name is justified. 
Another though very inferior representation of the same 
divinity, that seems to be trustworthy, is found on a gem 
published by Miiller*^, that shows the goddess wearing the 
helmet and holding a spear and in the same hand the serpent 
that Hygieia usually holds, and standing before the seated Zeus 
(PI. XVni. c); the same figure appears among the types of 
Etruscan art **. We may also give the name of Athena Hygieia 

• Mon.delV Inst. 9. 49; Annali, 1873, * Miiller-Wieseler, D, d. A. K, 2. no. 

p. 5. 226». 

»• Vide Helbig, FiiArer, 870. <* Gerhard, Akad. AbhanJl. Taf. 34. 4. 

348 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

to the representation of the goddess that appears in reh'ef on a 
candelabra of the Vatican ' ; her helmet with its sphinx and 
Pegasoi recalls that of the Pheidian Parthenos, and she is hold- 
ing a cup for her serpent to drink from after the usual manner 
of Hygieia. The conjecture of Loeschke that we have here a 
copy of the Athena Hygieia of Pyrrhus is not wholly ground- 
less. The work of this sculptor might naturally have pre- 
served in certain details a reminiscence of the Parthenos, and 
it is not easy to say how he could have expressed the idea that 
he wished to embody otherwise than by associating Athena 
with the snake, the symbol of the divinities of health. The 
religious character of the Vatican relief has been pointed out 
by Wolters^ 

But we may conclude from the paucity of the monu- 
ments that the statues of this cult of Athena were com- 
paratively rare, and the discovery of the numerous ex-voto 
reliefs in the Asclepieion may incline us to believe that the 
goddess who personified health, the daughter of Asclepios, 
took the place at Athens of Athena Hygieia. 

The monuments of Athena to which some definite cult- 
name may with certainty be attached are found to be few in 
number ; but the record both of the literature and art is 
enough to prove her high importance for the national cult, 
especially at Athens, where her worship was linked most 
closely with the hopes and sorrows of the people, their 
fortunes and public life. The Attic monuments are most 
expressive of this, and it may be well to put together here 
by way of conclusion a few that illustrate some of the ideas 
already examined, and especially the character of Athena 
Polias and Boulaia. The Parthenon frieze-reliefs, though 
they do not belong to the group of cult-monuments, still 
afford the most striking monumental illustration of the most 
imposing ceremony of the state-religion in honour of the city- 
goddess. There can be no reasonable doubt but that the 

* Helbig, Fiihrer^ 2 1 o-a 1 1 ; Haaser, ^ Bausteine, 2 1 24-2 1 29 ; he also notes 

Di€ Neu-Attischen /beliefs, p. 63, nos. that many of the figures including that 

92-931 PP- I5i-i54» 169 ; published in of Pallas stand on a separate basis, Uke 

Pistolesi, // Vaticanc descritto, 5. a 8. separate statues. 


subject represented is the Panathenaic procession treated 
with a due observance of certain artistic laws. The corre- 
spondence of certain scenes on the frieze with the written 
record concerning the details of the ceremony is, as Overbeck 
and others have pointed out*, sufficiently conclusive. We 
find the sacrificial animals offered by the state and by the 
allies, the scaphephori and the carriers of the water-pots, 
the chariots with their armed apobatae (perhaps the most 
peculiar feature in the whole ritual), and possibly the * thallo- ^ 
phori ' or the band of elderly men bearing branches ; and 
although the representation is undoubtedly incomplete, we 
cannot prove that anything essential is omitted. To say this, 
however, implies the conviction that the group which forms 
part of the centre of the whole frieze clearly alludes to the 
bringing of the peplos, the leading motive of the whole 
service. It would be out of place here to discuss the many 
divergent opinions that have been expressed concerning this 
vexed question. It may be sufficient to state the chief reasons 
of my own conviction, which are two: in the first place, it 
appears incredible that Pheidias, in a representation which 
we are compelled for many reasons to interpret as the Pan- 
athenaic procession, should have omitted the chief feature of 
that procession : secondly, it is inconceivable that the greatest 
sculptor of the city should have placed in the centre of his 
frieze next to Athena herself the figures of a priest and a 
boy, holding between them a garment or piece of drapery 
which is too large for human wearing and perfectly agrees 
with our conception of the sacred peplos, and which would 
inevitably be taken for the peplos by the average spectator, 
but was intended by the sculptor to be something quite 
different. The belief that it is the peplos gives a deeper 
national significance to the whole scenes 

Turning to other Attic monuments illustrative of the part 
played by Athena in the public life, we may select as perhaps 

* Gesch. Griech. Plast. 1893, p. 438. wangler, whose argnments against Miss 

^ The most recent discussion of the Harrison*s theory that the object in 

question is an article in the Classical question is a arfojia^ appear to me 

Remew (1895, p. a6S), by Dr. Furt- convincing. 

350 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

the most interesting of all the reliefs found on the Acropolis, 
and certainly the most mysterious, that one which was dis- 
covered on the south of the Parthenon in 1888, and is now in 
the Acropolis Museum. A slab about half a metre in height 
contains the figure of Athena wearing helmet and Doric diplois 
in a strangely pathetic pose, and with an expression of melan- 
choly in her face (PI. XX). She stands by a small column 
leaning on her spear, her head drooping, and her right hand 
resting on her hip. The drapery is arranged in rigid columnar 
folds and shows a slight touch of archaism, of which there is 
also a faint trace in the eye and the contour of cheek and 
chin. Such indications lead us to assign the monument to 
the middle of the fifth century or slightly earlier, and though 
such expression of pathos is very rare in the art of this age, 
yet other instances of this are found •. What is unique and 
unparalleled is that a work of this austere period should 
represent the sorrow of a divinity, and that divinity the 
conquering Athena. This can be no ordinary grave-relief: 
she cannot here be mourning over some single citizen. The 
belief forces itself upon one that some great national disaster 
is here commemorated, such as the battle of Tanagra or the 
fall of the Athenian citizens in Egypt ; and that Athena is 
mourning over those whose names may have been written on 
the lower part of the slab now lost. The relief and the inscrip- 
tion with the names may have been dedicated on the Acropolis 
as a testimony of the public grief in accordance with a vote 
of the people. 

We have also a series of historic reliefs that refer to alliances 
or political relations between Athens and other states ; most 
of these are of the fourth century and filled the upper part 
of the stone upon which the inscription of the decree was 
written. The Athenian state is represented by Athena, 
in whose form we can usually trace the influence of the 
Pheidian masterpiece, the other city by the male or female 

* M. Cavvadias, Deltion Archaeol. ponnesian war {Journal of HtlUnie 

1888, p. 103, assigns it to the period Siudits, 1889, p. 267). The earlier 

immediately before Pheidias ; Mr. E. date appears to me after examinatioo of 

Gardner to the later years of the Pelo- the original far the more probable. 


^: :.^ 


figure that personifies it or by its tutelary divinity or hero. 
The most interesting and beautiful of this series is perhaps 
a relief that adorns an inscription • dedicated on the Acropolis 
in the year 403-402 B.C. (PL XXI. b), and expresses the grati- 
tude of Athens in her last distress to those of the Samians 
who remained faithful to the Athenian democracy. Athena 
clad in a low-girt Doric chiton and mantle, and equipped with 
Attic helmet, aegis, spear, and shield, stands on the right, grasp- 
ing the hand of a stately female figure, who also wears chiton 
and mantle and holds a sceptre upright in her left hand. She 
wears the stephane above her forehead, but is more probably 
a personification of Samos than Hera the tutelary goddess of 
the island. The history of Athens in the first half of the 
fourth century is also illustrated by similar reliefs ; for instance 
the alliance of Athens with Corcyra about 375 B.C., by a repre- 
sentation ** of Athena and a male figure personifying the demos 
of that island (PI. XVIII. a) ; her alliance with the Arcadians 
and Eleans*' in 362, by a relief on which she stands by Zeus and 
a maidenly figure who probably personifies the Peloponnese. 
On a monument of the same kind ^ published by Schone, 
we see her extending her hand to a goddess of lesser stature, 
wearing a calathos, whose name UapOivos^ *the maiden,' is 
inscribed above her, and the inscription refers to a treaty 
between Athens and Neapolis, the Thracian coast-city, or 
the city in Pallene, where the worship of *the Maiden' must 
have prevailed (PI. XXI. a). A decree offering hospitality, 
Ttpo^evia, to another city is commemorated by such a repre- 
sentation as that which Schone ® has published of Athena in 
an attitude and form immediately derived from the Pheidian 
Parthenos, standing before a male figure who is half-clad in 
a himation and leaning on a staff, and who personifies the 
Demos of the friendly state. 

A few of these reliefs allude to her close connexion 
with the Boule at Athens, and her title BovKaUi as the 

• Sketched in DgU. Archaeol. 1888, • Arch, Zeit. 1877, Taf. 15. i, 3. 

p. 134; for inscription vide ib. 1889, ** Schone, GrucAisckg ^els'g/s, no. ^8, 

pp. 27-29. Cf. 50, Athens and Methone. 

»» Bu/l de Corr. Hell. 1 878, PL 1 1 . 1 2. • Gritchische Reliefs, no. 62. 


divine counsellor of the state. A majestic and matronly 
figure, whom the inscription proves to be a personification 
of )3ovAiy, is seen standing by the side of Athena*, while 
a citizen is raising his hand to them in prayer. This is an 
ex-voto relief, and the representation may refer to the ritual 
of the €i(rtT77pta, the sacrifice and prayers that preceded the 
meeting of the council. On other reliefs it is Athena who 
appears giving the crown to the distinguished soldier, the 
victorious athlete, or to the girl-priestess who had fulfilled 
her duties welP. 

These Attic monuments prove then how deeply this 
worship was rooted in the hearts of the people, who con- 
secrated to her so much of their public and private life, and 
whose devotion invested her with a character deeper and 
more manifold than she possessed in the older literature. 

* Griech. Reliefs, 94. ^ Ib.U, 85. 



The sculptor who surpassed all others in dealing with this 
type is Pheidias, and the greatest monuments of her worship 
are associated with his name. To understand these, it is 
necessary to remember what had been accomplished by the 
archaic and transitional period. Enough, perhaps, has already 
been said about her form in the archaic art ; her predominant 
character there is warlike, although the peaceful and even the 
maternal idea appeared in some of the monuments, such as 
the seated figures found on the Acropolis : and already the 
older art had depicted her as the goddess of victorious peace, 
and the fertility that peace brings, under the type of Nike 
Apteros. Within its own narrow limits of expression it had 
sometimes been able to show the maidenly aspect of the 
war-goddess ; but usually the forms and proportions are 
scarcely distinct from those of other goddesses, and the face 
has rarely any clear or individual character. Nor does the 
drapery add much to the ideal ; in the later archaic period 
she wears often an Ionic chiton with sleeves, and over this 
a mantle which is looped up on one shoulder, and falls down 
from beneath the aegis in stiff parallel zigzag folds, as we see 
it on the form of Athena from the western Aeginetan gable, 
a work that represents the utmost that archaic art could do in 
rendering this type (PL XXII. a). The girdling and the Doric 
chiton, which are used with significant effect in the Pheidian 
works, are scarcely known in the period before the fifth 
century. Sacken and Kenner* have published a statuette of 

• Broncen, Tat 8. i. 
VOL. I. A a 


354 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

Athena at Vienna of the late archaic period (PI. XXII. b), 
wearing a diploidion girded with a serpent under the aegis, so 
that the drapery down to the waist is divided into three fields, 
as we see it on the Pheidian Athena, We find a similar effect 
of girdling on a bronze of Athena Promachus in the British 
Museum, published by Dr. Murray*, which shows an archaic 
scheme of drapery and an archaic treatment of the hair, but 
a more advanced and noble type of features with broad sur- 
faces and serious expression ; there is no sufficient reason for 
connecting it with the early art of Pheidias, as Dr. Murray 
does; it is probably of the pre-Pheidian period, retaining 
much of the archaic style (Plate XXIII. a). 

The earliest artists made their meaning clear simply by 
symbols and pose or action. As regards the period imme- 
diately preceding Pheidias, we have no great monumental 
work attributed to any well-known artist of this age, except 
the Athena Nike at Olympia carved by Calamis, which has 
been mentioned and discussed above. But a few works that 
have survived from the first half of the fifth century show 
us a marked advance towards ideal characteristic rendering. 
The earlier of the two coins of Troezen presents us with 
a type of features broad, strong, and earnest, and a severe, 
almost masculine, arrangement of the hair (Coin PI. A ai); 
and on a red -figured vase of the Louvre of fine severe style 
we have a striking representation of Athena in peaceful pose, 
holding the spear and olive-branch. An interesting remnant 
of the sculpture of this age is the metope from the temple of 
Zeus Olympics at Olympia, on which Heracles is represented 
cleansing out the Augean stables in the presence of Athena. 
The goddess wears an * Attic' helmet, and her shield is on 
the ground by her feet ; there is little expression in her face 
except of sombre earnestness, and her eye has something 
of the triangular formation, and the centre of her face the 
flatness, of the archaic type. But it is in the drapery that 
a new and austerer style, aiming at simplicity and nobility, is 
manifest; she wears a Doric chiton, a diploidion, of which 
the upper fold falls from the shoulders to just above the waist, 

• History of Greek Sculpture, voL a. PI. lo. 



where there appears the delicately traced edge of the fold 
which is formed by a part of the chiton being drawn up 
over the hidden girdle. We have here one of the earliest 
instances of that beautiful and stately disposition of the 
chiton which we see on some of the figures of the Parthenon 
frieze and the Caryatids of the Erechtheum, and which con- 
tinued in use after Pheidias, chiefly for religious and ceremonial 

Another still more interesting monument of the pre- 
Pheidian period has already been mentioned : the relief on 
which Athena is represented in pensive attitude, and which 
shows more careful sculpture and far warmer rendering of the 
surface than the Olympian metope. No preceding sculptor 
had put so profound an expression of thought into the 
maidenly countenance ; and the drapery, a Doric diploidion 
girt about the waist. ha<? a fascinating simplicity and lightness 
appropriate to the martial goddess. We find such an arrange- 
ment of the dress, though somewhat richer, on the masterpieces 
of Pheidias. 

One work that appears to belong to the period before 
Pheidias, and has even been thought to illustrate the earlier 
style of the great master himself ^ is the small bronze of 
Athena from Portici, now in the Museum of Naples (PI. 
XXIV. a). She stands with her weight resting chiefly on her 
right foot, her right hand holds forth a libation-cup, and her 
head, that is guarded by the high-crested Attic helmet, is 
turned and slightly inclined to this side ; her left hand is held 
up on a level with her head, and was grasping a spear. Her 
drapery is the same in its arrangement as that of the Olympian 
Athena, except that the Doric chiton here has sleeves and the 
fold overhanging the girdle is smaller. But in softness and 
richness of execution it is far superior. There is a trace of 
the old stiff'ness in the attitude, for, though the lower limbs are 
well posed and there is a distinction that produces a fine effect 
of balance between the leg that supports and that which is 

* We find it on one of the female the British Museam. 
figures, probably a divinity, carved on ^ Conrad Lange, Arch, Zeit, 1882, 

the drum of tlie Ephesian column in p. 35, Taf. a. 

A a 2 




free from the weight, yet this distinction is not carried out as it 
should be in the upper body and in the marking of the hips. 
But the face shows the broad surfaces, the strong chin, the 
large eyebrow and eye-socket of the Pheidian type ; the few 
locks of hair that appear beneath the helmet on the temples 
are drawn back at right angles to the face, half revealing the 
ear. The face has no longer the sombreness that darkens the 
countenances of the transitional art, but is maidenly, thought- 
ful, and benign. The whole is most impressive for its reserved 
and stately beauty ; and we may believe that this is a miniature 
copy of a temple-statue that was consecrated to the peaceful 
Athena dispensing blessing*. 

We gather from the records of Pheidias' work that no less 
than seven statues of the goddess are ascribed to him. If 
we may trust Pausanias, his earliest temple-image of her 
was the chryselephantine statue in a shrine near Pellene of 
Achaea ^^* ; but we can conclude from Pausanias' words that 
it was only the local legend, no inscription or direct evidence, 
that ascribed it to Pheidias, and that he himself was struck 
by a certain archaic character that marked it. Now we find 
a type of Athena on Roman imperial coins of Pellene ^ 
which show the goddess in warlike pose with uplifted shield 
and spear, but with her lower limbs tightly encased in 
a closely drawn chiton that is divided into different sections 
by means of horizontal bands. If this archaic type of idol 
reproduces the temple-image, the local legend that claimed 
Pheidias for its sculptor may well have astonished Pausanias. 
But his honesty saves us from the embarrassment in which we 
should be placed if we believed the story. 

We may regard as the earliest temple-image of Athena 
that can with certainty be ascribed to Pheidias, the Athena 

* ADother work that appears to be 
of the same age may be compared with 
this, the small bronze statuette of Athena 
that is published in the Gazette Archio- 
hgique, i8Si, PI. 7; the pose of the 
limbs and the inclination of the head are 
mnch the same, and the drapery closely 
letembles that of the Portici figure, 

except that the Doric diploidion is not 
drawn up over the girdle ; her arms are 
held out rather stiffly — the lef^ might be 
holding a spear, the right a cup ; the ex- 
pression of the face is earnest and pure. 
** Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, Aum, 
Comm, Paus, p. 91, PL S. 10. 


Areia dedicated in her temple at Plataea^"* in commemoration 
of the victory of Marathon ; a tithe of the spoils defrayed 
the cost of the statue, of which the body was formed of 
a kernel of wood laid over with gold, and the head and 
feet of Pentelic marble, a unique combination of materials. 
No numismatic or other copy of this statue has survived, but 
as she was worshipped in her temple there as the goddess of 
war, and the dedication of her image commemorated the 
battle, she would probably be represented in warlike attitude, 
advancing with spear and shield. 

But the greatest of his works that presented Athena under 
this aspect was his colossal bronze statue on the Acropolis ^^ *, 
which has been called by modern writers Athena Promachus, 
though there is no ancient authority for attaching this name to 
it, except that of the scholiast on Demosthenes. Error has arisen 
from the misunderstanding of a passage in the Byzantine 
historian Zosimus*, who recounts that Alaric when sailing to 
the sack of Athens saw the * fighting Athena moving upon 
the walls armed and as one about to charge the enemy, as 
one may see her in her statues.' What Alaric was supposed 
to see, then, was no statue, but a vision of the actual goddess. 
In fact no ancient writer gives us any clear clue at all as to 
her pose ^ ; we learn from Pausanias that she bore the shield, 
which was subsequently chased with a representation of the 
Lapiths* contest with the Centaurs, and she was armed with 
helmet and spear, of which the crest and the point could 
be seen, according to Pausanias, as you sailed from Sunium 
to Athens. The proper designation of this famous work 
is simply 'the bronze Athena on the Acropolis,' where it 
stood in the open air between the Erechtheum and the 
Parthenon, immediately facing the old approach through the 

Now in discussing its motive and pose, one must discard 
the illegitimate title of Promachus, and the conclusions 
that might be drawn from it. One thing seems clear: 

• Hist Nov. 5. 6, a. statue, but it is doubtful whether this 

** The epigram of Julianus **•• seems refers to the Polias or to the • Pro- 
to aUude to the warlike pose of the macbus' statue. 

358 CREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

the spear must have been held with its butt end resting 
on the ground, and its point in the air, for otherwise 
Pausanias could not have believed that the voyagers from 
Sunium could see in the distance the point and the helm- 
crest together. But was the shield poised on her arm or 
resting on the ground by her feet? The dimensions of 
the statue's basement, which has been discovered, and of 
which the depth exceeds the breadth, makes for the former 
view ; for if the shield had been originally placed on the 
ground, the breadth would at least have been equal, or — ^as 
was the case ^^^th the basis of the Parthenos — even greater 
than the depth. And these conclusions about the pose of the 
spear and shield are supported by evidence from late Attic 
coins. We have a small number from the age of the Antonines* 
that actually give us a rude sketch of the Acropolis rock, the 
steps leading up to it, the Parthenon and the Propylaea, and 
a colossal statue between the two buildings that certainly 
ought to be the bronze Athena. But the examination of 
them is most disappointing ; for the die-cutter has been too 
careless to distinguish between this statue and the Parthenos, 
and at least in two cases he puts the Nike into her extended 
right hand, which the Parthenos held and the * Promachus ' 
certainly did not. All that we can conclude from these is that 
the right arm was held so that the forearm was at right angles 
to the body ; and they tell us nothing tangible about the pose 
of the spear or the disposition of the drapery. 

But we have a few other coins of a different type **, on which 
Athena appears standing e7i face, but with her head turned 
to her right, and holding the shield on her left arm at right 
angles to her body, and her spear on the ground, but not 
parallel with the body (Coin PL B 26). It is this figure that 
has with great probability been regarded by Lange*^ as show- 
ing the type of the * Promachus.' For it agrees in all essentials 
of the type with the torso Medici "* in the Louvre (PI. XXIII. b), 
with a torso in the Central Museum of Athens*, and with 

» Imhoof-Blumer and Gardner, A«///. * Arch, Zeit. 1891, p. 197. 

Comm. Paus. Z. 3-6. «> Mon. delC Ifist. 3, Taf. 1 3. 

^ Ib.Z. I. 2. • Mitt, d, deutsch, Inst. 1880, Taf. 5. 


a figure of Athena on a relief found on the Acropoh's •. The 
goddess on these three last monuments wears, besides the 
aegis and girded Doric diploidion which we see on the coins, 
an under garment and a mantle over her shoulder, which on 
the coins are omitted probably from want of space ; the 
general effect of the drapery with the long columnar folds of 
the chiton irobrjpris is the same, and shows the special manner 
of Pheidias and the austere majesty that belonged to a temple- 
statue of his hand. The motive of the arms of the coin-figure 
agrees with the theory maintained above concerning the 
* Promachus ' ; the shield is held up on the left forearm, and 
the butt end of the spear is on the ground ; its oblique position 
may be a trait of the original, or may be an innovation due to 
the desire better to fill up the field of the coin : the same 
position of the arms is seen on the relief, while the torsos in 
Athens and Paris might be naturally so restored, though of this 
we cannot speak with certainty. Again, we find on the coins 
the head turned aside to her right : and Lange interprets this 
as a trait derived from the * Promachus/ whose form fronted 
the Propylaea, but whose face was turned so that she appeared 
gazing down towards the Ceramicus ; this motive is fainter 
but still discernible in the relief-figure and in the torsos, 
when we look at what remains of the muscles of the neck 
and at the inclination of the shoulders. The balance of the 
body is the same in all ; the weight is thrown on the left 
leg, and the right is free and the right knee is bent. We 
can say then that these plastic works and the figure on the 
two coins are derived from the same original ; the drapery of 
the torso Medici suggests that this was of bronze, and the 
style of all of them points to some masterpiece of Pheidian 
sculpture. This could not have been the Parthenos, nor the 
Athena in the gables of the Parthenon. But next to the 
Parthenos, the most famous Pheidian representation of Athena 
in Athens was the bronze Athena, which would naturally have 
tempted later sculptors to copy it, and of which the records 
well agree with the belief that the works just examined are 
reproductions of it. Of these the only one of high artistic 

• Mia. d. deutsch. Inst, 1880, Taf. 5. 




merit is the torso Medici in the Ecole des Beaux Arts ; it 
preserves the breadth and large fullness of form, the strength 
and stateliness of pose, and the decor in the folds of the 
drapery, that would belong to a Pheidian original famous 
throughout Greece. 

There are strong reasons for believing that this bronze 
Athena on the Acropolis was also called KXctSoCxoy, *the 
guardian of the gates,' an epithet naturally applied to one 
who stood armed before the entrance. The statue called by 
this mysterious name is mentioned among the bronze works 
of Pheidias cited by Pliny *, and by all the laws of context the 
Cliduchus should certainly be an Athena, and if it is not the 
colossal work on the Acropolis, then Pliny is strangely silent 
about this great monument. An objection has been brought ** 
against this interpretation of the word on the ground that 
no Athena could be represented holding a key, which is a 
symbol of the divinities of the lower world. But the objection 
vanishes if we understand the epithet — as we well may in 
accord with its constant usage in Greek — not literally, but in 
the sense of the * warder of the gate/ Not only, then, is this 
a natural epithet for Athena * Promachus,' who stood before the 
Propylaea, but we have the express testimony of Aristophanes 
that it was applied to the goddess at Athens : * the maiden 
in whose hand alone is our city and visible power and might, 
and who is called the warder of the gate ^* *.' 

In the Pheidian statues of Athena hitherto examined the 
warlike character predominated. But in his masterpiece, the 
gold and ivory temple-statue of the Parthenon, the ideal 
form of Athena which was accepted by the whole Greek 
world, the expression was more manifold and profound. The 
statue was dedicated in the year 438 B.C. *^ ; the most detailed 

• Pliny, 34. 54 * Ex acre (fecit Phei- 
dias) . . . Minervam tarn eximiae pul- 
critudinis ut formae cognomen acceperit. 
Fecit et Cliduchum et aliam Minervam 


. • • 

^ By Preller in Ersch und Gruber 
Allg. Encyclop, sec. 3, vol. 22, p. 195, 
who considers the Cliduchus to have 

been a statue of a priestess of Athena 
Polias ; the word is applied to a priestess 
in Aesch. Supp, 299 (cf. Iphig. Taur, 
1 463). For the key borne by the priestess 
vide Callimachus, Hymn toDemeier, 44. 
« '^*» Schol. Arist. Pax 605, accept- 
ing the correction Oco&O/xw for IIi/^o- 
Iwpov (dpxoyTos), 




account of it that has come down to us is given by Pau- 
sanias ^^^ **, who tells us that it was an upright figure clad in 
a chiton that reached to the feet, and wearing a helmet, in 
the centre of which was a sphinx and under each of the side- 
crests a griffin : on her breast was the Gorgon's head wrought 
of ivory, in her one hand was a Nike four cubits in height, in 
the other a spear ; a shield lay at her feet on the same side as 
her spear, and near it was coiled the serpent, the symbol of 
Erichthonios ; the birth of Pandora was wrought on the base 
of the statue in relief *. The flesh-parts would be of ivory, the 
drapery and the sandals of gold ; we learn from Plato that the 
pupils of the eye were of precious stones, so that the eyes gained 
a distinct expression, which at tjie height of nearly twenty-six 
cubits could not have been given them, had they been of the 
same material as the rest of the face. An inscription ^ proves 
that Nike herself was wearing a golden crown ; her form was 
probably of gold and ivory, as Athena s was, but constructed 
perhaps of thin plates upon a wire framework, so as to secure 
lightness*'. We gather something more of the general 
impression of the work from the account in Maximus 
Tyrius, who describes the Parthenos as a ' beautiful maiden 
of high stature and gleaming eyes, wearing a crested helmet, 
girt with an aegis, and bearing shield and spear '^^ ^* 

Thus conceived and represented, the Athena no less than 
the Zeus of Pheidias was thought to realize the ideal of 
Homer, being, as Maximus Tyrius says, * in no way inferior 
to the goddess in Homer's poetry.' We might rather say 
that the Homeric portrait of her falls short of this by Pheidias, 
who gives us the ideal goddess of the Attic religion, and 

• Pliny*B description ^^^ adds little 
and the text is evidently corrupt ; ' sub 
cnspide' could only mean under the point 
of her spear, and this is an unnatural 
expression when no spear had been 
mentioned ; and the serpent no more 
than the sphinx could be said to lie 
under the point of the spear ; * aerial ' 
sphinx is nonsense ; the best emenda- 
tion is Sub casside ' and 'anream.' Pliny 
writes as if he had never seen the 

statue; all that we learn from him is 
that the battle of the Amazons was 
wrought on the convex side of the 
shield, and the contest of the gods and 
giants on the concave : ' adeo momenta 
omnia capacia illi artis,* ' every inch of 
the material was to him an opportunity 
for art.' 

^ C. I, G. I. 130. 

° Vide Waldstein, Essays on the Art 
of Pheidias^ p. aSo. 

362 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

whose -work possessed the minds of later writers and sculptors. 
The vision of Athena that Aristides * saw is a vision of the 
Pheidian goddess : her full and perfect form having been 
present, according to another ancient writer, to the imagina- 
tion of the sculptor and rendered with great art worthy of 
her. And the Parthenos was ranked among the great works 
of Greek religious sculpture next to the Zeus Olympios, that 
Pheidian masterpiece of which the creation was thought to 
have added something to the received religion. 

Yet, although we have high testimony to its surpassing 
merit, we have no distinct record, such as we possess concern- 
ing the Pheidian Zeus, of the spiritual qualities that he gave 
to the work or of the forms of the countenance by which he 
expressed the nature of his ideal. But we can gather much 
from a consideration of her attributes. The warlike character 
that could never be wanting to a complete presentation of 
Athena was there undisguised ; the helmet, spear, and shield 
tell of it, and in the great battle of the gods and giants 
wrought on her shield she was certainly taking a prominent 
part. Yet this is merely accessory ; the shield and spear lie 
at her feet, and her whole pose, as she stood holding the 
Victory in her hand, must have been peaceful ; and we can 
gather that the whole work was dominated by the idea of 
triumphant peace won after battle against the powers that 
threaten order. For such is the meaning, in artistic sym- 
bolism, of the contest of the gods and giants, the Lapiths and 
Centaurs, the Greeks and Amazons. She was presented also 
as the goddess of hidden wisdom, typified by the sphinx on 
her helmet ; and as the goddess of creation, whose power was 
shown in the scene of the birth of Pandora, and perhaps in the 
olive, her product, which may possibly have supported her 
right hand**: while in the Medusa head on her breast and the 
Pegasi, which, as will appear, Pausanias wrongly calls ' griffins,' 
we have an allusion to her sympathy with heroic achievement 
and possibly to the legend that she taught Bellerophon the 
art of bridling the horse ^ 

• Vol. I, p. 475, ed. Dind. « It would be merely to commit an 

^ Vide infra, p. 365. anachronism to search in this case for 

Plate XXVI 



But most clearly did this monument reveal in her the 
character of guardian of Athens, the keeper of its imperial 
wealth that was stored behind her in the Opisthodomos, the 
treasure-chamber of the temple ". The serpent by her shield 
was regarded as a form of Erichthonios, the mythic ancestor ; 
and the worship of Athena in her relation to Erichthonios 
was, like the cult of Hestia, the religious symbol of the con- 
tinuous city-life. As his guardian and foster-mother, she was 
Athena Polias, whose archaic xoanon stood in the temple 
hard by, and whose name was sometimes attached to the 
Parthenos herself. In fact there is no distinction between 
the Parthenos and the Polias Athena, and the Parthenon 
was no mere treasure-house or festival-edifice, as was sup- 
posed by Botticher, but the shrine of the chief worship of 
the city. 

Most fortunately we have other than written records of this 
great work. In the first place we have the well-known marble 
statuette found in the Pciraeeus (PI. XXVI), which can be 
proved to be a very faithful, though dull and unimaginative, 
copy of the Athena Parthenos of Pheidias : it is a miniature 
that almost entirely agrees with Pausanias' account, and it has 
omitted none of the accessories except the relief-work on 
the base and on the shield ; and the copyist has faithfully 
preserved the proportions of the original, as the Nike which 
she carries in her right hand bears to the whole figure the pro- 
portion of four to twenty-six, and on the back of the statuette 
are discerned three points for measuring. The helmet also 
shows the rich ornamentation natural to chryselephantine 
technique. The deep sharp-cut folds and edges of the chiton 
display the forms of metal work, and only the main lines and 
courses of the drapery have been given, the copyist having 
followed the original in avoiding the smaller more delicate 
cross-lines that would have been lost in the reflection of the 

any physical meaning or symbolism in • Vide BoecVh, Economy of Athens^ 

the sphinx or Pegasos or Medusa. The 3. 20 : who shows that the Opistho- 

sphinx may have once in Egypt denoted domos which held the treasure of the 

the sun, Pegasos and Medusa may once confederacy must have been that of the 

have been the lightning or rain or moon ; Parthenon, not of the Athena Polias 

but this had been very long ago. temple. 




dazzling material of gold. He has also tried to reproduce 
something of the splendid effect of colour which he saw in the 
original. We note traces of red in the hair of the plume, on 
the face of the sphinx and on the border of the shield ; and 
yellow colour on the hair of the goddess, of the sphinx, and 
of the Gorgon, as well as on the manes of the winged horses 
and on the edges of the drapery. The eyes are bordered with 
red, the iris is tinged a blue-black. The statuette also enables 
us to supplement, and in one respect to correct, the account of 
Pausanias. He speaks of griffins on the helmet, and the copy 
shows us winged horses under the two side-plumes; now 
the evidence of Attic coins and other works that reproduce 
more or less faithfully the helmet of Athena Parthenos proves 
that the copyist was correct in this detail *. Still Pausanias is 
not known to have been short-sighted, and though he omits 
much in his account, he would not positively state that he saw 
something on a statue which was not there ; and as some coins 
show the griffin distinctly ^, and the foreparts of this fabulous 
animal are seen above the visor of Athena Parthenos on the 
medallion of St. Petersburg, which will be mentioned again 
later, it is probable that it was carved in low relief on the side 
of the helmet *". In fact the helmet was laden most richly with 
imagery, for it is probable that over the visor other animal- 
forms were carved, namely, the foreparts of horses that may 
have alluded to her title of Hippia^: possibly even the owl 
found a place in this accumulation of ornament*. And, lastly, 
further to enhance the richness of the work, the neck and ears 
were no doubt adorned with necklace and earrings, as we see 

• Vide Gardner, Num. Comm. Paus. 
p. 127 ; late silver coins, PI. Y. 23; ijem 
of AspasioSj^o/tr^. d. deut. Inst. 3. Taf. 
10. 10; St. Petersburg medallion, PI. 
XXIV. b. 

^ Beul^, Monnaie d^Athents^ P- 5 * • 
^ The griffin is chiefly associated with 
Apollo and Artemis ; it is doubtful if it 
has any symbolic meaning at all, or any 
other than a mere decorative value on 
the helmet of Athena. Boeckh men- 
tions the dedication of griilins to Athena 

in the Parthenon; Staatsh. d. Ath. 2. 
p. 252, 1. 15. 

^ We find them on the coins of Alex- 
andria {Num. Comm, Paus, Y. 25), 00 
the gem of Aspasios, on the visor of 
the Athena of the Villa Albani, and 
traces of them on the visor of the 
Athena Antiochos. 

• It appears on the St. Petersburg 
medallion, but this is in all probability 
a freedom that the goldsmith allowed 


them on the gem of Aspasios, the St. Petersburg medallion, 
and on the Minerve au Collier in the Louvre. 

Again, the statuette has been supposed to add something to 
our knowledge of the structure of the whole : it shows us the 
pillar, about which Pausanias and the other writers are silent, 
supporting the right hand of Athena. Now it has been 
thought that some such support under the outstretched hand, 
in the palm of which stood a statue of gold and ivory, was an 
architectural necessity ; and it is seen not only in the statuette 
but on more than one relief containing a reproduction of the 
Parthenos, as well as on a leaden tessera of Berlin *, where it 
is difficult to find an explanation for the support appearing 
under the hand of the Pheidian figure that is copied there, 
unless it had been seen in the original work. And it has been 
urged that some support would be artistically desirable also as 
some counterpoise to the weight of attributes on her left. But 
would Pheidias, if he found some support necessary, have been 
content with a mere architectural pillar, heavy and awkward 
in itself, and contributing nothing to the meaning of the 
whole ? This would have seriously marred the perfection of 
his work ; and if the arm really needed something to rest on, 
we can advance a more attractive theory than that which 
accepts the pillar ; for a coin of Cilicia of the fourth century, 
on which a fairly exact copy of the Parthenos appears, 
presents the support not in the form of a meaningless column 
but of an olive-tree**; and Dr. Murray maintains that this 
coin-representation reveals to us how Pheidias was able to 
combine architectural necessity with the ideal artistic prin- 
ciple of making each part of the whole significant. Certainly 
an olive-tree would be better than a bare unadorned pillar. 
But it is very singular that no ancient authority should have 
mentioned so conspicuous an object as the olive-tree, which 
must have been some sixteen feet in height : although it is 
open to us to say that it was mentioned in the text of 
Pausanias at that point in the description where there is an 
obvious lacuna in the MS. On the other hand we may fairly 

» Arch, Zeit. 1857, Taf. 105; Num, Comm. Pans, p. 127. 
^ Num, Comm, Peons. Y. aa. 

366 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

maintain that Plutarch ^^® ** does actually refer to the pillar- 
support, when he says that Pheidias carved *the golden 
statue of the goddess ' and that his name was inscribed * on 
the pillar ' : for the context suggests that this ' stele ' was 
a part of the whole monument*. Sir Charles Newton's view, 
maintained and developed by Dr. Waldstein **, that no support 
at all was necessary, as the figure of Nike might have been 
poised and secured on the hand of Athena by some mechanism 
of bars and weights hidden within the statue, is reasonable in 
itself ; but these writers do not sufficiently explain Plutarch's 
statement or the presence of the column in the copies. 

The last contribution of the statuette to our knowledge of 
the external motive of the whole statue is its evidence in 
regard to the position and action of Nike. The written 
records leave us doubtful whether the Victory was turned 
towards Athena as if hailing her as the goddess of per- 
petual triumph, or turned away from her as if dispensing 
victory from her to her people. Either pose can be illustrated 
from the monuments® that reproduce the work : but there are 
very serious objections against accepting either as the real 
Pheidian motive. If she were fronting Athena, she would be 
turning her back on the spectator, and the effect would cer- 
tainly be ungainly ; and if she were standing with her back to 
the goddess, she would seem to be flying away from her, and 
the whole composition would lose in unity. The statuette 
shows, no doubt, the original position and testifies to the 
skill of Pheidias ; for Nike is placed obliquely so that she 
could be looking up to Athena and yet not wholly turning 
her face from the spectator or from the successful athlete, 
whom it may have been the custom to bring up to the statue 

» That GTrfXtf could not be used by the balance of Nike on the outstretched 

a late writer in this sense is not clear, hand of Zeus Ol3nnpios, where there is 

though Hiojy would be the more usual no hint of any external support, 

word. ^ Turned towards Athena on Attic 

^ Vide "^Q^frXoUy Journal of Hellenic coins, Num. Comm. Paus, Y. i8, 20; 

Studies, 2. pp. 2-4 ; Waldstein, Art of also on fourth-century coins of Cilicia, 

Pheidias^ pp. 275-281, who tries to Due de Luynes, Numismatiqui eUs 

account for the presence of the column Satrapies^ PL 3. 5-6 ; turned away 

on the reliefs and the marble statuette. from Athena and crowning an athlete. 

The same explanation may be given for Michaelis, Parthenon, PI. 15. 7. 


to receive his crown. And, lastly, the statuette proves that 
in addition to the crown which, according to the Attic 
inscription already mentioned, Nike was wearing on her head, 
she held a garland in her hands, raising it towards the 
goddess as an emblem of her triumph. 

As regards the drapery, the statuette is no doubt an 
accurate copy : we see the same girded Doric diplois as 
appeared on the figure of the bronze Athena, and which is 
attested by the coins that reproduce the Athena Parthenos, 
and which belongs to the austere maidenly character of the 
goddess ; it is so arranged that the whole front-surface of the 
body is divided into four fields, and the heavy straight folds 
below perform the function of columnar supports, and give 
the solemnity or aefjLvorqs proper to the temple-statue. 

We may gain also a fairly accurate idea of the proportions 
and pose of the original. The head is to the body in the 
normal ratio of one to seven, yet the massive helmet gives to 
the upper parts the appearance of some excess ; but in the 
original this need not have been felt, for it was necessary for 
Pheidias to take into account the great height of his image, 
and to emphasize the upper parts, lest diminished by distance 
they should seem out of proportion with the lower. 

As regards the pose, the weight is thrown on the right and 
the left knee is bent, and the one side is as free as in the 
Polycleitean statue, and the whole form has something of the 
same quadrilateral or four-square outline that we see and the 
ancients noted in the Doryphorus. But the fine rhythm and 
supple balance discernible in the * canon ' is not found here ; 
for although the body leans its weight on the right leg, the 
hips are level and the left shoulder is only very slightly higher 
than the right. And here, too, we may believe that the 
copyist was accurately following his model, and that Pheidias, 
in determining the pose of his colossal temple-image, which 
was an architectural construction as well as a great work of 
religious sculpture, intentionally preserved something of the 
rigidity of the ancient style; of which a trace appears also in the 
symmetrical disposition of the locks of hair on the shoulders. 
It is incredible that this should be due to lack of skill or 

368 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

knowledge : the Parthenon frieze, the work of his genius if 
not of his hand, would refute such a belief. The face also is 
of a somewhat more archaic type than the other Pheidian 
heads, for its form is more four-square than the heads of the 
Parthenon, the central plane being as it were distinct from 
the two sides ; and though the cheeks are full, the forms have 
a certain architectural severity ; the line of the eyebrows is 
very precise, and the parts about the nose and mouth lack 
modulation. These qualities might be thought to show an 
earlier style, or they might also show the judgement of the 
sculptor, who reckoned with the effect of height and with the 
nature of the material. But when we examine other reproduc- 
tions of the Parthenos head, we begin to suspect the accuracy 
of the statuette in its treatment of this part of the original. 

The copyist has, in fact, especially failed in his rendering 
of the countenance, which lacks spiritual expression and 
ethos, and is only a blank scheme of forms. Yet the 
statuette allows us to feel the austere solemnity of the 
original, the impressiveness of the measured pose of the 
limbs, and the purity of the drapery. 

To gather an impression of the face of the Parthenos, we 
should examine two other copies of far greater technique 
and imagination. 

A head has recently been found in Athens (PI. XXV), which 
has not yet been published, and which is the most remarkable 
instance yet known of a marble reproduction of a gold and 
ivory original ; it is undoubtedly a head of Athena, although 
the helmet is wanting, and a copy of the Pheidian master- 
piece. The marble is polished so as to resemble ivory ; and 
we note the traces of gold on the red-coloured hair ; the 
eyeballs were of a different material and have fallen out. 

As regards the features, this fragment serves to correct 
the impression given us by the statuette: there is no 
mathematical scheme of four-square outlines here; the 
contour is a full, rounded oval, and the traits of the face 
are eminently Pheidian, an epithet with which the work on 
the Parthenon frieze furnishes us to describe the dominant 
type of the grandest style of Attic sculpture. The forehead 


is broad and the hair drawn away from it ; the cheek is large, 
and also the chin ; the lips are full and half opened, and with- 
out much curvature ; the eyelids are large and thick. The 
expansive brow, the deep large eye-sockets, and the great 
breadth between the eyes contribute to the extraordinary 
impressiveness of this head, and perhaps no work of Greek 
religious sculpture is more striking for the expression of 
solemnity, earnestness, and inner life in the face. It is 
probably the work of a sculptor of high imagination who 
lived not long after Pheidias, and who aimed at reproducing 
the Parthenos in marble on the scale of ordinary life-size. 

The work next in importance to this is a representation of 
the Parthenos head on the St. Petersburg gold medallion', 
found in a grave in South Russia (PL XXIV. b). The face is 
given three-quarters full ; and we can see the whole of the 
extraordinarily rich decoration of the helmet, with the sphinx 
and Pegasi beneath the three crests, the visor adorned with 
the foreparts of stags and griffins alternately. The spear rests 
on the left shoulder, and is kept in its place by the device of 
encircling it with one of the serpents of the aegis, a motive 
which, as the writer that publishes the medallion well argues, 
must be derived from the original. The hair falls upon the 
shoulders in two beautiful spirals of gold, and as this is the 
only style of treating the free locks proper to gold-work, we 
may believe that the artist has followed Pheidias in this also. 
The face closely resembles that which has just been described : 
the features are full and broad ; the chin rather large, the lips 
just parted, the nose in a line with the forehead, the eyelids 
thick, the pupils marked. The expression of mild earnest- 
ness and tranquil power is masterly, and the view expressed 
by Kieseritzky that the artist has been trained in the Pheidian 
school is not without reason. , 

The marble copy of the Parthenos head found in the 
gardens of Sallust, and now in the Berlin Museum ^ is only 
interesting as a specimen of polychromatic sculpture; it is 

• Reproduced in the Mittheilungen d. also in Harrison and VerraU, Myths 
deutsch. Inst, aus Athen, year 1885, Taf. and Mon, Anc. Ath, 
15, with a long article by Kieseritzky; ^ Anlike DenktndUr^ 1886, PI. ^ 

VOL. I, B b 

370 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

a Roman work, false in forms and expression ; the features 
are small and lack grandeur or breadth, and the teeth are 
showing. The gem of Aspasios, a work of the later period, 
is important for the representation of the helmet, but the face 
lacks expression, although the forms of the face appear to be 
correctly reproduced. 

It might be expected that so great a work as the Athena 
Parthenos of Pheidias would have left many copies of itself, 
and two statues at least may be quoted that may be regarded 
as free reproductions of it : the Athena formerly in the 
Villa Ludovisi, by a sculptor of the late Attic school, whose 
name may have been Antiochus *, and the statue known as 
the Minerve au Collier of the Louvre. The former agrees 
with the statuette in the pose of the lower and upper limbs, 
in the arrangement of the drapery, and, on the whole, in the 
contour of the face ; the arms are restored, but doubtless the 
right hand was holding the Nike and the left resting on the 
shield ; the helmet has lost the adornment of figures which it 
originally had, and the style proper to metal-work does not 
appear so much in the drapery as in the arrangement of the 
hair, which is twisted into a series of concentric rings above 
the forehead. The statue in the Louvre shows the same 
balance and pose of the limbs ^ and is probably nearer to the 
original in the motive of the arms. But the drapery, though in 
other respects the same as that of the statuette, is modified 
by the addition of the upper garment. The face has been much 
restored, and we can scarcely draw any conclusion from it as 
to the fidelity of the copyist ; but the helmet retains part 
of the original rich decoration, and we see the symmetrical 
disposition of the curls over the shoulders. The statue has 
preserved something of the stateliness of the original, but the 
sculpture is cold and dull, and dates from the Graeco-Roman 

The Albani Pallas (PI. XXVII) is a work that deserves 
notice among the ideal types of Athena ; and the question 
arises how far it can claim aflinity with the Pheidian original. 
It surely cannot be derived from a type created in the period 

• Mon, (klV Inst, 3, 27. *» Muller-Wieseler, Denkmdier, 2. 22. 211. 

Plate XXVII 




before Pheidias, as has been supposed *. For the pose of the 
body shows some advance in the direction of greater freedom 
and ease beyond that of the Parthenos statuette, for though 
the weight is thrown on the same side, the motive is continued 
in the upper body as it does not appear to be in the statuette, 
the right shoulder of the Albani figure being lower than the 
left, and the head is turned to the side on which the weight 
is poised. She wears an Ionic chiton with sleeves, of which 
the delicately traced parallel folds appear at the feet, and over 
this a thick double himation, which is looped up over the 
right shoulder, and of which the large upper fold falls back 
again over most of the body, leaving the left breast free ; 
its op in borders are marked with the wavy line of the older 
severe style, but this severity contrasts with the fine freedom 
of some of the other folds, and we have an effective distinction 
between a stronger and milder style in the drapery. But here 
the Pheidian idea is entirely lost: in the place of the girt 
Doric sleeveless chiton, so appropriate with its severe sim- 
plicity and columnar folds to the temple-image of the armed 
maiden goddess, we have an arrangement of costume that is 
majestic and stately, but which aims at imperial display 
rather than expression of character ; it is matronly rather than 
maidenly. The face, too, has little of the Pheidian form, but 
has the sharp mathematical lines and angles of the Pelopon- 
nesian type, and nothing of Pheidian expression. The 
countenance is severe, almost sombre, and this is enhanced 
by the lion's muzzle, the curious and unique device on her 
head which takes the place of her helmet, an innovation of the 
sculptor, who may have been thinking of Heracles, or who 
wished to allude vaguely to her heroic character *. The whole 

■ For instance by Dr. Furtwangler in 
Roscher*s Lexicon^ pp. 695, 696. The 
examples he quotes merely prove that 
the pKrculiar arrangement of the drapery 
can be traced back to the late archaic 
period : we see it in germ on vase-figures 
of Athena of the red-figured transitional 
style, e.g. Gerhard, Auserlesetu Vasen- 
bildetf 1 16. 147. 143. 18, but the tffect 

is entirely different; the bronzes that 
show the same arrangement as the 
Albani statue are all of the post- 
Pheidian and some of the Roman 
period, e.g. Sacken and Kenner, Bron- 
ccn^ Taf. 8. 4 and 7, Taf. 9, Taf. 5. 4. 

** Dr. Furtwangler maintains in his 
MtisUrwerke, p. 80 (Engl, ed.), note 1, 
that it is a wolf's or a dog's muzzle that 

Bb 2 

372 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. 

figure has less effect of height than of squareness ; at the same 
time it impresses us strongly, and it has an historic interest 
as the statue which, above all others, appears to have inspired 
Winckclmann with his conception of the *grand style' of Greek 
sculpture. It is probably a copy of an original wrought at the 
end of the fifth century, possibly under Polycleitean influence. 
A different and very interesting representation of Athena 
by Pheidias was the famous Lemnian statue, which was dedi- 
cated on the Acropolis by the inhabitants of Lemnos^^^^ 
Pausanias tells us merely that this was the most remarkable 
of the works of Pheidias, and that it was called the * Lemnian' 
Athena — a-nb rGiv avaO^vjoDv, that is, because its dedicators 
belonged to the island. These have been usually and very 
naturally regarded as the Attic colonists, who, as Prof. Kirch- 
hoff*^ skilfully argues from epigraphical and other evidence, 
were allotted cleruchies there between 451 and 448 B.C. Now 
the view put forward by Prof. Loeschke, that the monument 
was erected on the occasion of their departure, is probable, 
but cannot on the existing evidence be proved ; it is a priori 
quite as likely that the settlers sent this token to Athens 
some years afterwards as a thank-offering for their prosperity 
in their new home. The ancient records about this work are 
unfortunately vague. Besides Pausanias, the only other 
writer who explicitly mentions it is Lucian, who borrows traits 
from it for his type of the ideal maiden, praising in particular 
the * contour of its face, the tenderness of its cheeks, and the 
symmetry of its nose*; and he evidently regarded it as the 
most perfect achievement of Pheidias' art. We gather from 
Pausanias that it stood on the Acropolis, not far from the 
Propylaea. This is all that we are expressly told about it. 
It seems, however, most natural to refer to this work the 
statement in Pliny that Pheidias * wrought a Minerva of 
bronze of such surpassing beauty that it received the title 
of "formosa" (?)*; and nearly every writer has assumed that 
this refers to the Lemnian Athena, who may have been 
styled Ka\\lfiop(f)09 or some such name. We should gather, 

covers the head ; and refers to the cap of Athena in the worship at Coronca. 
of Hades, and the chthonian character * Abhandl.d.BeriiH.Akad,i%iij'^,^^. 


then, that the Lemnian was a bronze work. And we should 
at once accept this identification, assuming that Lucian's 
judgement was also the judgement of antiquity, but for one 
difficulty : if the Lemnian Athena on the Acropolis was of 
bronze, how came it that the Athena Promachus was generally 
known as *the bronze Athena' on the Acropolis, while there 
was there another statue of the same goddess by Pheidias also 
of bronze ? We may still reckon the balance of probability 
in favour of the belief that Pliny, Pausanias, and Lucian are 
speaking of the same statue. But in any case we cannot say 
with absolute certainty that we know even the material of 
which the Lemnian Athena was carved, still less can we be 
sure of tbc form and motives of the statue, so far as the 
literary record can teach us. The quotation from Himerius, 
placed by Overbcck among the records of the Athena Lemnia, 
is mere hazy verbiage, and can give no scientific evidence : 
the rhetorician takes pains to inform us that ' the natural 
powers of Pheidias were strengthened by the discovery of new 
forms. He did not always carve Zeus, nor cast in bronze the 
maiden with her arms, but devoted his art to other divinities 
and adorned the maiden-goddess, infusing a blush into the 
cheek, that instead of the helmet a blush might serve as 
a covering for her beauty.' Is there any reality behind these 
words ? If they signify anything they ought to mean that 
Pheidias carved a new type of the unarmed Athena without 
her helmet ; it is far too much to conclude that this was the 
Lemnian. Lastly, we are supposed to have an allusion to 
a Pheidian type of Athena without her arms in the inscription 
found near the site of Paphos, of the second century B. C, 
mentioning a statue of Athena dedicated to Aphrodite ^^^ ®. But 
unhappily the text is corrupt just at those points where the 
theory might have been tested : the second line, by a probable 
restoration, would mean that she did not need her arms when 
coming to visit Cypris ; but the first line mentions shield or 
aegis and Nike, and the dative x^P^ that occurs in it cannot be 
accommodated to any restoration of the text that would make 
this line mean that she had left behind her these tokens of 
war. Therefore we do not find here any sure allusion to an 

374 CREEK RELIGION. [chap. 

unarmed type of the goddess ; nor any certain reference to 
a work of Pheidias at all, for the last line which describes the 
dedication as ^€ihiaK7\v xipira need merely signify that the 
monument possessed *a Pheidian grace/ 

Therefore we learn nothing definite from literature about 
the Lemnian Athena, and it is for this reason difficult to 
pursue with any effect the question whether we can discover 
the type of it among existing monuments. All that we can 
say about the character of the work is that the quality of 
formal beauty which appeared in the * Parthenos ' was 
evidently enhanced in the Lemnian statue, yet certainly, as 
Pheidias was the sculptor, without any excessive striving 
after effect *. The figure of Athena on the Parthenon frieze 
is another interesting type of Pheidias* creation; for she is 
seated there as the peaceful goddess without her helmet, 
carved in forms of simple maidenly beauty ; the arrangement 
of the drapery, a single ungirt Doric chiton, has nothing of 
the severity of the temple-image ; the short unbound hair is 
in keeping with the naivete^ of the figure ^ 

A terracotta statuette from Salamis in Cyprus has been pub- 
lished by Prof. Gardner and by Ohnefalsch-Richter, affording 
further illustration of the unarmed type °. The pose resembles 
that of the Parthenos, the weight falling on the right side, and 
the left knee being bent. Her left hand rests on the shield 
which lies on the ground, and the right is half enveloped in the 
himation and holding an Attic helmet. Her flowing locks fall 
on the shoulders, and there is no emblem of terror on her 
breast. Neither does the drapery suggest the war-goddess : 
above the chiton hangs the mantle, and no girdling is visible, 
but the light diploidion falls down to the waist, and the 
columnar folds of the drapery at her feet are softly modulated. 
The features seem large and full. The whole figure combines 
dignity with great delicacy, and might well be a copy of a later 
work of Pheidian style. 

• See Appendix B. Dr. Waldstein in his Art of PheuiiaSy 

^ We have an exact copy of the Par- PI. 9. p. 214. 

thenon figure in a small terracotta of « Hellenic Joum. a, p. 326, PI. 16; 

the LQU\Te, noticed and published by Mitt, d. deutsch, Inst. 6, p. 250, 


The chryselephantine work of Pheidias completely expressed 
the ideal that the Attic religion had developed of the victorious 
goddess of war and peace, the guardian of the city-life, whose 
maidenly form was combined by him with an almost maternal 
fullness of countenance, and with an expression profoundly 
earnest but still free of severity. But great as was the 
influence of this masterpiece, a different type, which origi- 
nated in the fifth century, had considerable vogue in the 
fourth, and became the most prevalent in the later periods. 
It is distinguished from the former externally by the taller 
and slimmer Corinthian helmet, and essentially by a different 
cast of features : the face is longer and thinner, the bone- 
structure is more strongly marked, the mouth is very firm and 
severe ; what is expressed in the face is austere, self-centred 
wisdom and strength ; the power of intellectual thought and 
the virginal character, which had been sufficiently expressed 
by Pheidias, predominate in this other representation of her, to 
the exclusion of the deeper Attic conception of the beneficent 
goddess of the people. The Pheidian ideal was that of Athena 
Polias ; this other expresses the Parthenos, the maiden-goddess 
of war and wisdom. The idea is narrower, but rendered in 
forms of exceeding beauty and purity. The type originated 
in the fifth century, but its birthplace is not known. We 
find the Corinthian helmet on her head and a broad type 
of features and severe arrangement of the hair on a coin of 
Cyzicus of about 430 B. c. It is commonest in the coinage 
of Corinth and her colonies ; but it cannot be called exclu- 
sively Doric ; for it penetrated later into the coinage of 
Athens and of the Attic colony of Thurii, where the type of 
the goddess with the Attic helmet and the Attic countenance 
had prevailed •. 

Perhaps the most beautiful instance of it is on the silver 
coins of Syracuse, of which a specimen is here given (Coin PI. 
B 30) ; the same type is also strikingly presented on coins of 
Ambracia and Leucas (Coin PI. B 27, 28). 

The most striking example in sculpture of this Athena with 

• Vide CareUi, 165-167, AUiena of the later < Corinthian ' type on coins of 

376 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. xii. 

the Corinthian helmet and the corresponding expression, is the 
statue from Velletri in the Louvre, which represented her with 
her right hand raised and resting on her spear, her left holding 
out a cup. The face is very slim and long, and Peloponnesian 
in the severity of its outlines and its rectilinear character, with 
which the arrangement of the hair accords. The surface of 
the face has lost its life from the working of a later chisel 
upon it, but the expression remains in it of high seriousness, 
purity, and intellectual force. 

In the later Alexandrine period, as the free city-life decayed, 
we can note a decay in the representations of the city goddess ; 
the face becomes charged with sentiment or with excess of 
thought, the Corinthian type being preferred : to this period 
the original of the Athena Agoraia of the Louvre may be 



Since the account given in the text of the Athena * Proma- 
chus ' was written, the statue itself and the records concerning 
it have received a searching analysis from Dr. Furtwangler in 
his Meisteriverke (pp. 27-36, Engl. ed.). He has entirely 
abandoned the opinion which he cursorily expressed in 
Roscher's Lexicon (p. 700) against the affiliation of the torso 
Medici with the * Promachus ' ; his present view agrees in the 
main with that which I have been led to adopt. What is 
novel in his theory is that the elder Praxiteles and not 
Pheidias was the sculptor of the * Promachus.' A writer of 
very doubtful authority, the scholiast on Aristides (Overbeck, 
Schriftqu, 640), ascribes the * Promachus ' to Praxiteles, and 
Dr. Furtwangler accepts this statement, understanding by 
Praxiteles the elder sculptor of that name, the contemporary 
of Pheidias ; the explicit statement of Pausanias that it was 
a work by Pheidias' own hand he tries to invalidate on 
the ground that Pausanias was usually reckless in ascribing 
works to Pheidias. But this is hard to prove. Pausanias was 
cautious about the Athena of Pellene ; he maintains, as against 
Pliny, that the statue of the * Magna Mater ' at Athens was 
a work of Pheidias, and there is no reason for saying that he 
was wrong : he states that Pheidias carved the Nemesis of 
Rhamnus, and if he was in error here, he erred in company 
with greater authorities than himself. Dr. Furtwangler does 
not notice that Ovid and even Aristides himself implicitly 
corroborate Pausanias' statement (Overbeck, op. cit. 639, 643). 
There is no reason at all for believing that the * Promachus ' 
was not inscribed with the sculptor's name. Dr. Furtwangler 
presses Lucian's statement about the Lemnian Athena, that 
Pheidias deemed this work worthy to inscribe his own name 
upon, into meaning that no other work of the sculptor, at least 
on the Acropolis, bore his signature ; but the phrase of Luclan 
may have been suggested merely by the literary gossip about 
great sculptors allowing their works to appear under other 

378 GREEK RELIGION. [chap. xii. 

names. The whole theory about an elder Praxiteles appears 
very unsubstantial ; there is no valid reason why any one of the 
works ascribed by recent criticism to the supposititious elder 
Praxiteles could not have been carved by the famous sculptor 
of the fourth century as the ancients believed ; the Praxiteles 
of the younger Attic school could have replaced the charioteer 
of Calamis with a better designed figure, and could have built 
the statue for the Plataean temple of Hera after the restoration 
of the city by Philip ; when the Thebans first destroyed 
Plataea in the early period of the Peloponnesian war, it is 
scarcely likely that they would have commissioned an 
Athenian sculptor to carve the image. We should never have 
heard of an elder Praxiteles, if it had not been for the 
mysterious statement in Pausanias (i. 2, 4) about an inscrip- 
tion written in pre-Euclidean letters on the wall of the temple 
of Demeter at Athens, ascribing to Praxiteles a group that 
was there consecrated ; but for many reasons the statement is 
altogether too eccentric to be used in evidence. If there was 
an elder Praxiteles who achieved all that in the last ten years 
has been imputed to him, the ancient authorities on the 
history of sculpture were either strangely ignorant of this 
distinguished man, or preserved * a conspiracy of silence.' 

The rest of Dr. Furtwangler's theory will probably be 
accepted, namely, that the * Promachus' was a later work than 
the Parthenos. Lange had already maintained this ; and 
Dr. Furtwangler, starting from the same evidence, the Medici 
torso, shows by a minute analysis the marks of a style that 
in respect of the drapery and in certain details of the pose 
was somewhat in advance of that which is revealed in 
the Parthenos. 


The recent investigations of Dr. Furtwangler and his 
supposed discovery of the Lemnian type have given rise 
to a question of the very highest importance for modern 
archaeology to decide. By a very brilliant and fascinating 
combination, he has arrived at the conviction that the Bologna 


head, hitherto misnamed the head of Ephebos or Amazon, or 
even a modem forgery {Meisterwerke^ PI. 3), and the two 
statues in Dresden {ib. PI. i and 2), are to be connected as 
copies from the same original, and that this is the Lemnian 
Athena of Pheidias. This theory has been accepted with 
enthusiasm, and certainly most would confess that they desire 
it to be true ; but no one except Dr. Furtwangler himself 
appears yet to have tested it by searching criticism ; an 
adverse article concerning it in XhQ Monuments Grecs {i^()^) 
by M. Jamot is full of weak points, some of which Dr. Furt- 
wangler successfully exposes in a reply in the Classical Review 
of June, 1895. The theory in the Meisterwerke involves two 
separate and distinct points. The first is a real and fruitful 
discovery, to which others have contributed something, but of 
which the greatest credit is due to Dr. Furtwangler ; he has 
proved, namely, that the head of the Dresden statue (PI. j) 
really belongs to the figure, that it is a replica of the Bologna 
head, and that the latter exactly fits into the torso of the 
second Dresden statue on Plate 2, from which an entirely 
alien head has been removed. The authorities of the Dresden 
Museum guarantee these facts after careful experiments made 
at Dr. Furtwangler's suggestion ; as there is no reason to 
suppose they have deceived themselves, we must accept the 
evidence as certain. The head of the first statue (PL i) has 
been rightly restored and set again on the figure, and the 
whole appears to me, judging from the cast, to be in admirable 
harmony. We have then recovered, thanks to Dr. Furtwangler, 
a remarkable and beautiful type of a bare-headed Athena, and 
the original must have been a famous work, for we have at 
least four copies of it in sculpture — the t\yo Dresden statues, 
the third to which the Bologna head belonged, and the ill- 
restored Cassel statue (Miiller-Wieseler, Denkmdler^ 2. 210) — 
and Dr. Furtwangler has published a gem with an Athena 
bust of the same type, which suggests that the sculptor of the 
original work represented her holding her helmet in her right 
hand {Meisterwerke^ p. 6, Fig. i ) : the left arm was held out 
almost at right angles to the shoulder, and was no doubt 
resting on the spear. This is the type of the peaceful goddess 

380 GREEK RELIGION, [chap. xh. 

which was in vogue with the earlier painters of the red- figured 
vases, being especially used in scenes where Athena is greeting 
another person (Lenormant, ^litCy i. 80, 82, 86), and was 
evidently still popular at the close of the fifth century, as we 
gather from the Lansdowne relief. There is reason to believe 
that this is a specially Attic type, though it may have travelled 
to other art-centres. 

So far Dr. Furtwangler's study of these works leads to 
scientific results of great value ; and the Bologna head is no 
longer a waif among monuments. But the second point of his 
thesis is that this type is the type of the Lemnian Athena, 
and that the Dresden statues and the Bologna head are exact 
copies. Here the method of his research appears to me to be 
at fault. In that part of archaeology which consists in the 
discovery of lost antiques among existing copies, scientific 
certitude is almost impossible unless we are helped by clear 
literary record or by inscriptions. Now Dr. Furtwangler 
assumes throughout that we know that the Lemnian Athena 
was without helmet, and that she was carved of bronze; as 
I have shown in the text, the last point is only probable, and 
of the first there is no evidence at all. In his reply in the 
Classical Review to M. Jamot, he is slightly less dogmatic ; 
he states his theory not as a proved certainty, but as a 
combination of most extreme probability, such as that which 
has led us to discover the Doryphorus of Polycleitus or the 
Apoxyomenos of Lysippus. It is doubtful if we can grant 
him quite so much as this ; for we know at least that the 
Doryphorus was carrying a spear, and that the Apoxyomenos 
was using the strigil, and these are important clues : but no 
one tells anything so clear about the Lemnian Athena. 
* Beautiful contour, tender cheek, symmetrical nose,* are found 
in many ancient heads, and are words therefore that give little 
clue : nor have we any right to conclude from Lucian's words 
that she had or had not a helmet. 

Nor again can we argue by elimination, so as to prove, for 
example, that as these statues reveal a Pheidian type, and 
this cannot be the Parthenos or the Promachus, therefore it 
must be the Lemnian. Such argument is useless unless we 


know that we have a complete list of the sculptor's works ; 
and of what ancient sculptor do we know this ? And if all 
Pheidias* works were mentioned by one writer or another, 
there is still the ' alia Minerva ' mentioned by Pliny, evidently 
well known in Rome. 

Nor does Dr. Furtwangler make it clear that these monu- 
ments prove an original by the hand of Pheidias. The 
drapery resembles that of the Parthenos as regards the main 
forms and partly in the treatment of the folds, but he notes 
himself very important differences : the lower part from the 
knees downwards does not resemble the disposition of the 
drapery on the Parthenos statuette, or on the female figures of 
the Parthenon ; certainly there is a general style in the treat- 
ment that may be called * Pheidian,* but this may have been 
used by other artists in Athens, and even elsewhere. But the 
real test is the countenance ; and after a long study of the 
cast and of Dr. Furtwangier*s analysis of the features, which 
is penetrating and correct, I can only conclude that we have 
no right to attribute such a head to Pheidias' hand. For our 
only direct evidence of his work are the Parthenon sculptures 
and— of less value— the Parthenos statuette. Now Dr. Furt- 
wangler admits that in its essential features this head in 
Bologna does not resemble these. It has an oval top, while 
the heads of the Parthenon tend to show at the top 
a horizontal line; its cheeks are not broad, while the breadth 
of theirs is conspicuous and imposing ; the angle of the nose 
with the chin is different, and the chin slightly recedes, while 
theirs is firm and straight ; nor is there any mouth on the 
Parthenon frieze that resembles this, with its firm closed lips 
and its expression of cold reserve. The breadth of shoulders 
recalls the Parthenon style, but we should have expected 
more indication of the collar-bone. The countenance is very 
earnest and self-contained, and though there is an impress of 
Attic character upon it, yet it has not wholly the expression 
that is stamped upon the authentic Pheidian faces. 

The ideal of the goddess presented to us in this type is 
narrower than that which the Parthenos embodied ; it is 
the ideal of the young and half-developed maiden deity, 


self-contained and cold ; the face has neither the full rich life 
that the heads of the Parthenos reveal, nor the keen intellectual 
traits of the latter slimmer type. One might at first be 
tempted to place it after the Parthenos in point of time, and 
to regard it as pointing the transition from that to the later 
ideal. But Dr. Furtwangler's argumentation is strong in 
support of the view that it preceded the Parthenos by some 
few years. A few details may indeed suggest a somewhat later 
origin ; the visage of the Gorgon has less of the archaic grim- 
ness, the drapery at the back by the girdle and the flaps under 
the right arm are treated with much more softness and pliancy 
than is seen in the surface of the Parthenos statuette at these 
places, and there is more free rhythm adiieved in the inclina- 
tion of the shoulders ; but, as Dr. Furtwangler has pointed 
out, the Parthenos as a temple-statue required more austerity 
and solidity of pose. On the other hand, the rather broad 
centre of the face of the Bologna head, and the deep reserve 
impressed upon the countenance, remind us of the style of the 
earlier transitional period. And lest we should think that this 
girlish type could not be so old as 440 B. C, we may bear in 
mind the relief-figure of the mourning Athena, which is still 
earlier, and is almost as youthful and simple. 


References for Chapters X-XII. 

* Primitive ritual or cult : 

* Human sacrifice at Laodicea. Porph. De Absi, 2. 56 i6v€To yap 

jcat cV KaobiKfitf. rfi koto. 2vpiav rj *A$fjv^ jcar* fTOs irapOtvos, vvv dc t\a<l>0£» 
Cf. ^ d 

^ Schol. TzetZ. Lycophr, II41 ^^opa dc jcal Xt/t^r . . . ccrx* r^v 
AoKpida dia t^v ^s Kaaadvdpav adtpiropt^iav rot) Alavros, "Expfjo-e d* 6 ^c<$r, 
(Xdcrieca'^at ABrjpav t^p cV *lX(i^ cir* fn; X^*^^) ^^^ irapBtvovs nffiirovras cirt 
«cXi7p^ jcai Aaxi70-ct. TlffiTrofxivas d( avras npovTravr&vrtt ol Tptats, c* KaTfaxov, 
ainipovPf Koi Kaiovrts aKapnois kcu aypiois (vkois ra oora avrSiPy ano Tpapoivos^ 
Spovs TTJ£ Tpoias rffp anobop €ts OaKatro'ap tppmrop, ical nakuf ol AoKpol crcpar 
dnfOTtXkop, Et dc TiPfs iK<f>vyoifP^ aP€\6ova-ai \a6pa cV rh ri}; ^ABijpas ifp6p, 
Icpctoi iyipoPTo* tcraipop dc avrh jcol tppaipov r^ dc ^c^ ov 'irp(xr{)p\opTO^ ovht 

TOV UpOV OVK i^J)pXOPTOy ft fi^ PVKT»p, ^HaOP dc KtKapp^PMf flOPOxiT0»P€S, Koi 

ammudrjTot, . . . XcXta>v dc fTb>y irap(\66pT»p furit t6p ^»kuc6p ir6k€fwp 
iiravvavTo r^r roiavrqi Ovfrias, &t <l>ijai Tifuuos 6 SuccXc^r. fnUfivrjrcu dc rrjs 
IfTTOpias Koi 6 Kvprjpaios KdXXifiaxos. 

" Feast of UXvprripta at Athens : 

^ Xen. Jle/i, I. 4, 12 icarcVXcvo'cv fV t6p Tltipaia ^fi^pif ff TCKwrripta ijytp 
rf iroXtff, roO €8ovi KaraKfKaXvfifupov r^s *ABripas, B riycr olvupiffiVTo dptmr^dfiop 
€ivai Koi avT^ Koi rj 7r6k€i' * ABrjpaitup yap ovdctr cV ravru ry ^p€p^ ovi€p6s 
amviaiov tpyov roKp^aai &» ayjraaBai. 

^ Plut. Alcib, 34 ihpoTO ra IlXi/vr^pca r^ ^cf* ipaa-i dc ra ^pyca 
IIpa(tfpyidai QapyTjkiStPos turji <f>6iPOPTOs airopprfra t6p T€ Kdo'fiop jca^cXdvrcr 
JCfli rd cdor /carcucoXv^ovrcr. 

^ Hesych. S,V, Tlpafupyidcu' ol rh €bos t6 dpxaiop lijs *A0Tjpa£ 


d Phot. Hex, p. 231, II AovTpidfs' Wo Kopai irepl t6 idos lijs *ABf)pds' 
iKoikovpTO Sf alrai Koi irXvPTplbtv. ovras * Aptaro<f)dprjs, Cf. £/. JHo^, 
KaTaptnrrjs' Uptiavvrj 'ABrfpgai, 6 to. kotcj tov TrcVXov Trj£ *ABriPas pv7raip6fi*va 

^ Phot. Z^ex, p. 1 2 7 KoKKvpTTjpia' icaXXvyr^pia Ka\ irXwr^pto, iopr&p 6p6- 
fiara' yivoprai flip a^ai &apytj\wpos fifjvds, epvani fup itrl dcica icaXXvyr^pia, 


bfVT€fm dc ipBivovTos TO, irXvvTtipia' ra fiiv irKvvTffpui <f)Tja\ dca rov Bdvarov r^( 
* AyKavpov fVror iviavrov fxri n\v0rjvai €(T0qTas, 

^ Hesych. S.V. nXvvrrjpia' (of>Trj*ABrivrjaiyy $y cVi rj *Aypav\a rj Ktxpowos 
6vyarp\ {ripriv) ayovaiv, 

8 Athenag. Leg. I koi *Aypav\(a ^ABtjwuoi fivarfipia /cat rcXfray ayovai 
Koi Ilav8p6(T(o. 

^ Pollux, 8. 141 nfpi<r)(oipi(Tai ra ifpa cXcyoi^ cV rat( airo<l>pa(Ti^ xai to 
frapa(f>i>a^ai, oiop YlXvtfTrjpiois. 

* Hesych. J". Z/. 'Hyrj-nipia' nakdOrj avKtav' iv TJ ^oprj (irapa) nXvvrrjpitap, 
<l>€povrTi 7Ta\dBr)u avyKttfji€vr}P cf i(r)(dd<av, 

' nXui/T^/)ia in Paros C. L Or. 2. 2265. 

** C.I. A. 2. 469, 10 €ntidfi oi cd^i/^oi , , . t^rjyayov dc koi rqr 
ITaAXa^n <l>aXi7pot fcaxci^fi^ nd\ip avpdarjyayov fiera ffxarhs fiiTct Trdarjs €vKo<rfuas, 
Cf. 470, II ; 471, II. 

^ Suidas, 4. p. 1273. 7 01 d( pofi(XJ)v\aK€s . . . r ^ IlaXXadi rfip irofinrjp 
tKoapcvv oT€ Kop.l(oiTo TO ^opop cVt TTjp BdXaa<rap, 

^^ Schol. Callim. Lavacr. Pall, i Ip tiw r\\iip^ apurfupu €$ot tlxop ol 

*Apy(\aL yvPoiKfs Xafx^ptip to aya\p.a rijs *AOqpdt Kal to Atofi^dovr (jtrdKOt) 
Ka\ uy€ip cVi riiP "ipaxop xaKil dvoXovfip. 

^ PaUS. 2. 23, 5 Xtyovai yap *Apy(ioi . . . ayaXfia KilaBcu irapa a^ivip 
*Adrjidi TO iKKopiaOtP f ( 'iXtov Koi dXc^Mii TTOi^otiv ''iXtoy. 

® Arterriid. Oneirocr, 2. 33 iKpda-a-dP 6(S)v dyakfiara tj d\ti<fHip fj 
KaSaipfip ^ aapovp rd irp6 tu>p dyakparoiP . . . fjpaprrjKfPai ri cic avrovs tovs 
^coi^ff cKciVovr aripaivfi, 

"^ *ABr)pd *Ap(fxayris in Mothone : PauS. 4. 35, 8 cV MoBaptf pads §q^uf 
*A6rjpds *Ap€pd>Ti8os' ^toprjbrjp dc to ayaX/ia dpaOdpai koi to opofia r^ ^c^ 
^0-1 BtaSai. 

' Athena SapKnia in Elis : PauS. 5. 16, 5 *v*Tif<Jai» 5c cV Atoi^vcrou rcxcly 
fratda NapKoiiop (Xeyovai)' roCroi^, »r ^^H^t • • • *A.6rjpds l€p6p eniicXfjaiP 
HapKaiat . . . IdpvaaaOai, 

•* Athena Ncfioio-ta in Laconia: Strabo, 360 napd dc ^tipas Ncdo>y 

cV^dXXci ^cojv dm T^r Aa«(0)viic^( . . . c;(f( df (€/>6y inlcrmiop ^AStiPOS '^ttovaiat. 
Kai cV noM€a-<rtj d* corti' *ABr}pds Ncdovo'iar i€p6p» 

^ In Ceos : Strabo, 487 t6 t^^ Ncdovo-iac *A6ripds IcpJy. 

*^ Strabo, 411 KpaTriaavTa dc n}? Kopttveia? cV r^ irpo avr^ff ircdcy ro r^r 
*lTtt>i^(ar *ABripds Up6p idpyfravro 6fiu»PVfiop t^ BcTraXuey Kai t6p vapapp^opra 
noraphp Kovdpiop irpovt^ydptvaav ofiof^pm r^ cjcfi. *AXicatbff dc icaXcI 


'^ Athena AapurcUa : Paus. 7* ' 7* 5 ^A^xautU dc 6poi km 'HXcuiir TTJi 
X^^pos wrafi6s re Au/iKrof icol *A0ripa£ cVi r^ irorofi^ yaor fori Aapurcuat. 

^^ Athena 2ovvtas : Paus. 1.1,1 axpa 2ovvw» vp6K€iTai yrjs rfjs 'Attiktjs 
Kcu Xi/i^y T§ napankewraPTt r^r aKpay tarif Knl mos *AOrjvai 2cv¥tddos cWl 
Kopv<l>^ TTJf Acpas, 

^ Strabo, 281 ivravBa d* carl Koi to r^y *A3ripat Upov rr\ov(n6p ttotc 
vnap^aUy Ka\ 6 (riedircXof, 6v Kokovaiv aKpatf *lairvyiap (on the Calabriao 


^* Athena Koprftria : Steph. Byz. S, V, KSpiov. ronos iv KprfTjj dno Koprjs 
Tiv6s . . . Koi \ipvri Koprjaia. KOt AOtjvai itpov Kopijaias, 

" Athena Tvyaia, by the lake Gygaea in Lydia : Eustaih. //. 2. 

864-866, p. 366 CTcpoft dc irat ^ABijvav rxryaiav avroBi TifiaaBai ^aorty. 

"» Athena Tpiroytv€ia: DelL Arch, 1889, p. 118 6 d<i»a a\vk^Kt 

Bo ...... . ir€ff IlaXXddi Tpiroyvyct. 

^ TpiToytvtM in //liz^, 4. 515 ; 8. 39 ; 22. 183. 

c Arist. Lysistr, 346 Ka< <rc jcoXc^ avfi/iaxov & TpiToy«v€ia . , . <fy4,'fi» 
vbfop pi 6* f)pS>v, 

^ Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 109 Tpirmt 4 'A^M, ori cV Tpirnpi iytwviBri 
T^ AtfivK^' £i(rt dc icai ^fXXm due T/Mra»i«rr, flp /xcv BoiODrtie^r trtpot dc 

« Paus. 9. 33, 7, near Alalcomenae in Boeolia, p«* icai norap'ts 

ivTovOa ov fwyac x^^l*^P^' opofid^ovtrt dc Tplriova avr6vy on r^r *ABr}vw 
Tpa<l>TJvai napa norapf TptroiM c;(Ci Xoyor, a>c d^ tovto¥ t6v Tplrc^ua 2rra ical 
ov;(l T^v Ai/3t;a»y. 

' /</. 8. 26, 6 'AXK^^pcOo-i dc . . . It pa di ^Aaickrftnov re ccrri rat 'ABifW^ 
fju 6to^¥ o-c)3ovrai fiaXtora, ytuiaOai Km Tpa<f>rpKH napa ail>uriv avr^p Xcyovrcs* 
ical Aidr re IfyvaaPTO Ac;(carov fitaphv are ivravBa r^v ^A6r}mv reKOvros, mtt 
KpriPTiv jcoXoOcTi TpiTtuviba, rov cVi r^ irorafi^ r» Tpiroivt olKnovptvoi Xdyov. 
r^r dc *ABriva£ rd Syti^/ia frcirotipxii ;(aXicoi;, 'Yn-orodopov tpyov, Otas a^mv 
fuytBovs re cWica fcal cf rijy rc^yi;!'. ^uvcrt dc icac irap^yvptv otij^ d^ ^c»v* 
doictt dc a'<^aff ayctr r§ *ABijpf. 

e Aesch. i^i/m. 292 : 

oXX* ctrc x^P°^ ^''^ rdvroir A(0t;(rruc^r, 
Tpinavos dpu^i X*^P^ ytvtffKiov ndpov, 
TiBrjatv opOov ^ KaTrjp((l>rj irdda (*A^va). 

^ Apoll. Rhod. 4. 1306 dkXd axl>€as (Xtrjpav afirjxaviif fiUfvBovras 
T^pStctrai, At^vfis ri/i^opoi, at nor 'A^^Mjy, ^pos vr cV irarphs icc^oX^f Bopt 
n<ip<l>aivov(raf avr6pfvai Tpimpos c^' vdao-i ;(vrXa)(rarro. 

VOL. I. C C 


> Herod. 4. 180 (in Libya) ol MaxXv«£ TrcVf r^v TptT«wda Xi/iinjy 
oiKcovo-i . , , 'Opr^ Sf ivtava-iri *ABrjvalrft ol napOfvoi alrrcav bixa iuurraaai 
/laxovTM npos uXX^Xov^ \iBoi<tI tc koi (vXoiaiy t^ avOiytvu ^«« Xcyoi/o-oi ra 
ndrpia aTTortXcVii', t^i^ ^XBrjvmrjv KoXioptu. . . . trplv 5c avctwu auras fiax^oBai^ 
Todc TroifCfTi Koii'/;* irapOivov tt)v KaKkianvovaav iKaaroTf Koaftijaairrts Kvt^ tc 
KopivBirj Koi iravonkirj 'EXXiyvitcJ #cai cV 5p/ia avafiipdaavns, ntptdyovai rrfv 
XipiTjv KvicXt^. 

^ Ov. Me/, ir. 356: 

Esse.viros fama est in Hyperborea Pallene 
Qui soleant levibus velari corpora plumis 
Cum Triioniacam novies subiere paludem. 

J Diod. Sic. 5. 72 pvBoKoyoixTi ic Ka\ rfjv *hBr)vdv Kara T^r Kpiiri^v €K Atoc 
cV Tois TTiyymff rov Tplrtofos TTorapov ytvvriBijvai. dio Koi TpiToy€P€iav nrovopa- 
aBtiyai. cart ic Kai vvv in napa ras irrjyds ravras Upov ayiov rrjt Btov ravrrit, 

Cf. Schol. Find. OL 7. 66. 

n» Paus. 8. 14, 4, at Pheneos in Arcadia: tp rfj axponokti yaot itrriv 

*ABrjva£ cVuXi^cTiv Tpirapias' (piliria df Aciircro avrov pdptu km Il€Hr€idi»f 
X(iKkovs iaTrfKfv iir<awpiav "ifftrwr. 

^ Suidas, S, v. TpiTOfiqvU' t^v Tpirriv tov firfvos . . . doirci de y^yc v^o^oi 
Tor« ^ *A6r}va, "larpos di Kai TptToyt Kciai' air^y ^ijo't XfyitrOcu, t^v avr^r rj 
2rX 171/17 vopi^optvrjp, 

o Schol. //. 8. 39 TpiToytvfUi . . . oTi rpcTiy <f>0iyovTos rrc^di;. Cf. 
Callislhenes, Frag, 48 Geier rp/rj; toO /ii^yor rytwrfir}' tio nap* *A3rfpaioi£ 
fl rpiTrj Upa ttjs ^ABrjvdi. 

P Worship of Athena and legend of Triton in Triteia of Achaea : 

Paus. 7. 22, 8, 9 Tpinia BvyarpX Tplrtapos' iepdaOai dc t^£ 'Adtjm ttjv 
irapBfvov ... (V TpiTfi^ . . . cort b( koi *ABrjvas yaos, 

Athena-cult associated with Poseidon. 

"** In Athens: Paus. i. 26, 6 (on Acropolis) (<m dc koi ouoffia 

*Ep(xBeiou Kaikov^ivoy . . . tafXBovai dc cto'i fitapoi^ Ilocrcidttvoff, c<^' ot k<u 
EpixBti Bvovai (k tov fiavrfvparos, 

** Plut. Qucust, Conviv. 9. 6 ivravBa (at Athens) koi vrw KocywMt 

(ncxrcido)!') /Acra r^r *ABrjvdSf iv ^ ical /SwfuJr cWi ArfBrjs Uipvfuvos. 

*' Apollod. 3. I5i I T^*' UpfOiTvvriv T^ff *A6ri¥at jcai toC Ilocrfcdttwoff tov 
*Epi\Boviov Bovn/r (Xa/i3<>^'()- 

^^ Himer. Eclog, 5. 30 o2br 6 r^r IlaXXadof v€a>£ icai r^ irXi/o-ioy rov 
noo-fidovor T€fu»os' avyri^aptv duk rwv avaKxdp^v rovt $€0\n aXXi^ocr dia np 


* * Plut. Vii, X, OraL 843 e : Lycurgus' family Konfyov t6 ytVoy owi 

Bovrov ical *Epf/(Bfi»s . . . Koi ioTtv avrri 7 Koraycoyri roD ytvovs ro»y Upaaa- 
ficMuv roO Uocrcidttvor cV vivoKt rfXft^, 6ff aMiJCftroi cv *Ept)(6ti^ . • . roy 
dc triwuca avtBuKtv" hfiptdv^ 6 irais avroVy Xa^onv €k rovytvcv^ r^r lcpa>(rvvi;y, ical 
wapa)^»p^a'as r^ odcX^f \vK6<f>povi, kcu bia roOro ntnovirai 6" hJ^piop irpoaitdovs 
atVo» T^v Tpiaivav, 

A* At ColonuS : Paus. I. 30, 4 i3»/i^ff noo-(ida>vof 'Iirfr/ov jcal *A6rjpat 

* ' In the Lakiadas deme : Paus. i. 37, 2 *A6rj»a koi Uoatid&v fxovm 

* * At Sunium vide ", cf. Arist. Egm'/. 559 : 

*• Eur. Frag, Erechtheus, 362 : 

ovic ?cr^ tKovarit rrjs €firj£ ^vx'js avi^p 
itpoyovQiw fraXauk 0€<rfii oaris c«e/3aXc(, 
ovd* dvr* fXaar xp^^^^^ ^' Topy6vos 
rpiMpap opB^v iTTa(rtuf cv 9r($Xca>ir fidSpots 
Edfwknot o^dc 6p?£ avatrrv^fi Xc^r 
aTf<l>dvoi<ri, TJdXkas d* ovda/ioO ri/i^crrrcu. 

^ At Troezen : Paus. 2. 30, 6 'ABtjpop koi UoatMya dfMXJHafirjrrjaM 
Xcyovcc fTfpl r^r x^P^^t dfi^Mrfitfr^aavrat dc cx'*'' '*" i^otvf' irpoirra(cu yap 
ovTca Ata {Ttf^laL, koi dta roOro 'A^i/vay r€ aifiovo'i Hdktada «cai S^cyiada dvofid" 
CovTts rffv avT^Pf koi Uoatibapa /SacrcXca tnit^rfaiy, kol d^ /eat t6 p6fuafia 
avTois TO dpxaiop cViai/pi ?;(fi rplaivav koi *A6rfvas irpdaioirop, 

c ? at Corinth : Pind. C?/. 13. 115 (in the legend of Bellerophon and 
Pegasos) : 

orav d* tvpvoBtvu 

Kaprainolf av4pvjj r€a6x», 

6iii€v 'lirnitf. ^phv tvBvs *A0dp^ (/cfX^craro), 

d At Sparta : Paus. 3. 11, 9 r6 ii {Up6v) 'A^^vor 'Ayopalat kuI 
noirfMvot tp inopopdCovvip * Aotjyakiop, Cf. ** K At Pheneos in 
Arcadia, vide '•"*. 

« At Asea : Paus. 8. 44, 4 inl rfi oKpq. tov opovs arifuld ioTUf Upoir 
9roi^<rai dc t6 i€p6p 'A^p$ t€ 2dn-€tpi kqI Hoattdupi 'Odvaaca cXrycro OMOieo- 
pAaBtpra c^ 'iXtou. 

f J5V. -^/^^. p. 479. 30 'Iirnrm' tKkrfBri ovt»s 17 *A6riPa, fir«l cV r^r xc^oX^c 
ToO Acor fi€^ imroup av^Xaro, a>( 6 cV avTijs vfipos drjkoi, fj on Uoo'fid&pos 
odaa Ovydrrip Koi Kopv<l>rjs rrj^ 'Oiccayov, ^x^^^ ^H^i ovrvr iytppfiBtf, Ij on 

cc a 


^A^ipaerros Bfffirj&fv ^vymv, nri KoXc*r^ vri^aas rove imtDvr, Uo<r€thm¥a mat 
*A&r)vav iinrcovr npoafiyoptva-tv, 

*® Athena 'AX/a : » PauS. 8. 45, 3-4 Ttyfdrms dc *A$>pns rris 
'AXfVif TO icpoi' t6 apxaiov €noirja€u "AXtos, . . . 6 dc i^noc 6 ci^' ^ftlr 
iroXv dfj rav vaSiv o<toi YlfXtmowrjiriots eitrtV, er jeoratrjerv^y vpf»€x€t ttjv akktfw 

^ PaUS. 8. 46, I r^f dt *A6rjvas to ayaXfia rrjt 'AXcar rA apx^iov . . . 
fXa^fv 6 *P<iifjLai(av /SaatXevr Avyovoror . . . roOro piv 6^ ivravOa awoKftrai 
iktcPavTos dia nturros v€7toirip4vov, rixvf) di *Evboiov, Herod. I. 67 <>( ^ 
ircdui avTai, cV TJcrtr tdtdiaro rri »cai <V t/xc ^trav aiaai iv Ttytrf, jttpt r6v vrfw 
T^f *A\€r)s *ABr)vairis Kp€pdp(vat. 

^ PauS. 8. 47, I TO bk (iyaXpa (v Ttyta r6 €(f>* ffp^tw iKoplaBrj ptv cV dij/iov 
Tov Mav6ovp€CiVf 'linria dc irapa rdis Mav6ovp€V(nu (ix^v eirucXi/triy . . . *AXcay 
piv rot K(iKti(r$ai Km ravrrjv (s T€ ^EXXiyi^af rnvs aXkovt Koi er avrovs 
Tl(\onovpq(riovf 4KV€viKi)K€, t« b^ ayakpan. T^r *A$ijpas rg plv *AakXrfnt6s rg 
dc *YyUia fraptaraaa itrrt \iBov tov IleiTeXi^criov, 2ic6fra di «>>ya 

^ 16. 3 ifparai de t^ 'aBtju^ trciir xp6vo¥ ovk oida wrov riwi, trpcv dc ^/Scuricrcv 
Kai ov irpoaay, rrjv iiptoavvriu, . . . 

^ Id, 4 ToO vooO dc oit ir6pp» ardbioP x^^f^ >^^ cori, ml Syavvuf ayCapas 
ivravBa^ 'AXcaia ovofia(ovr«( uiro T^s 'A^iyvar. 

^ Near Am>x:lae : Paus. 3. 19, 7 icuto fie t^v 6iAy *A^var foovoV cotu^ 


K At Mantinea : Paus. 8. 9, 6 Sc^ovcrc 2c cm *A^»av 'AXcay «ai Upw 

T€ KOi ayaXfta *ABrjvas AXtas €OTtv avroit. 

^ At Alea in Arcadia: Paus. 8. 23, i Otw di Upa avr66i *Afn€fud6t 

*<TTiv 'E(l>((Tiai Koi *ABrivas *AXcar. 

^' Athena At$vin: Paus. I. 5, 3 (llavdloyi) irpht Oakaaari pmjpA cVrur 
(V rfj Mtyapidi cV *A6ijvas AWviat Ka\ovp€v<^ (neoirA^. 

*° Athena 'EXXwTtj at Corinth: »ZV. iJ/a^. p. 332. 42 ^AOrjwa 

ourci) Ka\ovp(vrij fTiparo cV Kopiv^o) leai copn^ *EXX<»ria* . . . ^ <nr5 rov irpoff 
MapaBa>va eXovf cV ^ idpurm. Schol. Pind. OL 1 3. 56 'EXXwna iopiij 
*A6rjvas €v Ko(nv6t^* Acapirir ptra ^HpwcKiit&y iiriB€p(woi KoptwOims koi Kopip^v 
Xfipiaaaptvoi ravrrfv (^Xoyi €K(uov* ff>vyowrai olv al KopwBimv vap&€Poi th top 
T^i *ABrjvat va6v^ ontos atiiOiUv, alaBopiviv dkbipiitiv Ktu vvp €pfiaX6pr»if tit 
TOV vooV, al piv oKkai rStu napBtwov e^vyoy, 'EXXovria d< . . . jcotc^c;^^. 
Xoipov de voTtpov ytvopJvov tlxPf^*^ *A$riPa p^ nportpow vawna&ai r^ Xot^v 
np\v rat tSuv Koraicaftaav irap$tpci>p yftvxns ((tkaaovrtu Koi Upov 'AOffpos 
*EXk<»>Tias IdpvaoiVTiU, 


^ Athenae. p. 678 a, b ScXfViror d< cV rfUs yXwra-cut *£XXa»rida KaXt'itrBai 
fPrjat r6v €K fivppivris n\€K6fi€Vov orr^ayov, . . . vofiwtwiv re ^v r^ r»y 
*EXX6)riW iofnj, <f>aa\ d* cV avr^ ra r^r Eupcoir^r oora KOfii(t<r6ai^ ^v 
cVaXovy *£XX<k)Tida* ayf<r&ai dc irac <V KopivB<^ ra 'fiXXttrta. 

<^ ^/. Mag, p. 332. 40 'EXXa>rui* 4 Evptfiny to iraXoi^y eieaXciro* ^ on 
01 4>omic(r r^y napdivov eXXoriay ieaAo{i(riy. 

"* Athena 'EXXi^wa: *Arist. Mir, Ausc, p. 840 a wcpi U rip^ 

^ItoXiop t^¥ KoXovfumfv Tapyapiap, cyyvr Mcrairoyriov, 'A^ras t€p6v civm 
(f>a<Tiv 'EXXijviar, (i^u ra roC EfTfcov Xiyovaw avoKutrBai opyava, . . . (jyavrafo- 
p€vr}v yap avr^ r^y ^AOijpaif koto, rhv virvov d^iovv dvaOilvtu ra opyava khI 
dia TovTo ^paBvrepas rvyxavovra r^s dvayoiy^s ffXttaOai cv rS ron'O), pff 
bvvapuvov iKirXtvaat' o6(v *EXXf}vta( ^ABtjvai ro Upov 7rpoa€tyop€V€a0ai. 

^ E/, Mag, p. 298. 25 EtXcwtf, troXir' «a« EiAfMa *A.Bqva, ^iXoKTrfTtji 
yap napay€v6fjL*pot c<r 'iraXtnv, l^pvaaro EiXcviar *ABi]vdt Up69' an6 ro\> «V 
tKfivi^ avyKticktiaSai r^ To?ro>. . . . cv vjropvfiftari Awc6<f>popos, 

" Athena ^Afiapla, vide Zeus '' *. 

•' Athena 'ofvdcpif^f at Argos on the Acropolis: Paus. 2. 24, 2 

Ifpov *A$rjvds *0(vd(pKOi>s KoXov/Mi^r, AioftiTdovr dvdBijfui, Sri ol fia^ofup^ 
irore cV 'iXi^ r^i' d;^Xi'V d^cIXfi' rj Otos diro r^i' 6<l>BdXfiStv, 

" Athena 'O^^aXpTw at Sparta : Paus. 3. 18, 2 mos tanv 'ABifyat 

'O^^aX/i/ridor* dya^iMic dc Avicovpyov Xryoucriy tKKon€VTa tS>p 6<fi3aXp£>v 
rov €rtpop, Cf. Plut. Lycurg, II... roiT yop i(l>3akpoifs orrriKovs o* tJ^ 

Aa>/nctr ieaXov<ri. Cf. Cic. De Deor, Nat, i. 83 isto enim modo 
dicere licebit lovem semper barbatum . . . caesios oculos Minervae. 

^^ Athena *AyXavpos : ^ Harpocrat. S, V, 17 Bvydrrjp K^Kponos, tan 

dc Kal inawpop *A6qvds' vide Suidas, S, V, 

^ Philochorus, Frag, 14 Uptui ykyovtv ff "AypavXos 'AOijvaiciP (legendum 

*A$rjpdt). Cf. Hesych. S, v. "AyXavpos . . . Uptta rrjs *ABrivas. 

c Demosth. jFals, Leg, 438 Wf 6 . . . tAi^ iv r^ r^j 'AyXaw/j<w Twy €<l>fifi»p 
opKOV {avayiyvaaKOip) ; cf. Pollux, 8. I05 f«t &fiwov (01 ^^17^01) €V*AypavXov' 
ov Karaiaxvvw ra oirXa, ovdc ienraX<r^a> t6v irapaaraTrfv^ <f hv aroix^' dpupw 
dc Ka\ vnip UpSiv kcX 6<rmv koi p6po^ Koi pjfrh iroWSiP, kclL t^v narpida ovk 
tXdrrta irapadoinr»y , , . koi rcur Otapois rots l^pvptvois n€iaofuu • . . leai ra 
Upa TG ndrpuL Tipfia», laropts Otol^ "AypavXos, *Ewaktoff ^A/wyr, Zf vr, OoXXm, 
Avfa», 'HyffuJioy. Plut. u4/r. 1 5 rrjs yrjt crvre/SovXevfy amix^vBai rots 
*A$rjpaioity Koi top »V ^Aypaiikov irpofiaKk6fitvop dti rois c^^/Soa opxop €py^ 
^fkuovp, ^Opyvovari yap opots xpi\aaaBai r^r ^Attu^s wvpois KpiOais dfiirtktns 
iXaiais oiKtlau irouiaBai didaaKoptvoi r^y rjptpop km Kapwotl>6pop, 

^ Porph. De Abst. 2. 54 cv t^ inw ^aXafun . . . fuiPi Kara Kvnpiovs 


*A<f>podt(ri<o fBv€To apBfxairot rji 'AypavXta . . . v<f>* €¥a dc frtpifioKov o re rijt 
*AOrivas u€Oi}s Koi 6 Ttjs *AypavXov Km Aiofiribovs, 

** ndvdfX>aos : » Schol. Aristoph. Lys, 440 BvyaTfp€s Kimpowos 
ndy^poa-os koi 'AypavXr;, cV rrji Hapdpoaov dc Kai { *\Brjva Udv^poaot 

^ Philoch. Frag. 32 (Harpocr. j. z'. inl^iov) : ^iKoxopos iv b€mpm 

<f>r)<r\v ovTa>s . . . *Eav dc' tij t^ *ABrju^ Bvfj /SoOv, dvoyitaioi/ tWi jcat rlj 
riaydcupa (Bekker nai^dpocrcp) ^vfii/ oiv {ptra ^oos), koi iKokeiro t6 Bvfia 
tni^iov, Hesych. S. V, Tlavbo>pa' t; yf), d(f>* oZ Koi («(da>por koi dvrfatd^pa. 
Arisloph. Av. 896 irpoiTov Ilavduipa Bvaat XrvKdrptxf^ Kpi6v, 

^ C, I. A, 3. 887 t^v iavTUiv 6vyaT€pa fiavcnarpdrrjif €pptj<l}op^a'aa-u¥ 
^ABrfua IloXcd^i koi Ylaubpoo-iii dviOrjKcw, Cf. C.I. A, 2. 1 383. 

^ Paus. I. 27, 3 T« pa^ be T^s *A$r}vas Ilavbpoaov yaos avp€\fis fori' 
icat t<TTi Udydpoaos €s tiju irapaKaraSfiKrjv dvaiTiot rSw ddcX0»v pomj. . . . 
nap$evoi dvo rov vaov r^s IloXiddot oIkovctiv ov noppio^ KaXovai di *A$r)»atoi 
af^as dpprj<j}6povs' avTM xpovov piv nva dtairav tf^ovaa irapa r^ ^*^y 
napaytvopivris dc rrjs ioprijs dpS>trtv iv vvkti roiddc. dvoBttaai a^iaiy cVi nir 
Ktffiakas h r) r^r *ABfjvai Upeia didcoac <f>tp€iv^ ourc ^ hihovtra Swotov n didocriv 
ftdvta, oCt€ Tois (jyepovaais iniarapevait — eon dc ntpi^oXos (v rj ndkti ttjs 
kaXovfxfvrf^ cV K^ois * A<l>poblTrjs ov iroppto, xai di' avrov KdBodos vnoyaios 
avropdrrf' ravTrj Kariaaiv at napOivoi, Kara piv bt] ra (jyepopeva Xtiimvaiy 
\a&ov(rai de SKXo ri Knpi(ovtriv cy/ccieaXv/i/icyoy. kqI rat pkv a<l>uunv ^dtf t6 
evTfv$€v, iripai dc cV r^v aKpo-nctkiv TrapOevovs ayovaiv dvr* avriw, 

® Schol. Arist. Lys. 643 rj yap "Epag iropntvovaiy rfj KfKpowos ^i/yarpi', 
a>r lOTopel "larpos, Cf. Moeris, s. V, tpprffftopoi . . . m Trjv bpdaop tf^povaai 

rfi "Epajj. 

f C.I. A. 3. 318 *Eparj(p6poi r^f Qfpibos, 

2Kipo<f)6pia and Athena Sieipus-. 

'^^*^ Schol. Arisloph. Eccles. 18 ^Kipois' ^xlpa ioprri iiJTi rris 2Ktpddos 
*A$i^vds, 2KLpo<f)opi(avos iff, oi de dkTjprp-pos koi Kdpi;;. <V y 6 ifpevs rov 
*Kpf;(de(i)f (t>€pei aKidbtiov \€vk6v h XeytTai tTKipov. 

^ ' Harpocrat. S. V, 7,Kipov. 2Kipa iopnrrj vap ^ABrfvatois, d^* j}r «cai d fi^v 
2Kipo(t>optd>v. <f)aa\v ol ypd^avrts irtpi re ptiva>v Kai iopr&p r^v *A$^¥fjai . . . 
i>s t6 (TKlpov aKiddeiou «oti piff oZ <f>€p6pepoi cf *AicpOfrdXcttf cr tiki rpdirov 
icaXovficvov Sfcipoi/ fropfvovrai rj re r^f *ABrjvas Upetay icai d rov Iloirfidcavof 
iep€vt Ka\ 6 rov 'HXiov. Kopif^ovci dc roiTo 'Erco/3ovradai* koI *ABriva» di 
2Ktpdba TipSto'iv Adrivalot. 

* ' Photius, S, 7'. 2Kipos' €oprr) ns dyopitnf rfj *A^i^y on aKtadtiw 


t<l>poPTi(op €v aKfi^ Tov KaviMTOs' aKipQ di Tit auMtia, oi dc ov bia roOro 
0a(7(v oKXa dia r^v dn6 2Kip<av 'A^vav. Id. 2K^}o(f>opici>v' fi^v *A$rjpaiciv iff, 
o>vofid<T6rj df dno ttjs Sieipador *A$rjvdt, 

* * Suidas, s, v. ^Uts x^tov, vide Zeus *". 

»* Paus. I. 36, 4. On the sacred way x®P*o»' ^Ktpov M roi^dc 

Kukovfitvov, ^EXtvaivifHs ndXtftovcri vp6t *Ep€xB€a (ivrfp payris f\6tv €k 
^ctiamjs Svofia l^Kipos 6r Koi rrjt l^Kipdbos l^pvaan \\3ripai ciri ^0X17/)^ t6 
dp)(alou Upov, 

* * Strabo, 393 Sttpar (cVaXcIro ZaXa/xlr) . . . d<t> ofi piv *AJ$ri»d re 
XiyiTot 2Kipas koi rdnos Sieipa jiv rj *AmK^ Koi cVl Sieip^ Uponoiia rir. 

^^ Pollux, 9. 96 2Kipd<f>€ia dc TO. lev/Sfvr^pia Q»v6paarai biuri pakiara 
*AOrjvrf(nv tKvfitvou eVl Siecp^ (V r^ r^r Sictpadoff *A^vav jcp^: cf. i^/. 
Mag, 717* 3^) Steph. Byz. J. Z'. iKipos . . . tu-ca^ dc Koi t6 aKipa^'iov, 
antp drjkoi t6v t&itop els hv oi KvPtvrai avviatri. Km 6 (rKtpo<f>6poi {(ncipa<l>o^ 
Meineke) & aripalvti t6v aKokaarov Koi Kv/Scvr^v, cnr^ t£>¥ iv 2icip^ diarpi/9dy- 
ra»v. Sietpa dc KtKXrp-cUf rtWr ficy ^ri cirl 2ieipa> ^ABrfv^ (libll ^AOffvrjo-i) Bvmu, 
aXXoi d< dir^ rcov ytvopwwv Itfmv ^^prjrpi koi Kopn iv rfj ioprjj TavTjf circ 
2itip^ le/ieXT^rat (leg. anrcp crietpa KfKktjTai), HarpOCr. J*, z;. 2Kipd<f)ia IfXtyov 
TO, Kvfitvrriptaj cVftd^ dicrpcjSov cV Sirtp^ ol iev,3cuoiTff(, a>£ 6c(Jiro/xiror cV r^^ y 
vnoaTjfiaivtt. Photius, S, V. Sieipa^ia* cV r^ r^^ S«eipado£ *ABfjuas Upf 
iVM^oif ol Kv^vrai : X. V, Sieipov* ron-or * ABrjVua-iv, ff^' o^ o2 pavrtis tKaBi^ovro, 

* * Schol. Lucian published by Rohde, Rhein, Mus. 25. 548 Biafiiufxh- 

pia (sic) copr^ 'EXX^ywy pvarripia 9rcpt/;(ov(ra, r^ dc aura koi ^KippfK^opta 
KoXcirai. Cf. Clem. Alex. Protrept. 1 4 P ra\m\v -npt pvBokoyiav ai yvuaiKes 
noucikcis Kara irdXv €opTd(ov<n B€(Tfjuxf>6piaj 2Kipo(l>6pia, * Appriro<f)6pia iroXv- 
rpdrroi^ r^v ^€p€<t>dTTfjs ccrpay^doOo'ai dpnayfiv, 

*• Schol. Aristoph. Thesmoph, 841 dp<f>6T€pai ioprai yvpaiK&v Ta piv 
2r^i/ia irp6 dvciy roi^ Btapot^opltav HvavtyftiStvot 8', ra dc ^Ktpa XiytaBui ff>a<ri 
Tivts rd yivdptva itpd cV r^ copr^ ravrg Affprjrpi koi Kop^, ol dc ore ijricrKvpa 
(leg. cVt Sfcup^) BvtTM rfi 'aBijp^, 

* ^® C.I, A, 3. 57 ^ ^* d«dcicarj7 rwy 2itc/>o>y=:r^ d«>dcitar^ rov 2ieipo- 
(fiopiapos (?). 

»" Plul. Coniug, Praecep, 42 *ABrpmioi rptU dpdrow Itpoifs Syovaw, 
irp&TOP cVl Siecp^ rot) iraXaiordrov roi' OTrdpc^v vitdptnjpLa, 

^^ Athena Sxipdr at Phaleron : Athenae. 495 f ^Apiard^pos iv rplrY 

ir€p\ Uivddpov Tois Sie/pofr ^ijo-lv ^ABrfPifO't dyuva €itiTtXuaBM r&v iXJ^ff^p 
dpopov* rpix'^ip bk avroifs tfxopras dpntkov ickdbop KordKapnop^ t6v KoKovpt pop 
Stax"^} rpc'^ovo't dc cV roO tcpov tov Atopva-ov fuxP^ ^^^ ^^' ^i^^pd^s *ABfipds 
UpoVf Ka\ 6 PtKr^aas Xa/ij3dyct xi'Xuca rrfp Xryofici^ irfPTcnrXoap Koi k^ pd(n 


^ ' Hesych. S, v. axrx^^P^^^' ronos ^ABfjvifin ^akrjpoi Ma t6 ttjs ^hBtfmt 

Up6p. Cf. Plut. T/ifs. (vide Aphrodite ^**). 

^' Paus. I. I, 4, at Phaleron, iKipd^ot 'A^rar paot €vtu Plut. 
Thes, 17 ^cX($;(opo( d< irapa Sffipov (^i/crty tie SoXa/uivs r^v Orfo-ta Xo^tir 
KVptpvTjrrjv fxiv Navo-t^ooy, np<apia dc ^acaxa . . . Maprrvp€i dc rovrmr ijpMi 
Navo-i^oov /cat ^aiatcor flaayiivov Sr^aim ifdkrifioi rrp^i r^ roO Y^ipov Upif 
(= r^r Sfu^dof *A^vaff cfpoi). Schol. Arist. Firj[;^. 921 'A^ya Y,Kippai ore 

c Athena Sieipar at Salamis : Herod. 8. 94 oir dc ^m <^vyoyrar yiWcrAu 

r^f 2aXafAiyii}( Kara r6 Ipoi/ ^AOrjvalris ^Kipdbos. Cf. Plut. Solofl, C. 9 ocpov 

t6 Sicipadioi/ in Salamis. 

** npoxapKTTrjpia *. Suid. J. I'. Qpoxapiarrripiay rjpfpa iv ^ 01 iy rj apxj 
TTavTfiy ap\Qpiv^v KOpnoau (f>v((T6ai, Xfiyovrot rj^rj tov \€ifJLiSiVOiy iBvov rg *A^iji*a 
(Sauppe Kopff). rj di 6vGi(} ovopa irpoxapitrriipia, AvKovpyos cV t« 
iTfpl rijs tpoxrui^r. ttjv toivvv dpxaiordrrjv Bvaiav dta r^v apobov r^t ^cov, 
ovopaaBflaav 5c irpoxopifrrr^pia, Bekk. Anecd, p. 295 irpoaxapifTrfipui (leg. 
irpnxapiffTripLa) 17 pvariKri Ovaia rfjs *A6r)vas vnip reap <fivop€9Vi» KopntSiv, 

*• *A^va Kto-craia on the Acropolis of Epidaurus: Paus. 2. 29, 1 

Tr)v 5c *A6rjva» r^v ci/ r.7 aicpo9r6Xci (oavov Otai a^iov Kiaaaiop €no¥OfAd(ovat». 
'^ Athena Tavponokos : Hesych. J. V, Tavp(nr6kai* fj "Aprtpis koX fj ^A$rjpa, 

Cf. Suidas, s, v, Schol. Arist. Lysistr, 448 i^ r^ Tavpmrokov : ovr^ nf» 

"Aprcfity cVaXovv . . . CdTi 5 ore /cai n^v ^Adrfpop ovrto JcaXoOcriv o>£ Sci'o^di;; 
ioTopf I. Tavpo/3oXor SuidaS, X. I*. 17 ^ABrjva, 

^^ Aesch. irapanp€(rP. § 147 'ErcojSovrddair , . . 66tv ^ r^y *A^vaff r^j 

noXuiSor ifrrw Upaa. Cf. '' » ', and « *. Cf. Aristid. A/h. I. p. 20, Dind. 

Bov(vyTjs Tis Ta>v cf dtcpoTrdXcojr. 

" Athena Boapfua : Schol. Lye. 520 oiJto 5c ri/iaroi iropa Bofc^roir. 
*^ Athena Bou5cia (?): vide Gtograph. Register ^ p. 420. 

'* Schol. Arist. iVl/3. lOOI aX if pat c'Xauzi T^f 'Adqi/ds^ cV Tj OicpoTrdXci 
popiai €Ka\ovpTo, SuidaS, S. V, Mopiai' ikaiai Upai r^£ *A$rj»a£ (( l}p r^ 
cXaioi/ tnaOXov toU vikSxti ra Uavadrjvata. Schol. Soph. O. C, 705 ircpi 
^AKafirjplav . . . Totif cVcI popltov napd t6 r^r *A6rjvas Up6v IbpvfUv^p, 
Apollod. 3. 14, I p^TCL 5c toOtov (no(rci5c0Mi) ^fci' *A$rjvdy koi noirja'apipri 
T^s KaTa\r}^(as KfKpona paprvpay c^vTCVcrcv iXaioPy ^ vvv cV r^ nay5p<M7ca> 

^^ Athena noXidf. 

At Athens : vide •* ». » Paus. 1 . 26, 7 Icpa piv r^r *A^i«ic c crrU' 17 tc nXXiy 

ttoXk icai ^ 7ra(ra 6poia>s yrj, Kal yap oaois Ofovt KaBfarriKtv SKkovs cV rotr 5^- 
pois (Ttt^fiVy ov5cV ri ^(raov rfjv *ABrjvdv Syovtriv iv ripj* to 5c Ayuararotf iv icoip» 
voXXoir -npdrtpov i^ftco-dcv Zttviv fj avtnjXOop dno r»v 5r;/i*>v, iarip *AA;yaf 


ayaXfia iv rg vvy axpon^u, rdrc d« 6vofta(oftivu iroXci* 017/AI7 df ts cnrro t\€i 
9rc(r<iv €K row ovpavov . . . Xv;(yoy d^ r^ ^^ xpvtroxfv KaXXtVaxo^ inoirfo'tv, 
€ftirXri(ravT(£ dc eXaiov rov Xvxpov, t^¥ avrrjv rov fiiWovros €Tovi avafiivowiv 
fintpmf fkaiop dc tK€iyo r^v fitru^v cVapxct )^vov r^ Xv;(i'^ icdr^ to avr^ eV 
TffjJpq Koi WKTi <f>aipovTi, Vide ** ^, 

^ Strabo, 396 fVl dc rj verpq ri r^s ^ABrfvas l(p6y 8 tc d/);(nio£ 
yfttr ^ T^ff IloXtddoff cV J 6 aapforos Xv;(i'or, «ai 6 irapOtvinv t» fnoirfctv 

c Horn. //. 2. 546: 

6^fxov *Ep€xBrjos fiiydXriTopoSy ov nor 'A^ijvi; 
6piy^€^ Aftor BvydTfjpf rtKt dc (€il^pos npovpa, 
icao o CV Aorfvjja- turtv cy ci'i ttiom vi;^, 
(V^d d« fit I' ravpoiai Ka\ dpviidis IXAmrrai 
Kovpoi *A$qvaicov 9r«pircXXoficVo>v ivtavrSiv, 

" Herod, 8. 55 **""* *" ''5 oxponoki tovtu 'Ept^Bios rov yrjy€v*os 
Xfyo/icvov €i»ai vrf6sy tv r^ cXat'i; re «eat BdXaaaa cVt. 5. 82 ol di (*A^- 
vaioi) en I ro<(rdc daxrciv t<f)a(rav tXtuijv^ tir ^ ana^cvviv {pi ^Emlkivpioi) €T€os 
(Katrrov rfj *A6rfvaiu t€ rj IloXtddi if)a icai t^ 'EpixBtl, ApoUod. 3. 1 4, 7 
*Ept)(6ouiov dc drro^avdvroff fcai raifiivTOi iv r^ rifA€V€i ttjs *ABrjvat. Clem. 
Alex. Proirept, 39 P n dc •Epi;^^di'«off ; ovx* cV t^ vt^ rijf IloXcttdor 

^ Plut. Themist, C. 10 ^ii<f^itriia ypai^i (Bf/Aurro/cX^r) r^v /ici/ irdXiy 
•napQKara6€(r6ai rrj 'aBtjv^ rjj *A6rivdoiV fithtovaji^ 

^ CLA. 2. 57 b, inscription refening to alliance of Athens with 
the Arcadians, Eleans, Achaeans, and Phliasians, before the battle 

of Mantinea, dj^aaBai fiiw rou KTjpvKa avTuca ftaXa r^ Act ro> 'OXvftfri^ Koi T.7 
^A6t)v^ TJ lloXcddi ical rn ^fifjofrpi teal rfj Kopij Kaii rolr da»dciea 6i6is koi tuU 
at/xvaU OtaUj iav <rw€UfiyKg ^AOrjvtimv rat B^fit^ to. li6^yTa n€p\ r^s avfiftaxitis, 
Ovaiav koI npoaodop irtHx^ataBai, lb, 332 avaypw^ai (r^u avfAfxaxiop) . . . 
(V OT^Xi; x^'^ '^^ ar^<rai iv dKpo7r6\€i wapa r^i/ vtoi> rtj? *ABrjvas r^v IloXiddor. 
Cf. 464. Id, 481. 59 ZOuaav dc ol Zfftrjfioi ra i^trrfT^pia iv *AfrpoirdXci 
r^ re ABrjvqi rjj UdXiadi icai rj Kovporpo^^ Ka\ rj navdpoatj^. I. 32 
€do(€v T^ fiovkj Koi r^ d^f<^ . . . KciXXidff fitre* mrodovvai roit OtoU ra 
XprifMTa TO. 6<f>€ik6fitva, intibif t§ ^ABijvalq r& rpitrxiXia rdXtMura air#r^iwyicrai 
is rrdXiv & i'^rri<PiaTo vofuaparos ^fitdanov, dnoditovai dc dn6 r&v xflf^drvv 
A is dnodoaiv iariv rocr ^oir iyjnfipurpLiva^ rd re vapa roic 'EXXiyvo- 
TOfiiais 6vra vvv koi r2XXa . . . intiiav dc dirodcdo/uicVa // rots Btois ra 

XpflpOTOf is TO V€QI>piOV KUl TO TflxiJ TOiS fTtplOVO'l XP^^^^Ql Jl^pi^fUKTiP. 2. II 

ihv dc iK^rjvai do«c§ ra i^ffffaa^fiivaf o^ctXcrw pvpias dpaxp^s Upas rJi 


* Solon, "Yiro^icai, ^ rt-irj yap fuyaBi'fios ariaicoiros o^pt/ion-arprj IJaXXof 

'A^raii; x^'P^^ vrrtpBtp €)("• Arist. EquiL 581 : 

C0 iroXiov;(c IlaAXar, C0 

r^f Upwranji itna- 

(Tutv itokiyuta T€ itai froAi;- 
Tolf bvvdfUi. ff vn(ptf)€poi' 

Arisl. Thesmoph. 1 136 : 

IlaXXdda r]7y <\>ik6\opov tfidi 

bfvpo jcaXfly pofios' €S X**P^ 

vapdivov, a(irya Kovprjp^ 

^ YToXiv r)pMT€pay €x*i, 

KOI Kparot (fMPfpop tioprj, 

KX]jdovxos T€ icaXciroi. 
Eur. Heracl. 770: 

aXX , 0) 9rori/ui, aov ya/i oi/das 
yaffy uov irac jrdXc( 2r <rv panjp 
dfoiroiva T€ Koi ^rXo^ . . . 
rVci (TOi ntXCSviTTos dti 
Tipa xpcuycrac, ol^c Xa^c 
firj¥i»v <f>3ipas ^fupa, 
Pfiov T* doifku X^pvy T€ poXwa!. 
av9po€VTi 0€ yat nr o;(^ 
oXoXiry^ra fnunmxiois xmo irap- 
Biv^w iaK\(fi wodmy itp6roitn, 

Aesch. Eum. 997 : 

;(a4pcr* aortjc^f Xccar, ucrap rjfupoi Aw, 
itapBivov <piXas (fyikoi a'€a<f>poPOvms cV XP^'Y* 
ILiXXador d' vtto irrtpoif ovras ti(mu nanip, 

^ Athena noXioOxos at Athens: archaic inscription Epk, Arch. 1883, 

|). 35. 5 ^fKonjv ^ABrfvaia noXtov^Q) 'irpojcXcidijr ^' aptOrjKtv, 

* Athena 'Apx'/y*^*^ • ^' -^^ ^''' 666 add. HoXXa^ 'Ep<x^*^^ ^PX^^y*^^ 
vbv Kara vaov ^de rot ibpvOrj 4>iXW/xz 'HpaicXcoc inscription on base of Statue 
of priestess dedicated to Athena Polias. C.I, A, 3. 65 6 drjfiot dvh rwy 

doBfiawv doipfS>v vir6 Taiov, Cf. td, 66 *IovXiov KmVcipoff ^eoO *A^»^ 
^ KpXTTffTibi, C /. Gr. 476 *ABrfifa 'Apxtfyrndi . . . *EpfM> . . . FopyiTrrcof 

rov (^ttfiov), inscription on fragment of altar at Athens, ? second 

century B.C. Plut. Aic. C. 2 rjp:ip rdit "ABrjvaiois . . . apxny*rit ^ABifva 
Ka\ narp^t 'AiroXXwv eori. Cf. Schol. Arist. Av, 5^5 ^^ 'ApxTy«'»^o* 
'ABrjvas r6 cryaX^ 'yXavxa ci^f i' cV r^ X*H^' 

'* Panathenaea : * Paus. 8. 2, i najv^ipafa icXi;^Mu ^<rur cWl Oiyocwr, 
on viro ^ABrj¥ai»v triBrj avv€iK€yp€iwp cV |uay <br fli Ti i y iroXcv. 


^ Harpocr. S, V, UavaB, birra HopaBrivaia rfy<TO 'A^^riycri, to fitv Kaff 
tKao-Tov ivuxvTov, TO. dff bih. TrtvTfirjpidot, &it€p KQi luyaKa iKokovP, . • • ^yoyc 
dc rr^v ioprniv frpSnros ^Epi^BoPtos 6 *H(^i(rrov, KaBa ^rfviv 'EXXdvueos rt leac 
* Av^porifuVj €KaTtpot iv a ^ArOibos, irph rovrov dc 'A^^i^ata c/caXciro, uc 
ded^XoKfv larpos iv y rS>v 'Arrocuy. 

^ Schol. Aristid. p< 323, Dind. ra M fxtydXa {UayaOfivam) IlturiarpaTos 

^ Schol. Arist. A^ud, 37 olrot di (ol d^fuipxoi) rrfv vofivrip r&y Ilaya- 
^valoiv tKoaftovv, Thuc. 6. 5^ ftcra yap dairidot koX Ihiparos twStaav ras 
frofAiras trouTv, — ^^A^Xo^fVai for the ficyaXa Hov. Pollux, 8. 93 affkodirai. 
dtKa fi€¥ €((riy, tU Kttra 0vX^v* ^ictfuurOtyrts dc &pxpv<n rivaapa thi), cVi rf 
dta$€7vai rk navu^Mua, rc^i^ rt povaucop Koi rovyvpviKov kvX ri)V limobpopiav.^^ 

'UpoTTotoi for the f»«pa, vide ^ *. Cf, Arist. A/hen, Polit, c. 54. 

* Lucian, Nigrtn. 53 cV t^ dyum twi/ nava^i^ckiy Xrf^ivra . . . 
Tivo rcoi' froXtrwy aytcBai napa r^v aytavoBirriv Sri ficmrov €\<iiiv Ipariov iSt^p^i, 

^ Herod. 6. 1 1 1 Bvaius *\Oqvaici>v dvay6vT0iV Ka\ iravrjyvplas ras iv rfjcri 
iriVTiTrjplo'i ytvopivas, Kanvx^rai 6 Krjpv( 6 *A$rjvaios &pa re * A6rjvaiourt, 
\iy»v, yivftrOai ra dyaSh xa) Ukarcutvai. 

K Schol. Arist. IVud. 385 ip Toit navaBrfvalois frdtrai al inro t&v ^AOrfvaiav 
dnoucurOfiaai nSktts ffovv Tv$rf<r6pfvov Intpnov, 

^ Harpocr. S, v. (TKa^ri^dpoi: Liivapxot , . . ^lyai ^' o< dvr\ a'Ka<f>rf<l>6p»v 
€<Prj0oi cir n)v dxpSnoKip dpaP^aoprcUf ovx v/itv (\opt9^ X°P^^ ^^ froXirftar, 
dWa T^ TovTOv dpyvpito,* dpTi row piroiKot, . . . ^r^irfTptos yovp ffV y 
No/io^c(r liar <f>rja]p ort irpoairarrtp 6 pdpos rms piroUois iv rats nofurais 
avTovg p€v a'Ka<f>a5 (fyiptip, r^r dc Bvyaripas avTa>v vdpfca leal (nrcddca. Cf. 

Pollux, 3. 55. 

» Schol. Clem. Alex. Protrept, p. 9 P. (Dindorf, vol. i. p. 417) 

ipiff rrfv Xtyopivrfv (Ipta-iinprfP (Jyrfalp ^v ovT<as mpuikovvTts ipioi^ Kai ratviait 
v(f)a(rfidTtov \ivi<ap — Jjv di xKalios dir6 rrjs Mopuis iXalat — Ka\ dxpoipvois 
fr€iPTOtois frt ptaprS>PTis dvrjyop tls *AKp6n6kip rj Tloktdbi *A$rjpaioi H(i»a$qpaui» 

^ Xenoph. Sympos, 4. 17 Bah\o^pov% yap rj *A6riv^ Toifs Kokovs 
yipovras iickiyovTai, Schol. Arist. Vesp, 54 ^ '" '''^^^ JlavaBrjpaioiSy ol 
yipopTts BtiKXovs cj^ovrcs iiropntvov, 

1 Schol. Soph. Oed. Co/. 701 6 bi ^ApitmrtKris koI rots viKfja-atri ra 
navaSffvaiOf iXaiov tov ck popliop ytvofjJvov diboaOai (fttfot I SO also Pindar 

Nem. 10. 65. 

^ Harpocr. s, V, Xa/iirdr. rpctr ayovaw 'A^yaloi iopnrhi Xafttrddac, Ha»a^ 
paiais Koi 'Ht^aiorcioiff km UpofujOtiois, 

n Eur. Hec, 466 : 

9 TlakXados ip irdXci 
ras KaKkiti<l)pov Btdg 


valova fv KpoKiifi ircfrX^ 

cV haibakiawn froiKikXova uv$oicp6icoi<rt wrfumf, 

5 Tirdvoiv y€VtaVy 

rav ZcL*; afi<l}invp<j^ 

Koifii{ii (l>\oyfji^ Kpnpidas l 
CI. Schol. id, ov fwtfov yap napBivoi vffxuvov, &5 xfttjaiv* AiroXXodotpof . . .oXXc 
KOI riXtiai yvvaiK€S, m ^tptKpaTrit cV ^vKoMaaKakat . . . rovrov dc a»Upov9 
6ia narratTrfpidos iv rclr n.ava6T\valoii, Harpocr. irctrXof. rov ninkau nw 
avayo/juvov r^ ^ABfjvqi roU fuyaXoti IlavaBrjvatots, Schol. Arist. £g. 5^3 
Idia ixapa rois *A6rjvaiois TrcVXof to apptvov t rqi napaOrjvaSKfjv vn»f, ^v « 
*A^i;varoi KaTa<rK€va{ov(ri t^ 0€<a dih rcrpaeriyptdos. $( itai T17V iro/iir^y diro rov 
KfpapuKov voiovci p^XP*" ''®*^ *EXevcriv/ov. . . , O^ iyiypaTiro 'EyiccXador, A* 
awtXfv ^ *A6fj»a . . . ryrfcricfi'dffTo o5i/ 6 7r«rXoff /ca^ iKaarov ivtavT6v. Diod. 
Sic. 20. 46 01 dc *A6rjv(uoi ypuyltayrot yftTi<f)i<rpa ^rparoicXeovs i'^ffiiaam 
Xpvaas piv ilKovas ((f> up/uurror crr^crai rov T€ 'Ain'iyiJi'ov «rai Arjpjjrpiov . . . 
iv\H^iv6vTUiv avTovs fls rhv r^r 'A^ra; ircVXoy lear* cVmvrov. Plut. Demet. 10 
fw<j>cuv*a$M di r^ ircVX^ ^cra rwv ^cup avrovs (^^ptjTpiov koi *AKriyoM>r] 
i^r)<f>l(ravTO, Hesych. J. Z'. 'EpyaoTivoi* ai tAv ircirXoir vtf>alvov<r(u. 

^ C.I. A, 2. 314 dii(\€\6ri di 4>iXcir7rtdi;r«/ctti vircp nfpcuas icai torou, 
OTTtas h» boBjj Tg 6i^ (li ra Ilapa$rjiKua r^ YrcirXo) & iKop-iirBrj in* Evrr^fLOPOf 

npxovTos. Strattis, Meineke, Frag. Com, Graec, 2. 772 rhv ircVXov 

hk ToiTou (Xkovot* uvfvovTfs roniiois avhp€i dpapiOprjroi tis oKpop &<nr€p 
iariov rov larov. Paus. I. 29, 1 rov ti ^Aptiov woyov wXiycTiw deiKrvrai wavs 
noitjOuaa (s r^u tS>v UavaOrfvaic^v nopnr]P. 

P Philostr. Viia Soph. 2. i, § 5 (Kayser, p. 236) kmccmi vtpi rw 

UavaOriuaicav rovnuv rjKOVov' nfnXov ptv dvrj<p6ai rrjt p€Ois . . . dpafifip 6i r^ 
vavv oifit vno[vyi<av dyovraVy dXX* vnoyiiois prjxoyoLiS €iroXta$apov(ra9, «« 
KfpapfiKOv de apatrav x^^? icomri d(f>f'ivai cVi t6 *EXfV<rivtop Kai ntpifiaXowrop 
avrb napapfi^rai to IlfXaaryiKov, Kopif^opepriv dc wapa t6 JlvOiov cX^civ oi vw 
&pptaTat. Ar. Aihen. Polit. C. 54 tg *£Xft;(rivadff TLavaBrpKua, Thuc. I. 20 
TO) 'iTTYrdpxa) YTCpcrv^oi^cs 7*€/>t TO Acuicdpioy KctXovptvov Trjv JlavaBi^VQiK^v trofiufiw 

4 Schol. Arist. A^u6. 984 'Qpx^^'^o ^^^^ UavaBrivaiots cV oirXoiff ol iraljlcff* 
cf. id. 985 TpiToytPtlrfs. itbos opxtftrttot ^ KaXtiTM €v6trXiot' fka dc r^ cir 
*A$r]pdv TavTTjv rcXfco-^at TptToytvfia jcoXfiToi. LysiaS *AiroXoy. AMpodoK. 
p. 700 R navaBrfvaiois rois fuxpois i\opfjyuvv itvppiXKTTals aytptiois, Schol. 
Pind. Pyth. 2. 127 ^ *Enixappos TTfP *ABrjpap <^i/{ri roU Aioairovpocf roar 
€v6nXtop v6pop €navXfj(Tai. Dionys. Halic Antiqu, Rom, 7. 72 'EXXi^wucoy 
dc iipa Koi rovTo ^p cV toI? irdio; troXaioy irrtnfitvp^^ cv OTrXoic ^X*?^*' 4 
KoXovp^pq Ilvppixfj, UT *A6j!jpa£ vpmjs arl Ttrdifwy dffxiPiaft^ xnfi^vtip »u 


opx^TitTBai frvv oirXois rcariPiKUi vn^ x°P^^ ap^fUvrft^ circ vakalnpov cri 
KovpffT<ay avr^y KaTaarrnrafifvctv. Beul^, tAcropoUdAtkhus^ 2. p. 313 
I2TAI2 NIK . . . PB02=in//}ptxMrTaiff i/i«^cra£ "Arap^or. Cf. ib, PI. 4 relief 

showing two groups of four dancers with shields. Cf. CI, A. 2. 965 b 

fraicrcv irvppixtvTais ^oOr. 

' Schol. Arist. JVud, 971 ^pvpis . . . doxcc 9r/>»ror KiSapicai nap^ 
*ABrjvatois Kul vuc^ai HapoBi^vaiots eirl KnXXtot; &p-)(ovTOi (b. C 456). Plut. 
Per id, 13 6 n«/HirX^r r($rc wpwrov iylnf<f>i(raTo fAOvaucrjs ay S>va rois JJava" 
Orjpaiois aytoBcu, kui hurafyv avrhi oBkoBirfi^ a\pt6f\i KaB&rt xph ^^^ 
oyiBPi(ofi€vovs avktlv fj ^dccy rj KiBapi^eiv. Heliod. Aeth, I. lO HavaBrjvawif 
r«>v ftcyciXoM/ ayoptywv, art rrfv vavv 'A$rfpaioi tnl yift r^ *A^y^ ntpnovtriPf 
€Tvyxapop pip €4>f)ff€V(OPj faas dc roi/ fiiaOAra iraiava rji $€^y koX to ptpopur" 
piva irpotropntva-aSf «>( uxop arokfjSy 0^.9 X^apvbt Kai avrocs OTC^KiPOir 
tpxppai otied9c. 

' Lycurg. icard AttoKpar, p. 209 R ovro) yap viriKaffop vpStp ol vardptt 
tnrovdaiop cJwu notrfrrjp {t6p "Opr^pop) SnTTt popop tB^pro Kaff (Kcumjp irtPTatTj^' 
piha TUP UtxPoBi^paioiP p6pov rmv aXkoup noirjr&p pa^^t^hfifrBai ra ^tttj. Plat. 
Hipparch, 228 B *Iinrdp;ifo), h^ , , , ra 'Oprfpov tini npw-os €K6pi(T€P dt rffp 
yrjp Tavrtjvij Koi tiPoyKadf roi/s pa^t^bovs UapaBijvaion t( vttoXi/^cw^ €<I>€(tjs 
avTtt ditcvai. 

^ Lysias, 'AfroXoy. Ao»podoic. p. 698 iwt AaokXcovs' llapaBrfPaioig toU 
pucpois KVKkiK^ X'^P^ ^puucoaias (Jipaxpat dprik^aa), 

^ Pollux, 4. 83 *ABrjPU(ri dc koi avpavkia ris cieaXctro avp^<apia ns avkq- 
rSiPj €P UapaBrfpaioii avPcnfXovprap. 

^ Harpocr. X. v. *AiroPdrris ... 6 dnofioTTjs Invucdp ri dyapitrpa . . . ra dc 
cV avT^ yip6p(pa di^Xoi Oi6(f>paaTos tp r^ k jSiP p6pMP, XP^^^^^ ^1 ^^'j 
TOVTt^ popoi Tu>p 'EWriPtup *ABripaioi nal Boieoroi. Cf. EratOSth. Cafos/cr, 1 3 
*Hyay€ (6 *Ep€xB€vs) dc (ntp€\a>s ra UopaBriPcua luu dpa rjPtoxos c;(cav iropa- 
PdrrfP dcmidiop ixopra Kai Tpi\o<f>iap tiri ttjs K€<f>aKfjs, Dionys. Halic. An/, 
Rom, 7« 73 ^^^P^^ t€, trap* ^Xtyair rri ^fXarro/icyo^ frAcai 'EXXi/mViv cir 
Upavpyiaii Tia\p dpxaiKois, 6 rS>p Traptp^tfiriKOTiap rots appaai dpopos, Cf. 
C. /. A, 2, 968 dppQTi TrokipiiTTrjpitf {piKri<raf), 

* Boat-races. C /. A, 2. 965 Minp^pta i/fa)v ApikXffs, Plato, 
Meineke, Com, Graec. 2, p. 679, referring to the tomb of Themi- 

Stocles, 6 <r6s 6f rv/i/Sos . . • ;(omdrui/ dptXk* rj rS>p ptnp Bidatrai, 

J Time and date of the festival : Schol. Eur. Jlec, 469 rh di Uapa- 

Brfpam ^p ioprfi *A^yar, vdpr^p *ABrjpal<iip <rvpi6pT<ap cic«i<rc Kai t&p oXXcoy 
'E\XrfP»p riaaapaf ffp€pas iraw/yvpifdiTwy. Procl. in Tim, p. 9 ra yap 
^iryaXa (jlapaBrpfOio) rot) 'Exaropfiatoipos ryiyvcro Tplrjj dnidpTos, w xai roOro 

ToU €pnpoaB€P ioToprjrai, Cf. Schol. Plat. Rep, 328 A. Demosth. 


Kara TifiOKp, p. 708 dwdf/can; {rov *EKaTotx$aiS>vos ^vhi) t6p POfiov cio^pry- 
K€v . . . bianpa(dfi€Vos . . . Ka$i{^€a'$ai voyuoOirat hut yjrrj<f)iafiaTos rirt rj tw 
HaiHiBrjvaiiOV irpo<f>d(Tfi, 

« CI. A. 2. 163 (Rang. 814), Panalhenaic inscription — ? during 
the administration of Lycurgus — ottch &v . . . Tf\((rBfj fj rrofAirrj nap^cMv- 

aafxiinj as apicTTa t^ *A$qva Kar €Ka(rTov rbv iviavrov vnep tov ^tjfxov rov 
*A6rjvaia>v Koi riWa o(Ta ^ti dioiKrjrat TTcpi rriv €oprrjv ttju dyofUmiv rj ^m 
KoKas vno rinv ltpoiroiS>Vj (}lrrj(l>i(r6ai ra f^rjfi<a . . . Ov€iv dc rovs Itpoimovt 
rat piv bvo Bvaias rr)v t€ tJ ^\$rfva rfj 'Yyuia Koi ttjv iv r^ op {? ti^ ^ayw 
Ovopivrjy OV ap)(al<a v€^ Bvoptvrjv) KaOdntp nporepov koi veipavrat vols irpvrd" 
v€(Ti W€VT€ ftfptdar Koi roif cWca apxownv . . . Km rapiais rris Stov fiiaw Kal roit 
UpvTTOioU plav KCLi rdls arparrfyoii Kai toZ? ra^iap\ois . . . to dc SXka Kpta 
*A$r]vaiois p€pi(€iv , , . oi i€po7roun ptra ru>v fiofavSiv -ntpy^carra rrju noftir^u rg 
^ca> BvovToav rauras rat /Sovr ^irdaas cVi r^ /3a)/i^ t^s AOrjpas r^ ficydX^, fiiav 
df fVt Tft) T^f Ni/ci;£ TTpoKfuvavTti €K tS>v Kcik\i(rT€vov(ra>v ^wav K<a Bvacarrts t§ 
*A6r]p^ Tfi Udkiahi Koi rrj *A$rjva tJ NUrj . . . roifS d« itpOTTOiovs tovs di€HKoi»' 
rai TO IlavaBrjvaia ra Kar iviavrov 7ro€lu tt}p navyvxlda w KciXXioTTjv xq 6«^ 
fcai. rriv nopw^v Trtpiriiv apa fjXit^ dviovri (ripiovvras r^v p^ ntiBapxovvra tkus 
c«c tS>v vdpov ^fjpiais, 

^^ The feast of SwotVia: ThllC. 2.15 Vfpopivovs ra avr5>v Udarovi&wtp Kai 
npo rnv rjpdyKaat (GiJo-cvj) pta ndXti ravrjj XPV^^^^ *? dirdvTtov ^rj <TVtnrt\ov»T»9 
€s avrfjv pcydXrj yivoptmj irapfbdOr) vno OrjattiS rois circira* Kai avvoucta e( 
€K(ipov tin Ka\ vvv rj 6*^ foprfiv trjpoTfXrj TTOiovcrt. Plut, TnfS, 24 Kora- 
\vaas o^v rd nap* cKaoTOir npvrapila Ka\ fiovktvTrjpia Ka\ dpxdsy tv di noi^as 
dna(Ti Koivov ivravOa npvravtlov kcu ffovXtvrrjptop Snov vvv lipin-ai t6 a<rrv, ripf 
T€ nokiv *A€r]uas npoarrjy6p€va'€ koi Havadfjvaia Bvviav **iroti;<r« KOtvtjp, EBvat 
df Ka\ MfToiKia tJ fKTu €n\ btxa rov 'EKaTopfiaiiiVOSf ^v rrt «a« vvy Bvowi^ 
Schol. Arist. Pax 10 19 (i)aa\ yap rfj rS>p avpoiKta-mv €0pr5 BihtIop rrXcio^ 
'ElpfiPTj rov dc ffatpop prj aiparovtrSaiy 'EKon-oppm&vog prjvbs mktjj cttI d€Ka, 
Steph. Byz. S. v. *A$rjvai . . . <t>Tja\ Xdpa( on 6 Qrjaivs rat Mixa irdXcir rat 
€P tJ *Attmc5 avPoiKiaas itt 'ABrfvas avvoiKta iopr^p icarcanjaaTO. 

^® Athena, the city goddess. 

a At Troezen, vide *' \ At Tegea : Paus. 8. 47. 5 T€yfdraif dt tan 

Ka\ cfXXo i€p6p *A6ripds noXcurido; ' cKaorov dc oira^ crovr Uptvs ts avr^ coYwrt* 
ro rov 'Epvparos Uphv opopdf^ovatf Xtyovrts in Ki;<^ct r» AXcoO yivovro dcaptii 
napd *A0fjpds dvaXa)roi/ cr r6p ndvra xp^^'ov tlpot Ttytav, Koi avr^ ^mutip 
<V ^t;Xa«n7i' r^s nSXms ajrortpovirav r^v Otov dovvai rpix^v r&v Mcdovoi^f. 

^ At Sparta : Paus. 3. 17, 2 'EvraifBa 'A6rivas Up6v vrciroiVai, noXtov^ov 
KaXovp€PTjt /cat XoXkioikov rrjs axnijs, . • . Ftnadar dc ipydtraro (r6 oyoX^a) awfip 
tnix^ipios, *Enoirj(r€ d< koi fa-para ^i^pia 6 Fcriddar cZXXa re jcal vpvav t£ 1^ 


Bi6v, intipyaaTcu di r^ X^*^^ iroXXa fiiv tuv !iffk<a¥ *Hp<uc\€ovs, Caucr, 
Delect,^ 17 Aa/Aoi'oy avf$fK€v *A6avalqi IloXid^o viKa&s raira ir ovdts irciroiea 
roO yvv, Polyb. 4* 35 '^o^^ f^P ^'"^^ Bvcriav ndrpiov cd<i tovs fuv fV rais 
fjXiKiMS fura tS>v onktov irofiir€vtiv ctti rbf r^r ^ABrjvas r^t XaXKioixav vt^v, 

Eph, Arch, 1892, p. 23 : inscription found at Arayclae mentioning 6 

Upfvs no<rtda>pos *Aa'<f>a\iOV *A^avar XaXxioixov *ABavas HaiKiaxov, 

^ At Megalopolis : Paus. 8. 31, 9 iptinia d< 'A^^var icpoO noXiodo^ eVl 


d At Daulis: Collitz, Dialect, Imchr, 1523 /x^ KaradovXi^o-(rr<k> 5« 
fiiy^cir Tovrovf ot( dvtOijKt KoXXwv leal Aafui> rai *A0avai rai EloXtadc. In 

Rhodes ^^ 

« Crete : at Hierapytna, inscription of treaty between Hierapytna 
and Lyctus: Cauer, Delect} 117 (C /. Gr, 2555) 'Ofiw« rav 'AAmway 

'QXtpiav , , , Koi *A0avaicaf IloXicida leai ^ABqvaiap SaX/xcDi'tav. At Dreros : 

Cauer, Delect} 1 2 1 'O/xwo) rAv *A6a¥aiav rav Uokiovxov, At Priansus : 

C /. Cr. 2556 OTa<rarr«v dc rar oraXar . . . o2 /i€v *Upa7tvTvioi iv rw icpcS 
raff *A6avaia^ rat Hokiddos, xai ol Ilpuivaioi iv ro) («pf raf ^ABavaias ras 

IloXcador. At Cnossus : Paus. 9. 40, 3. 

f At Chios: Herod, i. 160 iv6(\nfv d<, <f ipoC *ABrjvaujs Uokiovxov 

dvoairaaBus vno Xitov f(tb66rj, 

8 At Amorgos: Bull, de Corr, Hell, 1 891, p. 582 dvaBtivai U to 
Uphv r^ Ati rSn. . . . leai 'A^i/rai r§ IloXtddi. 

Jj At los : Mttt, d, d, Inst, Ath. 1891, p. 172 A41 r^ IIoXicc xac tJ 
'aV^ Wi HoXwdi?). Cf. C. 7. Gr. 2263 c. 

i At Cos: Bull, de Corr, Hell, 1881, p. 220 'aV? noXiadi 5t^ 

k At Erythrae : Paus. 7. 5, 9 "Eo-n hi iv *Epv6paU koi *ABrivas Uo\td6os 


1 Priene : inscription in British Museum, C, I. Gr. 2904 BaaiXtvs 

*AXc£avdpoff dvfBrfKf top uaop *A$r)vaiji IloXiddi. PaUS. 7* 5i 5 h^^^^l^ ^' 
2y . • . *ABrjpds Ta cV UpifiPj^ va^ . . . roO aydXfuiror €P(Ka» 

^ At Pergamum : Athena UoKias koi Non^^dpof. Inscriptions in 
Ergehnisse d, Ausgrab. zu Pergam, 1880, pp. 76-77 6 d^ftof 'AcricXiy- 
iridda Evdy^ov n^y yfpoptpijp Up€iap r^s Tlokidbos koi Nt<r};(^pov ^ABrfpas cV 
Tolf drro>Kaid«iedTOf( 'SiKrf<f>optois tvai^tas €P€Ka, Cf. C /. Gr, 3553 4 
ffovkrf Koi 6 tfjpos irtiprjacuf KXavblav , . . ptjTfpa KKavtias Up€ias Nuci^^dpov 
Koi IloXtddos *ABfjpas, Cf. Polyb. 4. 49. 

n At Ilion: Dion. Halic. An/, Rom, 6. 69 6 yhp ^tfjMP avr&p rov 


yfpovs Navrcoff ano T6i>¥ vvv Al^ei^ (rrttXairntv ttjp cnrodtiov, f v *\0tfpas Uptvt 
^ At Phaselis : C. /. Gr. 4332 Upar^vaavra r^ff vpOKaffffytri^f r^ 

p At Phalanna in Perrhaebia : Colliiz, Dialed, Inschr, 1330 *AAuf 

IloXttidi ot iTToKuip^oi oviBdKav, 

Q At Heraclea in Magna Graecia: C /. Gr. 5774-5 \KBd^ noXiadc: 
on the Tabulae Ileracleenses. 

^ At IstrOS : C /. Gr. 3048 di/riypu^ai TO doyfjui cis to itpop to rat 

*A6dvas rat IIoXtado(. Macedonian period. 

'• Athena *Apx7y«''«f at Athens, vide ^ K At Sparta : Aristid, i. p. 608 
(Dindorf) r\ koivt] fih apxTfiTit apt^oiv raiv n6\fouf (Athens and Sparta). 
? At Lemnos : C. I. Gr. 2155 according to Boeckh's restoration. 

^° Athena llarp[a at Anaphe : Bull, de Corr. Hell. 1892, 143, No. 27 

'Lr\vtit Harplov ical *ABifpas liar plat. 

*^ Athena UopaxaU at Patrae : Pans. 7. 20, 2 rov mpifiokov dc €<rrtw 

cWor TTJs Aa(f>pias /cat *ABrivas poos tmkkrjtriv Ilapax<u^t> cXc^yrov ro 
ayaXpxi Koi ;(pvo-uv. 

*^ Athena 'OpoXms: Schol. Lycoph. 520 *0/*oX«tff dc n/Aoroi irapa 


*^ Athena ^TifioKparin : C.I. A. 2. 1672 'A^w ArifioKparias on altar, 
first century b.c. ; 3. 165, same inscription on base of a statue (?) that 
stood near the Parthenon, period of Herodes Atticus. 

Titles from cities and localities : 

**a *ApaKvv6ias from the mountain in Boeotia [Geogr. HegisUr, 
p. 419). 

^ Athena ^Aa-arjala: Herod. I. 19 mjov *A$rj¥aiffS . . . nriVXi;(rty 'A<r- 
(njalijs. . . . Jdid. rhv vrj6v r^i *ABrivairjSj rov €V€7rptj(rap X^PI^ ^^ MiKtjauft cv 

" Athena *lakvaia in Rhodes: Rev. Arch. 1867, p. 30, No. 71 

(i€p«vf * A6a)vai Aiv^las Koi . . . 'A$<lvas *lakvaias ELoKid^s koi At6f Ilokumf 

Kafinpa^oi : imperial era. Athena Aivdia at Physcos in Caria, ^ul/. de 
Corr. Nell. 1894, p. 31, No. 10. 

*^ Athena 'iXids : ^ Herod. 7. 43 Stp^ris cr t6 Uptafiov U€pyano» 

dvf^ri . . , Otatrdp^vos dc . . . r^ ^ASrjpairf rj *lXiadc iBvat fiovi ;^tXuk£. Cf. Xen. 

Hell. I. I, 4 ; Plut. Alex. 15 ; Sirabo, 13, p. 593 r^y 3c t»v *lXcct»y tup 
PUP retas pip KonpriP upal (f>a<ri t6 Upop t)(ovacaf r^r 'ABrjpds puKpop Koi rurcXcr, 
'Kki^ap^pop di dpa^dpTa pur a rrip cirt TpapUij^ puajp dpoB^paai re KOCfujaai r^ 


^ C /. Gr. 3595, decree in honour of Antiochus I, M6x'^ r^ fiovX^ 

KOI rf di^fty r^y fiiv Uptttw kc^ tovs lipov6fiovg Koi rovs irpvravtit tH^turBm rfj 
'hBfivq. Tff 'iXtadc . » , Tff *ABri9^ avvT«k€aaT»a'av r^y pufu{flfitiffiv «ai ftarpiov 

c Arch. Zeit, 1875, p. 153, inscription from Ilium containing 
a decree in honour of a citizen of Gargara, m dvfip aya36s itm wtpl 

rh Up6p Trjs *ABtpfds Koi TrjV letunfyvpiv xai rh kowov tmv n^tfav (third 

century b. c). 

d *l\UuL : Hesych. S. v. toprfl h 'A^iwj- cV 'iXiy 'KBtpAi 'iXta^f mX 

« Panathenaea at Ilium : to puKpa C, I, Gr. 3601. Cf. 3599 anh bi 

rrjs irpocrddov yipf(r$at dva nay ifrog cV r^ HavaOrjvai^ cv t^ ioprj t(ov 'iXtoicttr 
iro/iir^v froi Bvciap rfj *\B9fv^, 

' Appian: Mithrad. Bekk. i. p. 365 r6 rijt 'A^i^r tdos 6 UaXXdbiop 

Kokcvauf Koi biontris ^yovrrai vopi(ov<riv tvp€Brjvai t6t( nBpavarop (in the 

destruction of Ilium by Fimbria). 

*'' * Athena 'imroKains at Hippolas on south coast of Laconia : Paus. 

3. 25) 9 iroXcax ipiivia'limokas coriV, tv dc avrois 'ABrjuas ifp6v *limo\aiTidos, 

^ Athena Kpatrria: vide Geograph. Register, p. 422. 

Athena Kvpptjarls: vide Geograph, Register y p. 423. 

*• » Athena Aiyd/a, vide ^", at Lindos : Strabo, 655 Up^p dc tarip 'ABrjpog 

Aipbias avToBi, nriffHtPiS T«y Aapai^p idpvpa, C. /. Gr» 2 103 e *A^i«$ Acydtf 

noircdcoff lloaidcov ;^afM(rrnp(ov : Rhodian inscription in the Tauric Cher- 

^ Athena MayapaU: vide Geograph. Register, p. 422. 

*• Aristid. vol. I, p. 17, Dind. cicrly al noktis 6S>pa 'ABijpat . . . IIoXiov- 
;(or ^iracri iec«eXi;rat. 

*® Athena *Aicpia at Argos : » Hesych. x. v. cV "Apytt, inl rti^f oxpof 

Ihpvpivti d<p* ^s Kal 'Axpiaios apopaaBif «ari dc leal ^ ^^Hpa «cal *Apr€fU£ KoL 
*A<f>poiiTri npoaayopivopiPTf tp "hpyti Korh rh opowp in axpt^ IdpVfjJpoi, 

^ Paus. 2. 24, 3 cV* a«rp9 df cVrt t^ Aapiajj AUtg cVucXi^criy Aapuraiov paU 
. . . «eni *ABrjpas di Ptids cVrt ^<a£ &(iot, 

« Clem. Alex. 39 P cV t^ Pt^ ttjs ^ABfjpos tp Aapicfrjj ip tJ dicpoinSXci 
ra^off fOTiy 'AKpiaiov, 

*' Aristid. vol. I, p. 15, Dind ir<JX€»F dc ira<re0y Tflff Kapv(l>as txa «iT<k 

*■ At Agrigentimi : Polyb. 9. 27 in\ di rrjs Kopvifnjt *ABfp>as i€p^ Ifcrur- 
roi Kuii Ai^ *ArafivpUnf, 

VOL. I. D d 


" At Scepsis : Xen. HelL 3. I, 21 6 hi Atptcvkihas &wras rj *A^»9 €P 
TJ tS>v ^icq^ifav OKpOTToXfl, 

** PaUS. 6. 26, 3, in Elis, fV aKpon6\€i hi rrj *HXcia0V coriF irpov 'A^ypof 
€X€<f>avTos hi t6 aydXfia /cat xpvdov, (Ivai fiiv hrj ^tihiov (f>a(r\v avTfiv, mnouirm 
hi dkdcrpvatv cVi r^ Kpavtiy on npoxfiporara Zx^vtrof is fiaxas 01 dktKrpvoptu 

^ At Corone in Messenia : Paus. 4. 34, 6 x"^'^^^*^ ^ *<*• ♦•' wcpondku 

rrjt *A0rfvas t6 ayakpA iariv iv xmalOptOy KOp&iVfiv hi iv rfj X*V' ^X^vaxi, 

^ At Megara : Paus. i. 42, 3 t^KohoprjTai hi in\ rj Kopv<f>fj ttjs wcpo- 

iroXfox va6s 'A^vof, ayakpa hi iartv inixpvaov rrXrjv x"p«»' *a« aicpap nohwr 
ravra hi koI t6 np6<rair6v ianv iXicJMvros . . . Koi ak\o Alavrihos. 

" Athena Kopv(f>a(Tia : Paus. 4. 36, 2, on the promontory of C017- 

phasion in Messenia, iepov ianv *ABrjvai imicXrjaiv Kopv<f>a(rias. 

^ Athena Kpavaia near Elatea: Paus. 10. 34, 7 ^EXartias hi Saow 

arahiovs tucoiriv aff>ia'TyiK(v *A$rjvat (irU\fj(Tiv Kpavalas Up6v. . . . rirc rovnjf ry 
\6<fxp TO Itpou ntnotrp-ai . . , t6u hi Upia tK naihtav alpovvrai tS>v ov^/Swv . . . 
t6 hi ayakpa inotriaav piv itai tovto UokvitXiovs irmdcf, tftrri hi ia-Kivaa/AfPW 
o)f is pdxTjVj Koi indpyaarai rjj doTTihi tS>v *ABfivri<Ti pipjjtia ciri 1-7 doTTidi rrjs 

Kokovpivrjs {m6 *A6rjvaia>v UapOivov, Cf. inscriptions in Bull, dt Corr. 

Hell. 1887, p. 318 * Ovrj(ri(f>6po» UpTjT€va-avTa ^Adf^va r^ Kpattaq. Id. 
(decree of alliance with Tenos) dvaypdyjrcu hi koi , . . t6 ^iffna^ia ovaBi' 

p«v . . . iv T^ Up6 ras *A$avds iv Kpavais (? fourth century B. c). 

*• ^ Athena Kytrapia-trla near Asopus on the Laconian coast : Paus. 3. 

22, 9 ^ASijvds Upov iartv iv rjj dKpon6\ti Kvnapiatrias eVucXi^criy. rrjs hi oKpo^ 
9rdXca)f irpos rots noai rr6k€<as ipdiria KoKovpivrjs *AxotS>v rSiV UapcucvTrapuraimv. 

^ At Larissa in Thessaly : Collitz, Dialed, Inschr. 345 (in letter 
from Philip V concerning extension of civic franchise) {;ro ^d<^4o-/ia) iv 

ordXXaf . . . oy^pa^avras KarBiptv iv rav dKp6iro\iv iv top vahv ras *AOavas. 

^ Athena *Oy«a at Thebes : Aesch. Sep/, 501 : 

irpSarov piv " Oy Ka IlaXXaf rjh* ay;(«HToX« 
irCXaitri ytirov dvhp6s ix^f^^powr v^piv 


lb. 164 : 

fTv T€ paKMp* av€UT<r "Oy/ca, wpo(f>p6v»s 

cirraTTvXov nokias thos intppvov. 
Paus. 9. 12, 2, at Thebes, eon piv iv InaiOpf^ pwpos KOi ayaXpa *A$rfvas' 
dva^fivai hi avrb Kdhpov Xiyovai . . . *Oyya Kara yXia-cav r^y ^anxtav JcaXcZroi. 
Steph. s. V. 'OyKoiai. nvXai Qrjpci>v . . . "Oy Ka yap rj *ABrjva Kara ^oivucas. 
Schol. Eur. Phoen. 670 6 piv iTrfCixopos iv 'Evpantlff rijv *A&rivav iavapKivai 
Tovs ohovras fftrjai, 

** Athena •lTo>wa. » Near Coronea : Paus. 9. 33, i rrjs 'impiat 'AA^m 
c'oTi TO i€p6v . . . jcai ts t6p kow^v avviaauf ivravBa 01 Bocmtoi ouXXoyoy. ^y dc ry 


Poy xqKkov ntTTOujfuya ^AOrfpas ^Irnvias Koi A«$ff f <rru' dyaXfiara. rtxmj ^ 
*AyopQKpiTOv, Strabo, 411 KpaT^<rayr€s de {pi Bouorol) ttjs Kof^ytias tv 
T^ np6 avrrjs TTfd/^ t6 tjjs *lTti>vias *ABrjvas ltp6v IdpwraPTo 6fJMWfiov r^ 
OrrraXtKcp kqI rbv vapapptopra irorafi^v Kovdpiov npotrr}y6p9V<ra» 6fiO(f>oiv*os r^ 
cffct. AXkoios dc KoXci Kapakiov Xcy»v, " £ ^vactr *A6apaa iroXtiiad6icos d nog 
Kop^ylas rn\ nlamu yava» wdpoiOtp dfi<f>i^iif€is KupaXicn norapw vap* S^Otus" 
(Bergk, Alcaeus, frag. 9) tvravOa dc kqI ra napPoutTia <n;wTcXovr* ovyKoBi- 
opvTM df tJ *A$T}vf 6 "Aiirjs Kara riva, &s {JKuri, pvartKriv airiatf, Bacchylides 
frag. 23 oifx cdpaff Zpyov ovd* dpfidkas aiXXa xpvaagyOiot *lTa>yias xp^ nap' 
cvdaidaXov va6u tk66vTai &fip6p ri btifyii. 

^ Athena 'Irooyui in Thessaly : Paus. i. 13, 3 tA dpartBfvra onXa r&p 
KtXriK&v ts t6 T^f *A$rivas Uphv rrji 'iravias ^tpStw fura^ Ka\ Aapiinfs, Koi 
t6 iniypappa ro in avroU 

Tovs Bvptoifs 6 Mo\oa'a'6s 'iraoy/dt d&pov *A6a»^ 
Hvppos an6 Opaaiiop iKpipactp Takarap, 

Paus. 10. I, 10 rlt yap avpBijpa . . . cd/doro fV raU fid)(ms OtaaaXoU pip 
*ABr}Pas *lT«ifPtas. Schol. ap. Rhod. I. 56^ ^^ '"' eccotiXtg 'irwvtlaff ntpi 

fjs *EKarai6s tc cV rj np^rrj tS>p laropi&p Xfyci. At Crannon : Polyaen. 

2. 54 topTTJs oUaji^ T&p KoKovpipciP 'lr»y(a»y, cy ^ ntipTts K/kuvcdhoi naiCovaiP. 

<^ Athena *lr4>yia worshipped at Amorgos : *ABrjp^ rg *lT<opuf and the 
festival rci 'lra>yia mentioned in inscription found there, JBuII. de Corr, 
HelL 1891, pp. 589-590. 

d At Athens: C. I, A. 1, 210 *A6qpaias 'lr»pias (latter part of fifth 
century b. c). 

® At Thaumakoi in Phthiolis : Collitz, Dialect, Inschr. No. 1459 

pi)phi *Ira>vioi>. 

^ Steph. Byz. S,V. 'ABrjpai nSKtis' Kara ph^Qpopniyn icarii dc *[k»pa ci£ 
• . . tKTTf Edf^oiaff . . . ravras d* *A^i^v Aiddas 'ktytcBai, 

Cults referring to the family. 

^ Photius, S. V. npvTfXfiop Jipipap oPopd^ovaiPy cV g tls r^v aKp6no\tp r^y- 
yapovpipffp napBtPOP ayovctv ol yop€is its r^p O^bp Koi Bvtriop imrfXavo'tp, 

•* Athena 'Anaroupia or ^parpia, • At Athens: Schol. Arist. 

Ac?iarn, 146 anaravpui IfBvop Au ^parpitj^ mil ^AOrjpf, C. I, A» 2, S44: 

inscription probably referring to the 'Airorovpui. Plato, Eulhyd. p. 

302 D Ztvi dff fipip . . . ipKtIos dff Ka\ (f^parpioSf Ka\ *A&7}jPaii) <f>paTpla, 

^ At Troezen: Paus. 2. 33, i (on the island just oflf the shore) 

itpvaaro pip ^Ui rovro AWpa pa6p ipravBa ABripas *AwaTovpias • . • Korfor^- 
(Toro dc Ka\ ToU Tpoi{iipi»p napSipoit dporiBtpai wp6 yapop rrfp {wyiyy rj *ABrjp^ 
Tff AvoTOvpi^, 

D d 2 


« At Syros: C, I. Or, 2347 q ^kdnvai *pa(Tpia^), 

^ At Cos: BulL de Corr, HelL i88i,p. 224 AiA^ ^parpiov ^A&apoiat 
KvpvavaKTi^av (? fourth century b. c). 

® Herod. I. 147 ctVl 5c irai^cr *'lo»v«ff, ocrot an* 'A^wr yry6vaiiri «u 
'Afraroi^pia ^yovctv Sprriv, ayovai dc frayrcr irX^v *E^cnW ecu KoXo^o>Kta»y. 

f Cf. AristOt. Oecon. p. 1347 r^J re ifpc/^ rj r^f 'ABrivas rrji cV djc^>oiroXci 
trrrcp roO airo^afoi/ror <l)€p€iu ;(oti'tica Kpi$a)V Koi nvpS>v irtpay Ka\ o^oXoy, icoi 
ory Av TTQiddpiov yfvrjrcUy to avTo tovto (*Ki\*vartv *ljnrias), 

•* Athena Kriyo-ta : Hippocr. wfp\ iwirvitiv: Kuhn, 2, p. 10 Ari fup 

Toiaiv ayaBolo'tv *HXi^ Ait Ovpavla Aii Krrjauj^y *A6rj¥^ Kn^a/i;, *^pp-S AwSkX^un 

*^ Athena Mijn/p : Paus. 5. 3, 3 rS>v ti *HX€t«i» al yvvauccc . . . tlj(aff' 
Oai Tjj *A$riv^ Xfyovrai , . . «cat ^ cv^^ <nf}i(riv tTfXtaSrjj koi ^hBffvas itp^w 
(TriKkrjcriv Mrfrpot iipvaavTO. 

^'^ ? Athena \oxia : Aristid. i, p. 21, Dind. Cf. Suidas, s. v, alyit' 9 W 

iipfia *AOrjvrjai r^v i€pav aiytda (JHpovaa wpos ras vfoyofiovs tltr^pxtro. 

•^ ? Athena T(v€TvXkU: vide Niketas F.pitheta tff«r, Westermann, 
jTf}'/^. Grace, p. 355. 

•^^ Athena liapBivo^ : C, I, A. I. 374 liapBiv^ *EK<f)dprov fi€ iror^p a»- 
cdi/KC «ca« vioff ivBdb* *A$fjyaiij fxprjpa Tr6w<oy "Aptos . . . Kpirios koi Ni^aMtr^r 

inoirjaaTfjv, 1} UapBivos in State-decree circ. 420 e.g., C, /. A, i. 51. 
^® Athena Kop/a near Cleitor in Arcadia: Paus. 8. 21, 3 ntnoirfrat 

dc Koi (Vi opov£ Kopv^ris arabiois rpiaKovra dntaripia r^r irdXcwr Mi^f icat 
ayaX/xa *A0rjyds Kopi'ar. Cf. Koprjaia *^. 

Political titles. 

'* Athena Elprjvo<t6pot : C /. ^r. 6833, on base of statue, cult-title. 

^* Athena BovXaai at Athens : Anliphon, p. 789 R cV our^ t^ 

^ovkfVTTjpito Ai6( BovXa/ov icai *A$rjvas BovXaias lep6v c*oti. Cf. C /l A, 3. 
272 l(p€<o£ Aior BovXaiov «ca( 'A^'ar BuiXatar. Cf. 683. 

" Athena 'Ap/SovXia at Sparta: Paus. 3. 13, 6 Aiot *Afifiov\iov luu 

^* Athena 'Ayopaia, vide " ^, 

^ ^ABtjvd fVt naXXadi^ and cVi liaXXadiy Afjpiov(i<f mentioned in fifth 
century Attic inscription containing schedule of religious funds, 

C. /, A, I. 273. Id. 3. 71 ifpf^s Tov Ai6s Tov cV( naXXadiov ital Bov^vyis^ 
Xpf)travro£ rot) UvBlav 'AirAX»yoff, ori ;(p4 irepop ttos Tfjs IlaXXador /caraintcvii* 
aaaBai, cV rav idio>v jro^aaff roip rf 6€oU rj rt iroXfi aw4$tiKtP, ? Second 

century a.d. 


^ Paus. I. 28, 8 6ir<$fra {buuurnipuL) cVi rolv <f>09€valv fcrriv, SkKa koi tni 
IlaXXadi^ fcaXovcri, leal roic diroKTtipa<nif dKovcias Kpicis KoB^arfiKtu, Cf. 

Pollux, 8. 1 18 ; Harpocrat. x. 9. cVl naXXad/^ : Demosth. Korii 'Api<rro€p. 
§ 71. Cf. 4a and 4^ 

^ Aesch. £um, 1022 : 

Ilf/A^rtt dc ^'yyti Xafwada»y <rt\aaxl}6pot¥ 
h Tovs t¥fp6€ Kca Kdro» x$oy6e rt^irovr, 
(Tvv irpo<nroXo((7iv, aire <f>povpovtriy fipirat 
TovfjLov biKaio>s, 

Cf. Rang. /«jfr. 814. 8. 
^ Eur. 7J^^. Ttfx/r. 1469 : 

«cai irpiV <r* 'Aptiotg cV frayoi£ ^fj<f>ovs taas 
KpuHia, *Opt<rra^ km. v6fu<rpL^ is tovto y€, 
Mjcay, loTfptis Saris iof ^^^ov£ XcijSi;. 

" Athena 'Afirfjrociwff at Sparta: Paus. 3. 15, 6 *h6i)vas *A$iontHvov 

Kokovfutrris Up6v, ins yap drj apwofuvos 'Hpaickrjs 'imroKOiavTa Koi rovs irai^r 
ficr^X^f KOT d^ioPy &y npovwvjp(av^ Uphv *ABrivas Ibpvrrai, 

'• Athena IraBpia : Hesych. S, v. iniBtrov *A6rjvds. 

^' Athena ec/uC C /. A. 3. 323 '0\i;^pov {? Oiiko<l>6pov) 'A^7vaff 

eifudos : on seat in Attic theatre. 

Athena TLpovaia and np6¥0ia, 

'«a Athena npowiia at Thebes: Bull, de Corr. Hell. 1887, p. 5 
inscriptions on fragments of pottery and bronze *A6a»as npovalat. 

Paus. 9. ID, 2 tfari dc \6<t>os cV dffif rw nvk&v Uphs *AiMk»pos' 
. . . npun'a piv d^ \iBov Kara r^v <(rodav ioriv *A6rjva koi 'EppSjs 6yofia{6fuvoi 
npopaoi, not^aai dc avr^v ^cidtar, r^v df *A$rjvav Xcycrai Sie($ira(* /ucr^ df o 
yaof t^Kod^fJojrai. 

*> At Delphi : Aesch. £um. 21 

IlaXX^ wpovaia d* cV Xoyoi£ nptafitwrai. 

Herod. I. 92 Kpola^ dc ^orc Km aXXa tanOfipara h r^ 'EXXadi iroXXd . . . rV 
dff npoyi^ujff r^ff cV AcX^UTi daircc XP^'^^'v ^'70X17. Aeschin. ff. KrriaKf). 108 
(499 R) avaipfi ^ Ilv^m froXcficii' Kippaiois Km r^v xiapaw . . . drai^ccycu ... rep 
'Airc$XXa>vt r^ Ilv^i^ ffai *Apr€fudt, koX Atfroi KaVAOijp^ Tlpopaitf. Hesych. S.V. 
Upopaiaf *A$rjvas rifuvot cV AcX<^(f. Harpocr. S. V. unfOftdCrr6 ris mtp^ 
AcX^otr 'ABrjva Upovaia dta r& vp6 rov yaoO Ul^vo^. Plut. PrOiC. Ger. 
Ret. p. 825 B iVfTcuorrar cV r^ ^<f>^ ^9^ IlfMnwaf . Curtius, Afucd. Delphi, 
inscr. 43 and 45 'A^f^i t$ Upomiq. 


^' Athena Up6voM, » At Delphi: Paus. lo. 8, 4 6 rerapros W (poos) 

*ABf]va£ ffaXcirai Upovoias. Demosth. k. *AfH<rroy, A. p. 780 cial raTr iroXcffi 
ndaais 0o>fioi koI y(^ irdyTdV touv 6«Stv, iv dc rovroir icai Hpov€>ias *A$rjvas is 
aya$fjs Koi firyaXrjs ^cot), Kai irapa r<^ 'Air($XXa>vi cV AcXf^if KoXXurrof nu 
firyioTos vca>r fv^iiff fifrtoyn c ( ro ccpoV. Photius, J*. V, Tlpovota 'AOrjpa' ol /aih 
dia TO np6 Tov vaov rov cV Af\<f>ois iardvai avr^v, ol di Sri irpow^tfO'tP owms 
TtKfj ff A^TflD. Diod. Sic. II. 14 o( dc (rifpcrai) im rfjv avkrjauf rov fiawrtiao 
Trefi<t>d€VT€9 nporjkOov piv t**XP^ ^^^ '^^^ "^^^ Upovoias *ABf)vai , , , ro fup cm 
€V A(X0o7r fuivrctov daifiovla nvi irpovoiq. i^v crvXi^o-iy dU<f)vyfP, 

^ At Delos: Macrob. i. 17, 54, referring to the birth of Apollo, 
diu intervenit luno . . . sed divinae providentiae vicit instantia, quae 
creditur iuvisse partum. Ideo in insula Delo ad conlirmandam fidem 
fabulae aedes Providentiae, quam va6v Upovoias *A6r)pai appellant apta 
religione celebratur. 

c ? At Prasiae in Attica : ^Ma.Anecd, 299 Upovaia ^AOtjva' ayaXfMorot 

ovopa rov (v AfkfPoli irpo rov vaov rov *A9rdXX<0P0ff ldpup€yov' npSmna di 
*A6rjva €v Upaatais rrjs ^AmKrjs idpvrai xnro Aioft^dovr. 

^^ Aristid. I, p. 23, Dind. 6 8* *An6KKtav t«v avrov xpn^l^^i^t^ Tuvnp 
npovarria'aro kqI irpoBvtiu iirirafyv. Id, p. 26 M($in; dc 'Epydin; icai TLpdmna 


*^ Athena ^rfpta at Erythrae: Dittenberg. Syllcge, 370, I. 27 ZipAr 

ifrjpiov Ka\ *ABrivas ^rjfxias . . . itrapiov F. 

^' Zenob. 5* 75 ^ SKKoi dc 'ktyovo'i rrjv 'ABrivmf tuptip rrjw diii r&¥ ^^^cnr 


Epithets of the war-goddess. 

"' Athena *A\aKKOfuinfj : » Horn. //. 4. 7 : 

AoiaX flip M€V€\d^ dprfyopts tla\ SidttPj 
*Hprj r *Apyfirj koi 'AXtikKOfUPrfis *A6ripq, 

Paus. 9* 33) 4 'AXoXicoficMii dc Ka/xij iiw €<mp ov fitydKri . . . ytp4<rBai dc 
avT^ TO ovopa ol pip dn6 'AXoXko^Wcdp, dpdpht avrdx^opos, vw6 rovrov dc 
*A6rjvdv rpa<f>TJpai Xcyovo-iy* . . . *Anv>r€pia di rrjs K»fuis fntnoirjro iw r^ 
X^aptik^ rrjs 'A^var paos Koi Sydkpa dpxaiop ikiffxirros, Cf. Steph. Byz. 
S.V. *A\aXKOfitpiop. Ael. Var, Hisi, 12. 57 (ircpi rtpdretp roU SfffiauMt 
irpo<fxupopiP6iPj *AXc(ayd/K>v rvr' avrovs rrfp dupofuv Syopros) rd dc r^s 'ABtfpas 
rrjs Kakovp€Prjs *AXaXKOfitpriidos Syakpa avropams KartifAtx^* Strabo, 413 
(*AXaXico/i<pai) . . . exti ^ dpxaiop Up^p *A$rfpas o^Mpa Tifi»ficyoy, xoi ^oot 
y€ rriv Bthp yrytprjirBai ip3db€ , , , koI dwdpBrjros del dicrcXctrcy 4 iwO^»r, o^ 
ftcyoXi; ov(ra o£fr' cV f lUfpKcc X^P^V '^''M'W* 


^ In Chios: Bull, de Corr, Hell. 1877, 8a, No. 8 'A^i^ 'AXaXicofio^ 

rb BvptTfHKOv Jtrjiyiia oviBifKXV rov Upov irfpi06\ov KOTCurKtvrjs, 

^* A(hem,Upofiax6pfia: Paus. a. 34, 8, near Hermionei €P Povfr6p0ft^ 

de irciro/i^roi /uv Up6p A^fu^rpor mil lijt 7raid<$£, irfiroti^rai dc *A^va(* ini- 
Kkfiait dc cWi r^ Bfif irpofiax^pfAa, 

•* Athena 'Apcia. » At Athens, on or near the Areopagus : Paus. 

I. 28, 5 P<op6t ioTUf *AOrjvas 'Apc/aff, tu aviBfiKtp (^Op€aTijs) auroffnjy^v rrpf 
d/fci^v. C. /. A, a. 333 6p6<rai *ABrivaiovs piv AoKtiaipoyiois ^'HXiov, *A/>i;, 
'A^i^ray 'Apfiay (circ. 27 1 B.C.). 

^ At Plataea: Paus. 9. 4, I nXaroicvo-i dc *A^var hrlKKrjaiy *A/Mcac 
coTiy if/K>i'. (^KodopqBfj dc d7r6 \a<f>vp«itp A lijs pax^Jt (T<l>iaiv *A^i/vaio( r^r 
MapaBSivt dntvtipav, 

c At Smyrna: C /. Gr. 3137, in the oath dictated by the Smyr- 
naeans to the Magnesians, 'Oftvvtf Ala Trjv 'tikiov "Aprj 'A^vay *Aptiap 
(period of Diadochi). Athena-worship at Smyrna, td. 3154. 

d At Pergamon: Fr^nkel, Inschr, von Pergamotiy vol. i, No. 13, 

oath of £umenes, hp^vtb A/a . . . "Apri *A^yav 'Aptiav, 

'■^ Athena 'AX«di;/ioff : Liv. 42. 51 Ipse (Perseus) centum hostiis 
sacrificio regaliter Minervae, quam vocant Alcidemon, facto. 

^^ Athena Ariim at Olympia: Paus. 5. 14, 4 rhapra luu ntpirra 

*A/vrc/iidi Bvovai ical Ai^iridi 'A^y^, cjcra 'Epyapff, Cf. Hom. //. lO. 460 
Koi rd y *ABf)vaiji Xi^iridi dcor *Ohv(ra€vt 
v^6a miTXtOt X'^P^ '^^ tlx^ptpos twot ffi^a, 

^ Collitz, Dialed. Inschr. 3001 Megara To/d* imh Xoim rap dcxaroy 
OPtOrjKtP *A$rjpal (circ. 450 B. c). 

^& Athena ZwmipLa at Thebes: Paus. 9. 17, 3 TOai<riop dc 'Afi^- 

TpvtiPOf dvo ayakpara XiBipa \iyovtnp *ABijvds rfriJcXi;aiv Ztaimjpiat. Xa/3f ly yap 
rd otrXa avrdv ivravBa, 

b At Athens : CI, A, I. 273 ^ABrjpaiat Zwmipias H. . . . t6kos (fifth 
century B.C.). Cf. Paus. I. 31, I cV ZoKrr^pi dc cirl ^aXtio-oi;^ ml /3Mfi6ff 
^AOtipos KOI *AvSKk»PO£ KCii 'Aprcfudoff «eac Ai^roOff. rc«ciy ficv oZp rovt naldat 
ipTovBa oC ffnitri XvaacOat dc t6p C^arijpa »s Tt(op«priP, 

^ Hesych. S. v. ZtDorupar *ABrjpd£ iniBmp ip Bouartq, 

•* * Athena ^rparia : Plut. Praec. Ret. Ger, 801 E ''Apco* 'EivaXuw mil 

ZTpariat *ABrjpds. 

b Itoixml at Epidaurus : Cawadias, Epidaure 90, dedication *ABaw 


'* Athena lakv ty^ at ArgOS: PaUS. 2. 21, 3 *Atfipar dc ISpvaaeSm 

" Athena 'EyKcXa^ : Hesych. x. v. ff *\$fjPcL 

»*» Athena 'Imria at Tegea : Paus. 8. 47, i to dc SyciX/Ma cV Ttywi n 

€<!>* riftS^ €K(ifuaOq fiiv €k d^/xoi; tov MapSovptmt^, 'iwnia dc wapik roU Mo^ 
Bovptvtruf €c;(cy iwiKkrjaiv^ on r^ cicfuwir Xoyy yivofjiirrfs rols Bfois irpof 

rtTajTcis fuixi7c €irfikaa€9 *£yiccXad^ iinroiv ro ^/la. At Achamae in Attica: 
Pans. I. 31, 6 TTfv df 'ijnriop *KBr)VQ» opofuiCowri. Cf. inscription found at 

Menidi : C. I. A, 2. 587 apaBrifutra a9€$rjK€v rj *A^v^ t§ *lirwi^ At 
Olympia : Paus. 5. 1 5, 6 -njs dc np6s t6v ift&okop KakovfAtPOp fa6dou rj fiiw 
"Aptus *limiov r«7 dc *ABrjyas 'ijnriiti ^fios, Cf. "* *, "®, "*. 

^ Athena KcXcv^cca at Sparta : Paus. 3. 12, 4 roG d< r«ir fiid*aU§p apxtimt 

wipav tarlp* ABrivas Upop" *Odv<ra'tvsb€ I6pv<ra(r6<u ro ayakfia Xiytrai koI opt^Moaai 
KcXcv^ccay, Tovs nfiP€X67rrjs funjaTrjpat ^popn^ yuccas. Ihpviraro dc r^r KcXfv- 
^lar Upa apiBp^ "^P^t duarfjKSra an dXXrjKtop, 

** Athena Uap^la at Sparta: Paus. 3. 20, 8 rrjp dc nr 'ApgadUs 

lovaip €K 2iraprris *ABf)pas iurqittp €nutkrf<n» Ilapfias Syakfui €p vnaiBptf. 

'^ *A^va XoXmrcr at Corinth: Paus. 2. 4, i XaXirircdoc 'AApv 

UpoiT *A$rjpap yap . . . <t>aa\ Koi m top nffyaaop ol (BcXXc/xx^oiht;) waptJioui 
\(iip^(rapipi) KCii ipBtiaa avrq r^ ijnr^ )^oXu^p, to dc ayakfid ol rovro (6ap6p 
€<m, irp6a€onop dc Kai Xtipti Kcii axpot frodcf fiot Xcvjrov XtAw. 

•• Athena Siktj »at Athens, called later •Ain-cpof : Paus. i. 22, 4 r«v 

ii irpowv\ai»p €P d«^ Nuciyy corii' 'Airrcpov roof . Cf. *** * ^, vide Supni '* *. 
C.I, A, 1 1 p. 74 'A^wioff Niiciyr ar€<f>a¥0£ xpwrovs. lb, 2. 47 1, 14 
avp'fXovptvrig dc Kcu r^ff Bvaias tj 'A^i^ r^ Nucj^ (rvMir^^iirfiHray miX«»( 
iCGi €vcrx>7^>^( /Sovy avfintpylfaprtf ^p kqX fBwrap tp OKpovoKfi rif &t^. lb* 
2. 678 A I, 15 'A^ip9 NiKj; <rr€if}aP0i dno Xrjttap, Soph. PAl'l. 1 34 Niciy 
r 'Adaya DoXms 7 ac^Cn /i* act. JT/. ^/a^. 605. 50 63€P ical ^ *A^ya Nueij 
npoaayopfVfToi. Eur. /<?« 1528 : 

fia r^i' napaairiCovaap apfiaa iP nort 

NiKi^r ^AOrfpap Zqpi yrfytpfu €jri. 

Cf. /^« 453 : 

Arist. Eg. 581 : 

*A6ainp lxrrcu«» 
UpopaOfi Tira»i Xo;^cv- 
&€iaap fcar* OKporoTas 
Kopvff>ds At6Sf & Ilf^rMi Nuca. 

£ IIoXioO;(C IlaXXuff . . • 
d€vp* (kpucov Xapovaa np 


cV OTporcaiff rf icai fjtaj^ais 
^fUTtpoM (rvv€py6» 

^ At Megara : Paus. I. 42. 4 tripov mavBa Upbv *ABfivat iraroiffTQi 
KaiXovfjUtnjs Siicrjs koi ak\o Aiamdoff. At Olympia : Id. 5. 26, 6 vaph dc rrjv 
*ABrjvav vtnoifjiTai ^Utj' ravTrjv Mavruftis mOtGov . . . KdXoftif dc ovk tx9^*^^^ 
TTTtpa noujo'ai Xcycroi dirofUftoviuvo£ t6 *A6^inj(ri rrjs ^hitripov KoKovfuyrjs 

c At Erjthrae : Dittenberg. S}'Ii. 307. 27. 

^ Athena fiucrj<f>6pos at Pergamum, vide ••™, cf. decree of the 
Aetolians: Collitz, Dialect, Inschr, 141 3 KoBdntp 6 Paaiktvs Ev/ici^ff 

dpftKokti T^ Tffiepos ras *A6dvas ras Ncin7<^opov r5 irorl Utfrydfuoi d€rvXov koB^s 
KQ 6f}l(u, (rvvanod€d€xBai rovs Atraikovs aavkoif ciftty avrb ra an A(ro»Xcov. 

•* Athena as goddess of the arts. 

• Schol. Soph. O. C, 56, at Colonus and in the Academia, avvrifiaTai 

(6 UpofjLTjBtvs) TJ 'ABtip^^ KoBairfp 6 *H<t)ai<rTos» koL Haruf <xvrov naXai^v tipvpa 
Koi ^fjt6s cV r<p rcfi/vci t^s B^ov, Afurwrai dc Koi fidais dpxaia Kara r^y 
turudov, iv rj rov tf UpofirjBtfOi cWt ruirot Ka\ rov 'H^iotov (quoting frOTTl 
Apollodorus). Cf. Paus. I. 30, 2 cV 'Axadi^/ii^ carl npofxijB€(i)s fiupbt koi 
Beovaiv dn* avrov np6s rqv irAiv, txovrts Katoptvas Xapnddai, 

^ Plato, Laws 920 D 'H^oiorov kcli *ABrjvds Upo¥ to t&v df}piovpycl>v 

c Aug. De Civ. Dei, 18, ch. 12 in teraplo Vulcani et Minervae 
quod ambo unum habebant Athenis. At Athens: Paus. i. 14, 6 vnip 

dc T^ K€paptiK6v Ka\ arottv t^p Kakovptvrjv ^aaiXciov pads iarip *H<^((rrov* 
Ka\ on fici' ayaXfid oi iraptfrrrfKtv *ABrjvdsy ov^u Bavpa €noiovprjv riv cVrl 'Epc 
xBopiijf tiriardp€POf \6yoV to dc ayaXpa 6pS>p r^r 'ABifpds ykavKOVs t^op Toift 
difiBaKfiovs, Ai3v«»v t6» pvBov Hvra wvpurKOP, 

<1 Solon, 13, 1. 49, Bergk: 

aXkos *ABfjvaifis re ku\ 'H<fxu<TTOV no\vT€)(P€» 
tpya datls xttpolp oi/XXcyfroi fiioTdv, 

*' Athena 'Hc^otmi : Hesych. s.v,\ cf. C, LA, 2. 114 b. 

'** Athena *^pydpri : »Diod. Sic. 5. 73 'A^v^ d« npoadnTova-i rfjp T€ 
tS>p iKai&p ripiptitrip Koi <l>vTti<xp napa^vpai rots dvBpdmois . . . irphs dc rov- 
Tois TTfP TTJs ifrBtfros itaTacncfv^i» cat t^v TtKTopucfpf Ttx^'P^j ^* ^* iroXXa t&p iv 
raif aXXoK inurnipais tloTjyriaaaBai Tots dvBpanon, tvptip dc Koi ttjp tS>p 
ovXttv KoraaKtv^ . . . Kol rd (rvroXoy iroXX^ Tci>p ^iXorc;(Vflay ^py^^» o,<f> luf 
^Epydprfp avniv vpoaayopnttaBau 


^ At Athens : Paus. I. 24, 3 npw-ot fitu yhp (ABijvmm) *\$ri»aw ivmf^- 
fuiirav 'l£.pyavt}v. Soph. Frag, 7^4 i^^' '*^ ^^^ ^7 ^^^ ^ X^H^^'*^ Xc«k cm 
TTjv AiOff yopyamiv *Epydvijv ararois \iKvouri npocrrptn€(r6€. Hesjch. S.V. 
XtiKvoiai 7rpoa'Tp€n(a'6cu Xcucva ... a cWi icaya c<^* oif ra X^id twm&m, 
amp €ia\ Kopiroi nvpipot, 

c C, I. A. 2, 1434, inscription found on the base of a statue on the 
Acropolis, ? latter part of the fourth century B.C., Xcpo-t rt koI rixvau 

tpytMiv rSXfinis n diKaiait Bpfyfrofuvrj TfKV<av ytvthv a»t6ffK€ MtXun^ crol r^wit 
fUffjfirjVy 6(a 'EpyavTjf i>¥ ^novrjafy poipav dnap^fitvri jrrfaya»F, rifiwra x^P^ 
OTiv, C. /. A. 2. 1329 BcLKXiOf rfj *ABriv^ rti 'Opyav^ mrapxqv opiBifKnw 

<m<f)€UfCi)6(U vn6 tS>v OiaaiOTciv, inscription found near the theatre of 

d At Sparta : Paus. 3. 17, 4 con fie <al ertpov aMBi 'A^yof *Epyapift 

• At Olympia: Paus. 5. 14, 4 «cTa {Bwnxxw ol *HXcioi) *Epyd9nj. rmry 
rrj 'Epyayrj Koi oi dir6yovoi ^fidiov, Kakovfupoi dc ^aidpwraiy y^pas irapa 
*HXfift>i' fiXtj<f>6T€S Tov Albs TO ayaXpn. an6 rS>w npoo'iCcaf6wT»w KaBaiptim^ oZroi 
Ovovtrtv ivTovOa irpXif tj \apnpvv€iv t6 Syaikpa &pxpvTai, 

^ At Megalopolis : Paus. 8. 32, 3 cio-i d€ . . . ^foi, irapixowai dc luu 

olrroi. irxrjpa rerpdyuivopf ^Epydrcu dc €<mv avrois tnUkriins, *A$rjva t€ *Kpywni 
fcai *An6XXtoy *Ayvitv£, 

« At Thespiae : Paus. 9. 26, 8 r^v di *ABrivav rrfv ^EpyawviP KM ednifp 
Koi Wkovrdv ol napttrniKdra tiroirj<r€, £/, Af(ig. p. 369. 5 1 'Epydmi' f 
*A$riva* napa t6 tS>v tpywv tnurrartivy TovTfjs €vpafifyris riis r^x^^os. 

^ XaXfccca : Suidas, S,V, ioprq 'A^i^o-i, a tu^s *ABfivaia jcoXoufriy. . . . uorr- 
pov dc vno pdvav fjyrro rSiv TtxviT&v^ ore 'H^aiorof cV r^ *Attu^ }(aKit69 
flpydaaro, tfari dc tvjj xai viq, rov Tiva»t^iS»voi^ cV ^ koI Uptuu fur^ rm9 
dppTj<f>6p<av TOP wtrrXop did^ovrcu, . . . ^apo^rfpos dc ifn^cuf ouk ^AOtjp^ &»€<rBag riyr 

iopTTip, aXX' 'H(^ai(rry : cf. Harpocr. -£V. Mag, s.v, 

^^^ Athena *Epydrts at Samos : Hesych. s.v, napa dc lapltHs ^ ^ABtjpa. 

^^ Athena *Opydprj at Delos : Bui/, de Corr. Hell. 1882, p. 351 
AOHNAHZ OPfANHZ, ? fifth century. 

'^^ Athena KaXXicpyof at Epidauros: Eph. Arch. 1884, p. 28, Inscr. 72 

*A^rar fca)XXcc/iyov *AfroXXcoviop Awpai (? A»patov) irupo<l>opi^atu (F^irvp^o- 

pfjiTas) t6 zp* tTos : imperial period. 

'^ Athena TcXxtvui at Teumessos: Paus. 9. igyiKaVABtipastpTtvfurfir^ 

Tt\x^vias i<nw Up6p, SyaKpa ovk tfxop. Cf. StobaeUS, FUmUg, 38. 56 cV 
r^ff NixoXdov IBwf avpayayfjs, TcXxuvf SpOpmm . • • rf;(nnu ii iims teat 


ra Tw 7rporcp«>v cpya fAafUfio'dfuvoi *ABfjvat TtX\iPias Syakfia npw'op Ibpv 
aturro, &(m€p c7 rcr Xryoc 'ABfivas fiacKdvov, 

^^ Athena 'Ai;da»y : Hesych. S.V. 4 *ABrfpa napii nafi4>v\ioi9. 

'^ ? Movo-iic^ at Athens: C. L A, 2. 6g rijs fuwauajs ('A^yor coniec. 
Boeckh). Cf. '»'. 

^'^ Athena Bo^vXm : Hesych. j.t'. ^ *A^ya €V Boion-ia. Plut. 7?^ A/us. 

1336 B ^ dc K6ptuva Koi ti^x^l^ ff>fjo'i rbv^AirSKKuva vn *ABfi»aiag avXfty. 
Schol. Find. Py/A, 12. 11. 6—12 ^ yap *A3tjva «^/j€ to fAcXos tjjs alXTjruajs, 

^^ Athena MaxayirK : Paus. 8. 36, 5, at Megalopolis, ^o-n 5f 'a^^mp 

Upop arutkrjaw Maxapiridos 2ri Povktvparcnv iarbf ^ ^cis iravroldnv luu cirirr;^- 
vfipartdv €vp€Tis, Arist. vol. I, p. 24, Dind. Xopcrcr d* avTrjs ntpt x^H^^ 


*•• Athena 'YyUta »at Athens: Paus. i. 23, 5, on the Acropolis, 

Bt&p ayakpard iariv 'Yyuias rr, fjv 'AtrKkrfnwv fratda tivai Xeyovaiy kqI 
*A6rjvas fTTiKkrjatv kcu ravnyr 'Yyit iat, Arist. vol. I, p. 22, Dind. *A^wuW 
ol TrpfCjSvraroi Koi 'Yyit ias *A6rjvas P<op6» ibpvo'aPTO. Mitt, d, d, Inst, Ath, 

1887 (xii.), p. 388: cf. p. 154 SEN . . . Vr lEI . . . AUH J EPOIEJ 
KAI ANE©='A^»«»9*Yy««9 KoXXi^ firwV* «»i dw^Kf. Cf. fifth century 
inscription published in AfXrtov 'Apx«oX. 1888, p. 95. 3 ... av (H) 

vyi€ia . . . Ev<f>popios ^p avtB€K€)u (Ho) K€pafitvs arrapx*v froidi Aioc pryako, 
C, I, A, I. 335 'Atfjywuoi rg ^ABfivaiq. rj *Yyui^ TLvppot iirouj<r*v *A6i)vaiou 

Cf. Plut. Pericl, 13 €Vi roxmf (on the occasion of the recovery of his 

workman) kcu to ;(aXKoi;i' Syaikpa Trjs 'Yyuiat *ABfiPas dvitmjatv (6 HfpiKkrjs) 
€¥ oKpoirdXti naph rbv finphv hi Koi np&rfpov ^», 09s Xryovo-c. C. /. A» 2. 

163, vide ^^. 
^ At Acharnae : Paus. 1.31,6 'a^m( pt»p6s iarw 'YytciW. 
At Hieron near Epidaurus : Cawadias, Epidaure 49, inscription 

second century a. D., *A6fjpq. 'Yyui^ 6 'uptvs tov Ivrrjpos ^Aaickr/triov MdpKos 
*lovvios Aadovxos, 

"® Athena nauipla at Athens : Paus. i. 2, 5 ivravOd iarw 'ABiivas 

Syaikpa Hauovias. 

"' At Oropus : Paus. I. 34, 2 ^Qp^^mois vadt re i<rruf 'Apffnapdov . . • 
nap€xtTai dc 6 finp^t pfpfj' . . . TtTaprrj hi €<m tov ficapov punpa ' A<l)podiTfit 
KCU nopoKeiaSj cri de 'latroOr Koi 'Yyuias Koi 'ABtjvas Hcuttpiat, 

^^' ? Athena KaOdpatos : Arist. Dind. vol. i, p. 26 irpo^^roi hi Koi UptU 

KaBdpaiop avTrfP circKoXovvrai. 

^' Athena 'Aworponaia •at Erythrae: Dittenberg. Syil. 370. 1. 70, 

115 ^t dtroTpowaiov Ktd ^ABtjvas dtnrpimaias. 


^ At Rome : 'aAm^ dworponal^ ex oraculo C. /. Gr. 5939. 

"* Athena lorrfipa ^at Asea : vide "«. 

^ At Athens : C, L A. 2, 305 ?^oi^ ra^ rt Bwrias r^ Alt ry S«m^/m ui 
T^ *hBriv^ Tji ^^oTtifM}. Cf. 325, 326, 469. 21. /3. 1387 'AiroXXwwoF . . . 
Bvyoripa KavrfC^nprja'aa'av 6 warqp Koi ff firjrrjp Ati aarijpi Ktu KBqv^ trmrtifi^ 

dvfOrjKav, Cf. inscription on seat of Attic theatre, C, I. A. 3. 281. 

c Athena Swrcipa in Delos : Bull, de Corr, HelL 1882, 22, 
inscription containing temple-accounts, t^ rov^ <rTf^)apovt irXc^om w 

Bvalav *AiroXXa>yi 'Aprc/udi Aijroi Ait Sar^pi *h6r)v^ ^mreipqi (sCCOnd cen- 
tury B.C.). 

"' Athena loins near Lerna : Paus. 2. 36, 8 cirl xopv^j tow o^ww 

(roO noKTivov) Upou T€ 'A^for Soirtdor ipdma rri ^oya. 

Cuh-titles and cults shared with Zeus. 

"• * Athena SvXXaWa at Sparta : Plut. Lye, 6 Awt SvXXoiriov ral *A6irw 

^ Athena Scvia at Sparta : Paus. 3. 11, 11 co-n km Z€Vf ScVcor itai 

'A^vu Stvla, 

c Athena 'Atrorpowaui with Zeus 'Aworpoiraioi at Erythrae ^". 

^ Athena 'Yntpit^ia : Sieph. Byz. j.v. 'Yn«p^(iov. x*^P^ AfV/3ow, cr 

^ Zcvy 'Yn(p^€^ioi Koi *A6i]va *Ywfpdt(ia, 
e Zeus lamjp and 'A^i^ 2«rf<pa, ^'•*>. 

^ Zeus Kr^o-ios and Athena K-njala, •*. 

8 Zeus narpiof and Athena Uarpia at Anaphe, **. 

^ In the Peiraeeus : Paus. 1. 1, 3 6€as dc a(iov rw cV ncipaicc /idXiora 

*A6Tjvai cart «cai Ai^r r/fifKor* ;|^aXjcoi) /icV dfi<f>^pa ra aydXfuira, l^j^ci dc 6 
per iTK^nrpov irai NtJn;y 17 dc ^ABrjpa bopv, 

i At Delos : Zeus Kvi^ios and Athena Kw^m : Bull, de Corr, HelL 

1882, p. 343 BaatXca UroXcfuiiov trwn\pa . . . *Ap«coff IlroXffuuov 'AXc^ 
avip€vs Toy tavrov cvrpycV^v Alt Kvi^i^ mu *ABrpfq Kvr^cf. 

k 'A^ra AiK^ta and Ztvs Tiokuvs, vide ** ; Athena Polias with Zeus 
at Amorgos, **« ; at los, ^\ 

1 Zeus ^ripios and Athena ^rjiila, ^. 

TO Zcvff '0/jioXa>Io£ and Athena *Op^\»is in Boeotia, **. 


^'^ Diod. Sic. 5. 56 <l»aa\ ravt /tip *HXufidoff dtii rifw owovdi^ hnkaBoiU" 
¥ovs fwtyicuv witp anOfmu rh OvfiOTOf r^ dc rorc /SoviXfvorni rifir ^AAyi 


K€Kpona ini rov nvpht Bvaai vorcpov. Mntp <f>aa\ dtafuiftiv fi^XP^ ^^^ ^^ ^ 
Kara ttjv Bvaiav cdcov iv r^ 'Pcid^ kcli rr)¥ 6€6v iv avri KaBibpvvBai, Cf. Find. 

01. 7. 48. Worship of Athena Alea, ^^^ ; ndydpocrov and the ipprj<f^6poi, *•; 
Scirophoria, " ; Upoxapurnipta,^; Panathenaic ritual, "'*, ^ ' ; priest of 
Athena noKiaris at Tegea, " *; of Athena Lindia at Carpathos, Geogr, 
Reg. p. 421 ; priest of Athena at Phaselis, •*<>; at Amyclae, '•^; boy- 
priest of Athena Kpavala at Elatea, ^. Sacrificial animals, Ih'ad 11.728 
AvTap *A6rjvai^ -yXavKomidt (iovp dyf\urjv, Ovid, Afe/, 4. 754 Mactatur vacca 
Minervae. Sow on votive relief, £ph. Arch. 1886, lliV. 9. Schol. 

//. 2. 547 ^Xfo df rj 'A^iyi^ ^voviriv : cf. "^ ''i : cf. Eust. 7/. p. 283. 34. 

Bull-sacrifice, Suidas, s,v. Tavpofiokos: Paus. i. 27, 10 top d€ iv ry 

Mapa6ci>vi ravpov vtrrtpov Ofiaevs cV rffv dKp6jrdX.iv iXda-ai Koii Ovtrai Xcycrai rj 

Bt^. Male and female victims in the sacrifice at Ilium, C. 7. Gr. a. 

p. 889. Eust. //. p. 1752. 24 Koi TTJV UptuMV dc, <^a(ri, Tijs *ABripdi iBos ^v 

ov Bvuv dpvi)v. Sacrifice of goats on the Acropolis, vide Zeus-ritual, 
p. 100. Varro, De re Rusi. 1.2, 19 ut Minervae caprini generis nihil 
immolarent propter oleam . . . hoc nomine etiam Athenis in arcem non 
inigi praeterquam semel ad necessarium sacrificium. 


"' Tertullian, Ad Nat, i. 12 quanto distinguitur a crucis stipite 
Pallas Attica et Ceres Raria quae sine effigie rudi palo et informi ligno 

"• At Aliphera : Athena Tritogeneia by Hypatodorus, " ^, Cf. '"c. 

"<> Anth. Pal. 9. 576 : 

napBivt TpiToytvtia^ ri rffv Kvwpiv apri pt kvniis 
Tovp6v d* Apntiki^ bSipov *x*^^ iroXa/ii; ; 

<r5v dopv KOI aoKoe cVriV €p6v dc t6 p^\ov \mdp\tC 
dpKtl r^ M'?^? fccivo£ 6 irplv noktpot. 

Seated Athena. 

^*^ At Ilium : * Strabo, 601 r^^ *ABfivds t6 (6aPov vvv piv tarriKos 6paTaiy 
*Optfpoe dc KaBfiptvov ipf^alvti . . . iroXXa dc rS^v apxatcnv ttjs 'ABrjvds (odwmv 
KaBtjpiva dtUwraif KaBdittp fv ^toKai^ Maca'aXitf *Po>pfj X(^ aXXms trXfuScri. 

^ Paus. I. 26, 4, at Athens on the Acropolis, KaBfiptvdw itrrw *ABipms 

Syakpa^ tiriypappa l^oy ox KoXXiar piv dvaB€iq voui<r€U dc *£ydoio£. 

^ Id, 7. 5) 9 "Ea-Ti dc €V 'EpvBpais Koi *ABrjvas Tlokuidos pa6s koI 
aydkpa (vXov pnyiBti piya KoBripivdv rf cirl Bpovov Km ^Xojcunjv fV iKoripq, 
T&v xtipwf ?x'ft Koi circ rtjs Kf<lxikrJ£ ndXov, rovro 'Evdoiov rixviv irtKpaipdptBa 

ttvai, Cf. Athenag. Leg, pro Christ, c. 14 t6 pkv yap cV '£^Vy Trjs 'Ap- 


T€fu^s Koi ri r^£ *A^vaff . . . km r^y KoBrniiwriw ^Eydoior tlpydatiTO fuiBijr^ 

d Seated Minerva in Rome : Suet. Cahg, 25 luliam DnisUIam 
Minervae gremio imposuit, alendamque et instituendam commendavit 

^^ Athena Polias' image at Athens: * Paus. i. 26, 6 : vide **. 

^ Schol. Demosth. Androt, p. 597 R rpla yap ayaXfiora ^w tv TJ 
oKpfmoXii r^s \Brivai iv buKJiopoii r<$7roir, iv /acv f f apx^s y€if6fi€POP €( tkauXj 
on€p fVoXciro IloXtadoff *A6i^vas dta to avr^s avai t^v n6\ip» 

c Arist. Av, 826 : 

EY. tU ^i ^coff 

nokiovxoK coral, r^ (apovfi€V rov ninkov • 

11 E. ri b* oiiK *\6r)vaiav c»/irv Tidkiata] 

EY. Km n£>s hv tri ytvoir tiv eifraicTOff iroXir, 
oTTov ^€^f yvvTi yfyon/ia iravonXicw 
earrjK exovtra KX€i<r$€vrjs 5c KtpKtda ; 

^ Eurip. E/ec. 1254: 

*E\6a>v y *ABr)vaSj IlaXXado? atfjiv^v Pptras 
iTp6(Tim)^W cipfci yd/) wv (irrorjfuvas 
bfivoU lipoKova-iVj &<rr€ p.^ ^avciv tri6€¥y 
yopyS>^* vniprelvovo'd trov Knpq^ kvkKov, 

® Alciphr. Ep. 3. 5^, 4 *MOt yci/otro, irp6paxf 'A&rjva k€u iroXiov;^r ^Eorcof 
*ABf)vu(n KoX (rja'ai koi /Siov drroXiTrctv. 

'« Palladia: a Schol. //. 6. 88 </>a<rl r^ aiojrcrcr a^dp^t {PaiVO ^P^ 

i)p/^ii<rBai^ €x^^v dc urlppara koi ^Xcucdri/v, cV dc r§ Kf<P<ikj irdXcy (? irciXoF) mi 
iv Tff li*$ia x^^P*" ^opv, 

^ Apollod. 3. 12, 3 5i» dc (to dtoTTCTCff IlaXXddioy t^ pMytBtt rpkwrfxo^ 
rois dc YToo-i avp^^riKoSj kqI rj piv dt^ia dopv buippivov cxoy, r^ dc Mfi^ 
rjkaKarrjv Kcti arpaKTOV, 

c Strabo, 264, speaking of Troike, the port of Heraclea, r^r tmt 

T/MooDi' icarouctar TtKprjpiov irotovprai to rrjs *A6rjvas rrjs *IX<ddo9 (devoir Idpv- 
fccvoi' avrd^t, oTTcp Korapvo'cu pv6€vavtriv airoaTrnptvav r&v iKfT&v . • . Kel y&p 
iy 'Paprj koi iv Aaovivi^ Koi iv AovKcpta Koi iv Sipmdi *lXi^ 'A&rpn ffaXrcnu 
a>f iKflBtv KopiaBila-a, 

d At Amphissa : Paus. 10. 38, 5 iv dc r^ diepon-dXci va6s atfnauf *A^»af 
Ka\ uyaXpa opBhv ;(aXicoi; ntnoirjpivoVf KopiaBrjvai dc vfr6 Oda^rds ^irty cn^ri^ 
c( *lX(Ov xat cfiKu \a(f>vptiv rS>v iK Tpolas, 

© Arnob. Adv, Nat 4. 16 Nonne vides in Capitoliis omnibus virgi- 
nalis esse species Minervarum et innuptarum his formas ab artificibos 
cunctis dari. 


^ Schol. Ar. Acharn, 546 noXXadia Iv rait nptfpais rwy rpiffpap Jfw 
dyaKfioTd riva ^vkiva rrjs *A$rivas KaBiHipVfAfva 2>y circficXoOi^o ficXXovrf £ nXtiv, 

^** Athena *Ayopaia at Byzantium : Corp, Script, Hist, Byz, Niketas 

Chthoniata, pp. 73^"739 ^^ ^oto^ tVl ar^Xiyt iv ry Ktt>voTaia'cyct^ (/>(S/)^ r^ff 
*\Brjva£ ayakfxa' dv4fiaw€ fiiu t^p qkuciop Sp6iov ws is rpiaKaba nodS>p . . . 
iro^ripris dc fjp ff orroX^* fiirpa if "Aptos r^y l$vv diciXi;^vta Uav&s avniv 
Yrr/)if ot^tyycv. ci;(c dc icdiri roi£ aripvois . . . aiyida>d€f inMvfia . . . 6 dc yf 
av;(^v a;(irfli)v &y xal irp^r ri doXi;(odc(pov aiKntiv6fJL€vos dpaxov tls ^doi^v 
6iapa iiv , , , ra X*^V ^<^f<»' Yropcixov o>ff c{ jrpoa-iitvfi ris fi€iXi;(oy <f>tavfi¥ 
€vo»r(0'crai . • . rov£ 6<l>6akfiovs l}itp^ irovrl ptdfuvov . . . cinrovpiff d* ririicci- 
ficVi; r^ K€<f>akj dtivhp Ka$vjrfp6(v tfptvtv . . . t&p dt X^^P^^ ^ Z^" ^la rii 
<rvP€irTvyp€pa rrjs iirOrJTOs avtoTtWty dripa d* €KT€ivofUPri irp6s icXifia r^ p6tiop 
fix* ^^ Kt<t)akriP ripefAa nns tyitXiuofiivrjp ckci. 

"' Nun; *AOrjpd : * Haipocrat, J. «;. or* dc fiucrjs *A$rjpas ^pop anrtpop, 
txop €P fi€P rfj dcfi^ poaPy ip dc r^ ct>a>vv/i^ KpdpoSj iripBro nap *A^Miiotff, 
dfd^Xcaffcv *HX(od<iD/70ff 6 ir€pirjyr}T^£ cV a' ircpl dx/)oir((Xc<of. 

^ Schol. Arist. ^Z^. 573 PtartpiK6p t6 rrjp NiKi^v Koi T6p''EptiTa cfrrf^- 
cr^* "ApxtPPOP yap (f^acw , , , ol dc *Ay\ao<f}&PTa nrrjprip ipydaaaScu rrfp 

'" Athena (? *Aptia) at Athens: Paus. 1. 8, 4*Apf<ttf €<tt»v Up6p, tpBa 

dydkfiara dvo flip *A(f>podiTrjs m Iroc, t6 dc rov "Aptt^s tnoii)<Ttp ^A^Kafttpris, r^y 
dc *A$tjpdv dpTfp ndptoSf Spofia dc avr^ AoKpds, 

"^ Athena Movo-«c^: Pliny, 34. 77 Demetrius (fecit) Minervam quae 
musica ? (libr. myctica) appellatur ; dracones in gorgone eius ad ictus 
citharae tinnitu resonant 

128a Paus. 9. 40, 3 $6apa cV KpfjTjf . . . 'ABrjpd napa Ktmaiois, work of 


^ At Cleonae : Paus. 2. 15, I ?(mv Upbp 'A^var, t6 di ayoKfia SkvXXi- 
doff rc;(in; Kiii ^noivov, fiaOrjras df fmu AatdaXov <r<^ff . . . (JBiXowri), 

^^ At Olympia in the temple of Hera: Paus. 5. 17, i rffp'ABtjpdp 

Kpdvos (inK€ip€PTiP KM b6pv Ka\ acTTTtda txowroif Acuudcufioptov XtyovtriP ^pyw 

^^ Athena Alea by Endoeus, "*». 

"^ Athena l6tpids by Gallon : Paus. 2. 32, 5, at Troezen, aM di 

tlpydaaro rijs $€ov t6 ^Sovop KoXXcoy AiyunfTtis, 

>« LOwy, /jwfAr. Gr/>rA. Bildhauer, 38 KaXXt']ar ical [''ojf tu(£) 
dp^BtTrjp [rj 'A^Ji^i'ciif dnapxriP *Qd0tP, KplTi]os kcA N70'[i]»n7ff ivooia'dn)p, 

^ At Samos in the temple of Hera: Strabo, 637 rpia Mvpiopos tfrya 


KoKoatruA. l^pvfjLfpa M fuas /ScurcMff . . . n^y *A$tjpap Km rom 'HpoKkta^ tor hi 
Aia .... 

Pheidias* works. 

"* Athena at Pellene in Achaea: Paus. 7. 27, 2 Kara nyr 6iw « 

aifT^v rfiv noXiv tariv *A6rjpas \iBov fiiv itn^^^piov wtiot, cXc^ovrof it n 
ayaXfia icai xpvtrov' 4»cidmv bi tivtu t6» tipyaa-fitrov (f^aai wpoT€pop rn ij c» 
r^ oJcpoTTuXfi Tf avTov rfj *A6qvai<ou Koi cV IlXaraicuff noirj<rat Twjs ^ABijpat ra 

*" At Plataea : vide *''^'; Paus. 9. 4, i r6 luv ^ ayakfia foovoar wror 

tvixpvaovj irpoaomov dc o2 Km x^^P*^ Sxpeu jcai irodcr XiBov rov HcrrvXi^cruw 
f((ri* fji€y(3os fiiy ov iroXv drf ri otto^i r^r cV ajcpoiroXci ;^aXjc^£ • . . 4«idua 
dc Kut nXarniffo-tv 71^ o r^ff *A0rjva£ t6 ayakfia noifiaas. 

"• At Athens : « bronze Athena on the Acropolis : Paus. i. 28, 2 

ayiikpa* ABnP^s Xokf^ovv dno Mijdcai' tu>v cr MapaBava ajrofiatrr»Py ^^X"! ^^^ 
Kai ol Trfv tnl Trfs dairifioe AaniBoiv npos Ktrravpovt (^fidxfjv) kcu oaa oKka coriy 
€7r€ipyaafx*va X(yov<ri Toptvaai Mvv' . . . rotnyr rrjt 'ABrfvas 17 rov doparos 
aixfAfl ical 6 \6(f>os rov Kpdvovi dir6 SovmW npoanXtovaiv iarip ^7 avtmrnu 
Demosth. Fals, Leg, p. 428, § 272 'OXi;^ ot<n\i Upas rfjs dxpowoktms 

Taxmja\ , , . vapa Tri» x^*^^ ^^ /xcydXiyr ^ABrjvciw c< dcf las €trTrjK€P^ ^p api- 
oTciov 4 irdXiff rov Trpor row Papfiapovs iroXcfiov, dc^rroiir riay *EXX]^m»v ra 
xpnixara ravr dptBrjKtp, Schol. Demosth. Androi, p. 597 TO iM ^o^^* 
povov (aydXpa *ABrjvas) oirtp inoufa'ap vucfffrarrts ol €V MtipaBmn cieaXccro dc 
toCto npofjMxov *ABrjvdi, AnthoL Groec, Planud, 4. 157 : 

fi( r^v fV *ABTjvais tvonXov *ABri¥Wf* 
TiVrc TpiToyfVfia Kopvtratai aorci fico'O'y ; 
(li^ Iloorfidacav' (fxidto KtKponirjs, 

^ Athena Panhenos: Paus. i. 24, 5 alrb di ?< rf Acc^Murror rA SyaXfia 

Koi xpv(rov YTCTTu/i/rai. /leVo) ficv ovv tnUnTai oi r^ Kpdpti S^yyor thcMP . . . 
Koff tKorfpov dc rov xpopovs ypviris tlaiv iirtipyairpfvoi . . , to it Syaikfia r^s 
*ABr)vai opBov ianv cV ;(ircovi iroifjpti, Kai oi Ktxra to irrtpvop 7 KtffKikri Mcdov- 
O'l/ff IkiffnivTOi tOTiv fiintnoifjpfvrjy Kai Nun;^ oo'oy rf rtvanpi^p vijx^^t tp it 
TJ (tTtpa) x**P* ^opv €;(«, leoi ot wp^s rotp iroo'ii' do-Trif re ffccroi, Ka\ nXiiaUfp 
rov dopoTos ipoKOP ioTip' tir} d* iiv *EpixB6pios o^tos 6 ipaxav tan it r^ 
fid6p(a Tov dydXfiaros fntipyaaptvrj Hapi^pat ytptais, Pliny, A^. H, 36. 

18 Phidian clarissimum esse per omnes gentes, quae lovis Olympii 
famam intelligunt, nemo dubitat, sed ut laudari merito sciant etiam 
qui opera eius non videre proferemus argumenta parva et ingeni tan- 
tum. Neque ad hoc lovis Olympii pulcritudine utemur non Minervae 
Athenis factae amplitudine, cum sit ea cubitorum viginti sex, — ebore 
haec et auro constat — sed in scuto eius Amazonum praelium caelavit 


intumescente ambitu parmae) eiusdem concava parte deorum et 
gigantum dimicationes, in soleis vero Lapitharum et Centaurorum, 
adeo momenta omnia capacia artis illi fuere. In basi autem quod 
caelatum est TLavh^pa^ yivtfrw appellant, di sunt nascentes (? di adsunt 
nascenti) xx numero. Victoria praecipue mirabili periti mirantur et 
serpentem ac sub ipsa cuspide aeream sphingem. Plat. Hipp, Mai, 

p. 290 B TO fcaXop . . . T[yv6*k (^cidiar) . . . ; ori rr\% *A6rjvas tovs 6ff>Bdkfiovs 
ov ;|^pv(roOr iiroii^trtv ohhi rb SKKo npdtramov . . . aXX* i\f<f>dmvov . . . rov 
ovv tv€Ka ov Koi ra fi€(ra tS>v 6it>$aXfiS>v fktifiavnva tlpyavaro^ aWa Xt^tva, 
«( ol&v Tf 7jv ofJLOi&njra tow \i6ov Ty cXci^i^ri i^tvpatv \ Max. Tyr. Diss. 1 4. 6 
ft ToiavTtiv Tfytl T^v *ABrjva¥ olav ^tidias fbrffjLiovpyrjtrtVf ovfiiv rcai^ 'Ofirfpov 
€jro)V <f>av\oTfpaVy napBivov KaX^v, yXavieSurWy vyltrjkrjv^ alyifia av€^(a<Tp,€vrjVy 
K6pw ifiipovvavy dopv f;(Oi/(ray (? avt)(OV(rav) dcitiia txcvaav, Clem. Alex. 
Protrept, p. 4 1 P thv pJkv oZv 'Oikvpnlaa-i Aia Ka\ Tfjv ^ABfpnjai Uo\la^a cic 
Xpvaov Koi €X€<f)a»Tos KaraaKtvaaai ^fidiau wavri irov <ra<fHs, Paus. I. I7f 2 
y/XK^i dc ctai itphi *AfjLa(6vat ^A$rjvaloi fiax6ptvoi, irtiroiijrcu dc (rfJHaw 6 
ir6\€pot o(/Tos KoX rrji ^A6r)vat cVi r^ dcnr&di icai rov *OiXvp,niov AUts €iri r^ 
^6pcf» Dio Chrys. Or, 12. 373 R n€pt«cXca dc col avT6v \a6a>v inoifjatv 
(4»((dtaf), &s <t>a<riv, iwl rrjs dtrnidos, Arist. de Mirab. Ausc, p. 846 A 
Xcycrai rov dyaXparonoibv Octdiav Karaa-Ktva^ovra r^v iv axpon'oXci *ABfjva¥ cV 
pt(r6TrjTi ravrr}s rrji damfios r6 4avrov npda-onrov irrvninTatrBai Kcii irvw^^cai 
r^ dyaXfuiri did rivos d^avovs dfjp.ovpylaSf uktt cf cii^ayici;;, ci rit fiov^oiro 
avrb n^ptaipftVy r6 avpirop ayaXiia Xvfiv re cat trvyxeiv, Schol. Arist. PaX 
605 ^i\6xopo£ cirt UvBodoipov (leg. 6roda>/70v) ap^ovros ravrd (jtrja-i, Kot ro 
aydXpa r6 xpv(rovy rrjs *ABripas iardBt} ils rov vtcDv rov ptyav, t^ov xpvaiov 
oraBpov rakdvmv pfi , IltpiKKtovs initrrarovvroSy ^fifiiov d€ noi^<ravro9, 
Plut. Pe* id, 1 3 6 (€ ^fiblas tlpyd^tro ptv r^9 B€ov rb xp^^^^v f do£ /col 
Tovrov dripMVpyos tv rfj (rrfjikjj fivcu ytyparrrai, 

c Athena AT}p.via: Paus. i. 28, 2, on the Acropolis, t«v tlpymv r&v 

^tidiov Btas pakiora a(ioVy *ABrfvas aydkpa, dn6 rS>v dvaBivr^v KoXovptvrit 

Arjpviat, Pliny, N. H, 34. 54 (Phidias fecit) ex aere vero praeter 
Amazonem supra dictam Minervam tarn eximiae pulcritudinis ut 
formae cognomen acceperit ; fecit et cliduchum et aliam Minervam. 

. . . Lucian, Imag, § 4 rSow di ^ddiov Sfpyav ri /uaXiara €nr,v€<Tai ; W d* SKko 
j) ripf ArjpviaWf jj Koi iitiypa^ai roCvopa ^cidiar ^ftoxrcv ; ... § 6 rr/v de rov 
navros irpo<rcimov neptypa<f>riv koi itapaSiv rb dirtikhv kcX piva avpptrpop ^ 
Afipvia napifyi koX ^eidiat, Himer. Ora/, 21. 4 riTfi icai rrjv Ortdcov ff>vaih 
Ka\ rat rAv ^X<0y dvjpnovpy&v rcxvar, t>v al x*H^^ *'^^ <ro<^ici BavpA^ovraiy 17 
r&v v€otv €vptais Hpyt^v, &£ Unos tln€iv, ixparvvtv, ovk du Aia Madias lirXor- 
nVy oCrt aw SirXoit dti rrjv *ABrjva» f^aXiecvfro, dXX^ koi cV oKKovt B^ovs 
d<f>rJKt r^v Ttxvtjv Koi ri^y napBivov iicdapria-gVf ipvBr)pa Karax^at rijs nap^Mt, 
VOL. I. E e 


Ufa arr\ Kpdpovt vw6 rovrov rrjs (kov t6 xaXkos Kptmrotro, Inscription from 

Paros, Ross, N, Rhein. Mus. 7. p. 521 : 

'Acnrcjda Koi 'Stuajv JldkXag x€p\ 61 , , , ai (? $€ta'* ivi yolff) 

"Onkoiv ov XPiC^ irp^s Kvwpiv ipxofuinf* 
KtKpo^widrjs fi dv€$rjKt Trarpfjt airo frarpiV ts aXXjjp 

Qt^iodoTot Ila<f>ioit ^fidtojc^y x^^^* 

Aristid. Dind. 2, p. 556 ff ^AOrivfjaiy *A6rjpa^ Xrytt tovto /up Tf/w Ac^of- 
rcvi;v, TOVTO dc, tl fioCXfiy Trfv ;(aXjr^y, xol yf) Aia y', cc jSot^Xct, n^ Aiy/iMor, 
&wavTa TovTa vntpficXriv fuv dper^s r^ bripAOVpy^ Tols dc Banxus ^9op^s ^X*** 

^" Pliny, N. ff. 35. 54 Panaenum qui clipeum intus pinxit Elide 
Minervae quam fecerat Colotes. 

^^ Athena Upovaia at Thebes, by Scopas : vide '•*. 

"• Athena, by Praxiteles, at Mantinea: Paus. 8. 9, 3 koI "Hpas wp^ 

T<f OtaTpiif vahv iOtatrapriv, JIpa^iTfKris dc r^ oyoXfUira aMfP rt maSrffiMmff 
fV Bpovn^ ffol irapeoToxraf €7roiTjaa» 'A^ray jcal 'H^i^y iroida 'Hpar, 

**® Athena Kpava/a, by the sons of Polycles : vide ". 


Attica: » Athens \ *a-b nai-*. »^ « w 27^ js^ u^ ss^ $«^ s;^ 43^ 6id^ 6s^ 

64 67 69 71 72 74 77 86a Mb •« a 98 c 99 100b C 106 109 110 ll4b 117 
t t 9 i 9 9 > f I 1 )> >!)>> >} 

118 lil b 129 125 126 127 136 
I > > > I I • 

h Colonus, " » •, »». 

c Achamae, •'•, '^^. Athena y€<^vptcrT^f ? Serv. ^^. 2. 166 
dicunt sane alii unum simulacrum coelo lapsum, quod nubibus 
advectum et in ponte depositum, apud Athenas tantum fuisse, 
unde et yc^vpior^y dicta est. lo. Lydus, De Mens, 3. 2 1 cV *A$rivcus 

t6 irdkai y€<f>vpdtoi iravrcr ol irtpl rh irarpta Upa i^rjyrjTcii iral apxupils 
. . . oivoftn^ovTO dia r6 in\ rrjs y€<f>vpag rod 2irfp;^ciov norafiov Upartvtuf 

T^ naXXadt^. Cf. Pherecydes, Mtill. Frag. Hist, Graec, loi. 
Oropus, "\ 
^ Pallene: worship of Athena udiCkqvUi CLA, i. 222, 224, 273: 
Herod, i. 62 noXXi^ycdop *A6rivatrft 2poV. £ur. Heracl, 849 llaXXiy- 

vlboi yap atfivov tKirtpav trdyov Alas *A$apat, Id, 1 03 1 iias wapoiBtv 
UapBivov IlaXXi/Wdoff. Cf. Hesych. S, V, UapBtvov UaKkfiwidos, 
« At Phlye : Paus. I. 31, 4 Nair d« mpos fx« /3a>fiow . . , At6s Kn/o-cov 
xal Ti$p»vfjs *ABrjvag, 

f Academia, **. 
K Sunium, ". 
Chalcis: C, I, A, 2. i*j^ inscription containing treaty of alliance 
between Athens and Chalcis in the second Attic confederacy, 

deposited cV XoXki^ h rf Ifp^ rfr *ABrjpaias, 

Aegina: C. /. ^. i. 528 6pos rt/Uvovs *A$ripaias, dedicated by Athenian 

Boeotia, '«^ ", "d. 
Thebes, *«, •<>, ^'S »•«. 
Alalcomenae, *••, "*. 
Coronea, •*. 
Plataea, »b "». 
At Thespiae, ••«. 
At Teumessos, *'^. 

Thisbe: Roehl, Inscr. Graec, An/, 148. C. /. Gr. 1592 'AWi^iecir 
'A^oi^, fifth century b.c. 



Athena *hpaKvvOiai\ Steph. Byz. S,V, Spot Bouorcar, a^* o^ 17 'A^pa 

Phocis : Elatea, ^, Stiris, inscription concerning the avpurokmm of 
Stiris and Medeon: CoWhz, Di'a/ecf. Inschrtf/. 1539 yptnjrdwrmw m 

ofioXoyiav iv crraXov xac apaOivrcav tv to Upov ras *ABayas, 
DzuWs,^^: cf. Paus. 10. 4, 9 AavXicvo-i dc *h6fivas Itpov jcai ayakpa 
cWtp ap\aiov' ro dc (uayov r6 crc vaKaiArtpov Xtyovtriv wnayay^irSai 
Updnniv cf *A6rjpStv, C. /. Gr. 2(pi7Tfvov<ra( rj 'A$ifpql ? third 

century b. c 
Delphi, ^«b 
Locris, ^b; Amphissa, *®d. 

Trachis : Paus. 10. 22, I ^v dc kqI lepov 'AOrjvas rort vtrip Tijs . . . T^;(i;- 

vidas Koi dvaB^para tv avr^, 
Thessaly, •*^. *A$rjPa ^vdna : Steph. Byz. S.V. noXit «V Metyrtjai^- ovT9» 

rifiarai /Sovdcia 17 *ABrjva iv GcrroXia. 

Larisa, **. 

Phalanna, "p. 

Phthiotis, «<J. 

? Pallene, ''K 
Macedon, ••. 
Byzantium, ^^. Codinus de Origin, Constant. Bekker, p. 6 'Aprc>tdo( 

hk Kac 'AOrjvas r€fjL€voi nphs to lijs *A<PpodiTTf£ Spot, 
Abdera : Hesych. S.V, *EirnrvpyiTit' ^ *ABi)va ovrwf cV *APhfipois tKaktiro. 


Megara, '•, ", ^«, •«b 

Sicyon : Paus. 2. 11, I atroTpcnrfiGiv inl nvXrjv rnXov/iCM/ir Upa», ov 
noppoi TTjs nvXri£ vaos tariv *AOrjvas, At Titan e I Id. 2. 12, I fv 
dc Tcrai^ xal ABfjvas itp6y c'ortv, cV & r^y Koptovida dtfayoviri' €P dc 
avT^ (6avov *ABr]vas itrrw apxaiop. Id. 2. 6, 2 'EircMrcvr , . . 
iirivUia €6vt Koi ^ABfjvas t^Kobopti va6vj iir e^ipyavfUv^ W ct^fdro Mrc- 
(aaOai r^y ^cdi^, ct 01 T€T€\€ap€Pos iarip 6 paos koto, yp^fuitr fura W 
r^i' €v;(4v cAatov Xcyovcri pvrjpai irp6 rov paov. 

Corinth, •*, ^ "c. 
Cleonae, ^**b. 
Troezen, "b wb wi^ 

Epidaurus, '«, ^^'c, 2». 
Hermione, •*. 

ArgOS, *a, b, *», '^^^a b, c^ ". Paus. 2. 22, 9 fV Tf yvfuwrl^ ry KvXapa. 
/Sow Kairaycca f oriv ^ABrjpa Kokovp-tPij, Near Lema, ***, 

Laconia, '®». 

Sparta "<^ '* '•b 3» 7s w »3b m iw iiea b. 

Amyclae, "f, *'^. 

Las: Paus. 3. 24, 7 ^ori dc iv roU tptiirioig va6s *AOrjvat cVriVXi^criy *Aaiag, 
iroirjaai d< IloXvdrvicijy Koi Kdaropd <f>aa'iv avairt^trrat fie KdX;(0>y. 

Hippolas, *''<5. 

Near Asopus on the coast, ^^, 

Mothone, ^ ; Corone, ** ; Coryphasion, ". 
Arcadia : Aliphera, '•^. Polyb. 4. 78 ?x'* ^« Afpov cV ovrij r^ Kopv(f>j 

Tov avfinarros \i<l>ov km xoXkovv 'A^i^vdr dvipidpTa^ KaXkti «a2 fityiBti 

Tegea, "a-e, '««, "a. 
Alea, "*i ; Cleitor, '° ; Asea, "«. 

Mantinea, "• ; near Mantinea, 71^ 'AXoXieo/icycw Paus. 8. 12, 7. 
Pheneus, "»». 
Megalopolis, ^c, '•^f, '^« : Polyb. 2. 46 r6 jcoXovaicwv 'A^iiwHov cV 1^ 

r»v MryaXoiroKirav X^P9* 
Teuthis : Paus. 8. 28, 6 SyaKfia ciroiTO-airo *ABrfvas «x^' Tpavfia fWi 
rod fiffpou, rovro koi avrbs to ayaXfia tldoVf rcXa/icoM vopf^vp^ rbv 
fujp^v KoTftKrifjJpov, 
Triphylia : Strabo, 343 leoi rd Ttjs IxikkowTiag dc 'A^var Irf)dy rd irrpi 
2iuXXovpTa ruv cVa^om^v foriy. 

Elis, •, '', ", ", '". At Olympia, altars to Athena: Paus. 5. 14, 5, 

5. 14, 9, and 5. 15, 6 (»^»). Athena Nmo;, »«; 'E^jyainy, ^^e; 

Pisa, Athena Kvdoivia : Paus. 6. 21, 6 cV ravrj; rij x^P9 ^^os €jt\p 

(ii^iea>v cff 6(Vf inl df avr^ irdXfo»( ^pi(as iptinia, koi *ABrjva£ coriy ciri- 
KXijcriv Kt/dflDv/ar yac^f. l^pvaaaBcu di rj Bt^ rb Upov li!kviuv6v (JHtaiVf 
anoyovov 'HpaicKtovs tov 'Ibaiov, irapaytpeadai 6i airrov dnh KvlkiPias Ttjs 

Achaea: Triteia, "p, "; Patrae, *' ; Pellene, '«*. 

Worship on the islands. 

Thasos: C /. Gr. 2 161, decree concerning citizenship, dwy^ci^ai 

bi Koi T6li€ rd '^<f>ia'fJM Toifs Bfvpovi circ to r^r *ABrjvaifjs up6v, ? fourth 

century b.c. 
? Lemnos, '•: cf. **•«. 
Lesbos, *''d. 
Chios, »»f "l*. 
Samos, "'. 
Euboea, at Chalcis, vide * Attica ' : at Geraestum, Buii. de Corr. 

HelL 1 89 1, p. 405 <y t^ Up^ tgs 'A^oyauzr. 
Ceos, ^<>b 


Delos, ^•^ '°*, "*<5, "'i. 

Paros, '. 

Amorgos, "«, ''c 

los, »«!». 

Anaphe, *^ 

Astypalaea: C /. Gr. 2485, terms of alliance with Rome, oj 

Cos, »«i, "d 

Rhodes, '^'; Lindos, *\ **. Herod. 2. 182 'AW^icf . . . 6''A^iiw« 

, , , rfj €V A(Vd^ *A$rjvaiu ivo rt ayakiiara XiOtva, 

lalysus, ". 

Carpathos: worship of Athena Lindia: Bu/i. dc Corr, HelL 1880, 

p. 278 Qfpanrnos . . . icparcvcraff *A(^)ova[t Acji^uu. /3. 1 884, p. 355 
oToXai . . . avaT€6a>vTt fiia fiiv . . . fiia de cV Iloridai^ or r«p «€fi^ rat 
*A6dvas rds \ivdias, 

Crete, ", "l, ''^e, '-^sa. 
C>'prus, 2»d. 
Sicily : Himera, Diod, Sic. 5. 3 fiv6oXoyov(ny iitra ttjs Kopij^ , . , 'AApv 

re «cal "Afyrtfiiv vvrrptffHtfiiwas (rvvay€iv lur a\m)S ra 01^9 • • . ml Aax*<^ 
^KaoTrjv avTS>v )((i)pav^ r^v /acv 'AOrjpav iv roi( ircpl 'ifitpar lupeaiMm 

Agrigentum, "*. 

Selinus: Roehl, /. (7. ^. 515 dta ro>f ^ca>ff rcMrdf MK*>yn rot Z t kum^- 
Tioi . . . di* *A6avdav k.tX, 

Ithaca : Roehl, /. G. A. 336 rdt *ABdvas ras 'Pear Koi ras^Hpas n& 9ma, 


Calabria, ^^. Cf. Strabo, 281 tovs df XoXcmivvr KprjrAv ^troUow ^aaht 
ivravBa ^ coti Koi rh rr^i ^Adrfvds ifp6v irXovtridv irorc vnap^ap, 

Metapontum, '*. 

Sybaris : Herod. 5. 45 Ttptvos re koi vfj6v idvra wapii t6v pip6w Kpdbny, 
t6p iipvaaaOai avptXovTa r^v 7r6\iv AcapUa Xeyovauf 'A&tivaig inrnw^af 

Heraclea, '^ % ^^. 

Luceria, ^^. Strabo, 284 i» r^ rrjs *A6¥fvas Up^ ttjs tp AovKcpi^ wakam 
(^loptfdovs) dpa^iiara, 

Siris, »•'. 

Posidonia : Roehl, /. G. A, 542, inscription on bronze statue of 

Canephora, TaSavq, ^tXXa> XappvXiba dfKorav, 

Rome, "»^ >«c, iwd. 

Surrentum : Strabo, 22 fV* airr^ r^ nopBp^ r6 'A^muot. 

Asia Minor. 

Pontus : at Athenae, Appian, PcripL 4. i lvx%, . . . xal cir TUvr^ ry 

Coin Plate A 


Ev^civ^ Xc»pio» ovTd KaXovfi€¥Ov . . . Kai n Ka\ *A$rivas Up6p iarw 

Cios, near Prusa in Bithynia : C /. Or. 3723 ai^p]d[^] rrfw npo- 

^v[^MV TavTTjjv ts ori^Xiyv XiBiv^v km arrjaay roifs 2f [pjo[iroiov£ fV r^ 
T^f] *A0rjvas ifp^. 

Sigeum : Herod. 5. 95 rA *A$ffvaiov t6 iv Siyciy. 

Ilium, *•, »«n. 

Scepsis, ". 

Phocaea : Paus. 7* 5* 4 ^^ ^* SKkov^ h 'Ittw^ miow firfXajScv vwA ncp- 

Istros, "'. 
Lydia, *''^. 

Pergamon, wm, wd^ »7^ 
Erythrae, ^k, ", ^^, "», '«c. 
Smyrna, ^^, 

Ephesus : Strabo, 634 17 bi nokis ^» r6 ir<iKai6v ntpl r6 *A^racoy t6 vvp 

Miletus, **. 
Priene, "l 
Pedasae, near Halicarnassus : Herod, i. 175 17 Uptiri rfjs *A0rjvairf9. 

HalicamaSSUS : C, I. Or, 2660 'ABrfvaiff dcxan^v hnifi<r€ Maxfdwv 

^lowvaiov 'HpoicXcfon/ff, ? fourth century B.C. 
Phaselis, '*<>. 
Pamphylia, '^. 

Perge : C /. Gr, 4342 b Upttav *ABrivat (Roman period). 
Side : Strabo, 667 Kv/iaiW Sttoikos' ?x'^ ^ 'Affrjpas Up6w, Cf. C /. Gr, 

4352 AvprjXlov . . • firircXoOiTOF Gf/uy Ila/A^vXiaie^v cVi^or^/Hoy 
(?=€7rtdi;fiuiv) ^fo>v *A0ripas Ka\ *Air6Kk»vos, Cf. add. 4353* 
Cilicia : Appian, Anab. 2. 5, 9 avr6( dc (*AXc(ayd/}or) . . . cV Mayapabp 
^K€ Koi TJ *A6rivq. TJ Mayapaiii tf6v<r€v, 

Cyrrhestica. Athena KvppiyoTtV : Strabo, 751. 

Syria. Laodicea, ^ 

In Spain, near Abdera: Strabo, 157 fV 7^ 6puvg dtiianrrai 'odvaatia koI 

t6 Up6v Tijs *ABrjva9 hf avr^, a>r Jloa'ttda>pt6s rt €iprjKt xal *ApTtfUdapos 
Kal *A<rKKrj7rMris, 


7133 012 




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